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[148] code upon those principles, it could not be repealed, however objectionable it might be, and however the interests of the country might suffer in consequence; whereas, a slave code made by Congress could be repealed if found injurious to the country or unjust to any portion of its people. I objected to having a caucus dictate what the Committee on Resolutions should adopt, or interfere with its deliberations; but my point of order was overruled.

This new resolution involved an entire change of principles as to the slavery question from those which I supposed Judge Douglas held. If he was willing to make such a concession to the slave power to secure the votes of the South, I wanted none of him; but I could not hold him responsible, as he was not there.

I then introduced the resolutions of the Cincinnati platform of 1856, with the addition of a resolution that the United States should extend a like protection over its native born and naturalized citizens. To this clause no objection was made. My proposition was voted down in the committee by seventeen States to sixteen. The Douglas propositions were voted down by seventeen States, and the other propositions were carried by seventeen States,--fifteen slave States and two free States, Oregon and California. What became of the resolutions in the convention I have already stated.

I have also given the report adopted at Baltimore by the Breckenridge convention, and the only change made in the resolutions of the Breckenridge convention was to add a declaration against secession. I chose to support the nomination of Breckenridge because the question for the country to determine (leaving out the side show of the Bell and Everett candidature, which was to come to nothing), was between secession and the recognition of the Constitutional rights of slavery on the one side, and the submission of the governing power of the people on this great question to certain appointive officers under such declaration of legal principles, that, from their decision, there was no appeal or future revision. Therefore the giving of my support to my friend Breckenridge was a simple protest against the doctrine of secession.

On my return to Lowell, I was met with the most bitter and humiliating charges. When the district delegates who had elected me were called together to listen to my report, our very large city hall, capable of accommodating six thousand people, was completely

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