English Assaults upon American institutions.
The evident satisfaction with which the London
Times avails itself of the absurd libels of its New York namesake against the people of
Richmond, to make a fresh onslaught upon Southern society, is welcomed with great delight by our enemies in this country, as well on account of its concurrence of sentiment with their own views, as the proof it seems to afford, that in no event need the
South expect to find friends in the
British empire in any future time of need.--Considering the acknowledged dependence of
England upon the
United States for her entire supply of cotton, and the conceded fact that the deprivation of that supply even for a single year would overwhelm her manufacturing and commercial interests, and prepare the way for a revolution, it appears mysterious and inexplicable that she should enlist so ardently and persistently in a crusade against that kind of labor which is essential to the production of a staple as important to her prosperity as to our own. Were such demonstrations as those of the London
Times confined, to the noisy precincts of Exeter Hall, the matter would not appear imcomprehensible. But when the leading organs of public opinion, the representatives of all parties and all interests, vie with each other in denunciations of our domestic institutions, and when intelligent and sagacious statesmen encourage and foster sentiments and movements which have in view the overthrow of a system of labor which is of vital moment to British interests, it is difficult to reconcile such conduct with the provident foresight for her own welfare which has ever been manifested by the
British Government.
There is but one mode in which the course of the leading minds of
Great Britain upon this subject can be made to harmonize with those principles of common sense and self preservation which are and ought to be the controlling influence of wise rulers.
And we commend to our countrymen, especially, this solution of the problem.
It is the steady and determined purpose of
Great Britain to destroy her principal commercial and her future manufacturing rival, the
United States.
We do not allege any such hostility against her people at large, nor do we believe that the prejudices and collisions of the past are still rankling in their bosoms.
But we know that nations have no other principles, affinities or affections than their interests; that the interests of
Great Britain are involved in preserving her commercial and manufacturing pre-eminence, and that the
United States is the only rival she has to fear in either of these fields of enterprise.
It is evident enough that this rival cannot be put out of the way by war. We are too far removed from her, even if we were feeble instead of strong, to be easily conquered by the sword.
The experiment of 1812 does not encourage a renewal of that experiment.
Moreover, war would cut off one of her best customers, as well as deprive her of her supplies of cotton.
In this state of things she looks for a weak place in our system, and she thinks she finds it in Southern institutions.
In one portion of the
Union exists a peculiar kind of labor, introduced here by herself, and which is essential to the cultivation of the chief staples.
In another portion, this kind of labor is not found, and there is a prejudice against it. With her accustomed adroitness,
England manifests no antipathy, but rather a preference of that section which is alone the commercial and manufacturing section, and which is alone her rival and competitor, appearing to place a higher value upon sympathy of sentiment in abstract notions about slavery, than upon any considerations, however vast, of self-interest.
And yet, is it not easy to perceive that, if she is keeping calmly and steadily in view the removal of a commercial and manufacturing rival, she is pursuing, by this apparent hostility to a section which is not her rival in these respects, the course best adapted to promote her ends?
If she can stimulate and foster Northern prejudice against Southern institutions, until it becomes a passion that overrides fidelity to the
Constitution and the
Union, she paves the way to the inevitable dissolution of the
Confederacy, and the consequent overthrow of her great commercial rival, while she herself need lose none of the advantages from that dissolution which she enjoys under the present state of things, but, on the contrary, may reap vast additional benefits.
Let our Northern countrymen reflect whether
Great Britain is not making a more cats paw of them upon this abolition subject.
Let them consider whether
Great Britain may not be aiming a real blow at Northern commerce and manufactures, under the cover of a pretended one at Southern slavery?
Let them just suppose that
Great Britain, having succeeded in setting North and South by the ears on the slavery subject, and thus dissolved the
Union, should suddenly wheel round, cast off her mask of false philanthropy, form a treaty with the planting States, and at once secure their cotton and their commerce!
That this is an absurd conjecture, no one will pretend who is acquainted with the character or history of
Great Britain.
When did she ever sacrifice interest to principle, or commerce to consistency?
Who but herself supplied the world with slave labor, when it was necessary to stock her colonies and enrich her tradesmen with that kind of enterprise?
If real philanthropy is her rule of action, how can she reconcile it to her sensitive conscience to embark in the Coolie trade, to force opium upon the Chinese at the point of the bayonet, and to subject her vast
East India population to the most abject and degraded vassalage?
Which is most likely — that such a people should sacrifice Pelf to Principle, or Principle to Pelf?
For ourselves, we know not what truth there is in the charge that disappointed Southern communities are looking to
England, in a certain contingency, for succor and co-operation.
If it be true, however, it is no great compliment to the character of their contemplated ally.
It implies a cool and thorough conviction that she does not believe a word she has ever uttered upon the subject of Southern institutions, and that she is the most insidious, hypocritical and mercenary of Governments.
In this estimate, we dare say they are not wide of the mark.
We apprehend however, that, if any portion of the
South should separate from the
Union, it would have a higher ambition than to become a British plantation.
We believe that, whenever it becomes willing to relinquish the position of independent States, and become the appendage of a foreign government,
England is about the last Government on the face of the earth which it will willingly select as its ally.
Not that it would have anything to fear from undue interference with its property when it becomes the interest of
Great Britain to respect its rights.
But simply because, as long as American interests and an American spirit exists, it will not willingly permit
Great Britain to reap the fruits of her own insidious and malignant machinations; it will trace to her the alienation of our national household, the premature blight of our national hopes, the social and political woes that disturb our unhappy country.
If she ever does succeed in her policy of "divide and conquer," we hope and trust that the spoils and trophies of that victory will never be reaped by
her hands.
