Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865

[679] will look for the same result from the total abandonment of its culture, consists in mistaking the nature of the kingdom of this potentate. His power is commercial and financial, not political. It has been one of the leading objects of Lord Palmerston, ever since he has been in office, to stimulate the production of cotton in his own dominions—or those of his sovereign—so as not to be dependent upon us for a supply. This he cannot do to any extent while his inexperienced producers have to compete with us. Cotton can be raised in their East India possessions and those of the western coast of Africa at eighteen or twenty cents a pound; but it cannot be raised there profitably, to any extent, in competition with us at eight or ten cents.

If assured, however, of no competition from this quarter, they could, or it is believed would, after a while get to producing it as cheaply as we can.

Improvements in agriculture are slower in their progress than in any other department of life. No one can safely or wisely say how cheaply cotton may or may not be grown in those countries with a few years' absolute control of the market, nor that the quality of the article may not be as good. No one can tell what may be effected by improvements in agriculture, and the introduction of new varieties suitable to climate and soil. More money can be made here by growing cotton now at eight cents a pound than could be made at eighteen cents forty years ago. The quality is also greatly superior to the old black seed. More persons can now pick three hundred pounds a day than could pick one hundred when I first recollect; and one hand and horse, or mule, can cultivate twice as much land. It is a great mistake, I think, to suppose cotton cannot be grown as cheaply, and with as good a staple, fine a fibre, in other countries as it can in this—not in all places where it is now grown, but in some.

We should not, therefore, think of abandoning the production of cotton with any idea of thereby advancing our interests, politically, abroad. This would be but playing into the hands of those powers who are trying to break it down. We have had to curtail it, and shall have to curtail it while the war lasts, especially while the blockade continues. Duty and patriotism, as well as necessity, require this. The first great object of all now should be to sustain our cause, to feed as well as clothe men in the field. To do this, besides raising sufficient provisions for home consumption, will necessarily require larger grain crops. To have an abundance for home consumption, and for the army, should be the object of every one. This is dictated by the highest considerations of home policy, and not from any view of advancing our interests abroad. On the contrary, after sufficient provisions are made for home consumption, and to supply the army, the more cotton that can be grown the better. How to regulate this is a difficult matter. When the duty rests upon all alike, to grow grain and raise stock for food, some may be disposed to neglect it. How to meet this difficulty is itself a difficult question. It might perhaps be done by each State passing a similar law upon the subject, limiting the production of each hand engaged in its culture. This would require concert of action. What the limitation should be I am not prepared to say. I have not the necessary estimates and statistics.

On the subject of foreign recognition, Mr. Stephens said he saw no change