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[172] of the streets, the canards of newspaper correspondents—whatever was floating through the atmosphere of that anxious period—however lightly regarded at the moment by the more intelligent, has since been drawn upon for materials to be used in the construction of what has been widely accepted as authentic history. Nothing would seem to be too absurd for such uses. Thus, it has been gravely stated that a caucus of Southern Senators, held in the early part of January, “resolved to assume to themselves the political power of the South”; that they took entire control of all political and military operations; that they issued instructions for the passage of ordinances of secession, and for the seizure of forts, arsenals, and customhouses; with much more of the like groundless fiction. A foreign prince, who served for a time in the federal army, and has since undertaken to write a history of The Civil War in America —a history the incomparable blunders of which are redeemed from suspicion of wilful misstatement only by the writer's ignorance of the subject—speaks of the Southern representatives as having “kept their seats in Congress in order to be able to paralyze its action, forming, at the same time, a center whence they issued directions to their friends in the South to complete the dismemberment of the republic.”1 And again, with reference to the secession of several states, he says that “the word of command issued by the committee at Washington was promptly obeyed.”2

Statements such as these are a travesty upon history. That the representatives of the South held conference with one another and took counsel together, as men having common interests and threatened by common dangers, is true, and is the full extent of the truth. That they communicated to friends at home information of what was passing is to be presumed, and would have been most obligatory if it had not been that the published proceedings rendered such communication needless. But that any such man, or committee of men, should have undertaken to direct the mighty movement then progressing throughout the South, or to control, through the telegraph and the mails, the will and the judgment of conventions of the people, assembled under the full consciousness of the dignity of that sovereignty which they represented, would have been an extraordinary degree of folly and presumption.

The absurdity of the statement is further evident from a consideration of the fact that the movements which culminated in the secession of the several states began before the meeting of Congress. They were

1 History of the Civil War, by the Count of Paris; American translation, Vol. I, p. 122.

2 Ibid., p. 125.

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