Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
In the midst of unprecedented political troubles we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests.
You will not be surprised to learn that, in the peculiar exigencies of the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.
A disloyal portion of the
American people have, during the whole year, been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the
Union.
A nation which endures factious domestic divisions is exposed to disrespect abroad, and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign intervention.
Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them.
The Rebel Invocation of foreign aid.
The disloyal citizens of the
United States, who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they probably expected.
If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations, in this case, discording all moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen their way to their object more directly or clearly through the destruction than through the preservation of the
Union.
If we could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a second argument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.
The question of International commerce.
The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment of commerce.
These nations, however, not improbably saw from the first that it was the
Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic commerce.
They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more durable peace, and a more extensive, valuable and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.
Coast and General public defences.
It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign States, because, whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of our country and the stability of our Government mainly depends not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the
American people.
The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted.
I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence and liberality towards foreign Powers, averting causes of irritation, and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.
Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other State, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defences on every side, while, under this general recommendation, provision for defending our coast line readily occurs to the mind.
I also, in the same connection, ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers.
It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements at well selected points upon these, would be of great importance to the national defence and preservation.
I ask attention to the views of the
Secretary of War, expressed in his report upon the same general subjects.
I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of
East Tennessee and
Western North Carolina should be connected with
Kentucky and other faithful parts of the
Union by railroad.
I, therefore, recommend, as a military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such road as speedily as possible.
Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and through her Legislature make the most judicious selection of a line.
The Northern terminus must connect with some existing railroad; and whether the route shall be from
Lexington or
Nashville to the
Cumberland Gap, or from
Lebanon to the
Tennessee line, in the direction of
Knoxville, or on some still different line, can easily be determined.
Kentucky and the
General Government co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time; and when done it will not only be of vast present usefulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost in all the future.
New foreign treaties.
Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having no great political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted to the Senate for their consideration.
Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial Powers to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor of maritime war, we have removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform, except such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence.
The detention of the British Ship Perthshire.
I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic Majesty's Minister, accredited to this Government, and the
Secretary of State, relative to the detention of the British ship
Perthshire, in June last by the
United States steamer
Massachusetts, for a supposed breach of the blockade.
As the detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that we should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict right, as sanctioned by public law, I recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention.
Surplus of claims against China.
I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor, in his annual Message to congress in December last, in regard to the disposition of the surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American citizens against
China, pursuant to the awards of the
Commissioners under the act of the 3d of March, '59.
If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recommendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for investing the principal over the proceeds of the surplus referred to in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction of such other just claim of our citizens against
China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade with that empire.
Protection of commerce on the seas from pirates.
By the act of the 5th of August last Congress authorized the
President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against and to capture pirates.--This authority has been exercised in a single instance only.
For the more effectual protection of our extensive and valuable commerce, in the
Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any prizes which pirates may make of the
United States vessels and their cargoes, and the
Consular courts, established by law in Eastern countries, to adjudicate the cases, in the event that this should not be objected to by the local authorities.
Recognition of the sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia
If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and
Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation of maintaining a Charge d' Affairs near each for those new States.
It does not admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties with them.
The Taking up of the national loan.
The operations of the Treasury during the period which has elapsed since your adjournment have been conducted with signal success.
The patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the
Government the large means demanded by the public exigencies.
Much of the national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence in their country's faith, and zeal for their country's deliverance from its present peril, have induced them to contribute to the support of the
Government the whole of their limited acquisitions.
This fact imposes peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action.
The revenue receipts to June last.
The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial year ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was eighty-six millions eight hundred and thirty- five thousand nine hundred dollars and twenty seven cents, and the expenditures for the same period, including payments on account of the public debt were eighty-four millions five hundred and seventy-eight thousand and thirty four dollars and forty-seven cents, leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st of July of two millions two hundred and fifty-seven thousand and sixty-five dollars and eighty cents. For the first quarter of the financial year ending on the 30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the balance of July 1, were one hundred and two millions five hundred and thirty-two thousand five hundred and nine dollars and twenty-seven cents, and the express ninety-eight millions two hundred and thirty-nine thousand seven hundred and thirty-three dollars and nine cents, leaving a balance on the 1st of October 1861,
of four millions two hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hundred and seventy-six dollars and eighteen cents.
The Estimates for the Forthcoming year, &C.
Estimates for the remaining three-quarters of the year and for the financial year of 1863, together with his views of the ways and means for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress by the
Secretary of the Treasury.
It is gratifying to know that the expenses made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus far sustained the
Government will continue to sustain it till peace and union shall again bless the land.
The strength of the United States army.
I respectfully refer to the report of the
Secretary of War for information respecting the numerical strength of the army, and for recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and the well-being of the various branches of the service entrusted to his care.
It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field.
I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army.
The recommendation of the
Secretary for an organization of the militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious attention of Congress.
The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the Military Academy.
Military Chaplains for hospitals Recommended.
By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains for the hospitals occupied by the volunteers.
This subject was brought to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at the dates respectively named, and stated in a schedule containing also the form of the letter marked A, and here with transmitted.
These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully therein ever since.
I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army.
I further suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals as well as with regiments.
Efficiency of the United States Navy.
The report of the
Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase its efficiency and power.
Such have been the additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and brought into service since our difficulties commenced.
Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever before assembled under our flag have been put afloat, and performed deeds which have increased our naval renown.
A more perfect organization of the Navy Recommended.
I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the
Secretary for a more perfect organization of the navy, by introducing additional grades in the service.
The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the suggestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to and promote harmony and increase the efficiency of the navy.
The vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court.
There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two by the decease of
Justices Daniel and
McLean, and one by the resignation of
Justice Campbell.
I have so far for borne making nominations to fill the vacancies for reasons which I will now state.
Two of the outgoing judges resided within the States now overrun by revolt.
So that if successors were appointed in the same localities, they could not now serve upon their circuits, and many of the most competent men there probably would not take the personal hazard of accepting to serve even here upon the
Supreme bench I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the
South on the return of peace, although I may remark that to transfer to the
North one which has heretofore been in the
South would not, with reference to territory and population, be unjust.
The Western Circuit too large.
During the long and brilliant judicial career of
Judge McLean his circuit grew into an empire altogether too large for any one
Judge to give the
Courts therein more than a nominal attendance — rising in population from one million four hundred and seventy thousand and eighteen in 1830, to six millions one hundred and fifty-one thousand four hundred and five in 1860.
Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial system.
If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all the States shall be accommodated with Circuit Courts, attended by Supreme Judges; while, in fact,
Wisconsin,
Minnesota,
Iowa,
Kansas,
Florida,
Texas,
California, and
Oregon have never had any such Courts.
Nor can this well be remedied without a change of the system, because the adding of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of the country with Circuit Courts, would create a court altogether too numerous for a judicial body of any sort, and the evil of it be one that will increase as new States come into the
Union.
Circuit Courts are useful or they are not useful.
If useful, no State should be denied them; if not useful, no State should have them.
Let them be provided for all or abolished as to all.
Modifications of the Supreme Court.
Three modifications occur to me, either of which I think would be an improvement upon our present system.
Let the Supreme Court be of convenient number in every event.
Then, first, let the whole country be divided into circuits of convenient size — the
Supreme Judges to serve in a number of them, corresponding to their own number, and independent Circuit Judges be provided for all the rest.
Or, secondly, let the
Supreme Judges be relieved from circuit duties, and Circuit Judges provided for all the circuits.
Or, thirdly, dispense with Circuit Courts altogether, leaving the judicial functions wholly to the
District Courts and independent Supreme Court.
Remedy for the present inconveniences of the statute laws.
I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of them.
Since the organization of the
Government Congress has enacted some five thousand acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than six thousand closely-printed pages, and are scattered through many volumes Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions are often obscure in themselves or in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the best-in- formed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law really is.
It seems to me very important that the statue laws should be made as plain and intelligent as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass as may consist with the fulness and precision of the will of the Legislature and the perspicuity of its language; these, well done, would, I think greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them in a more accessible and intelligible form the laws which so deeply affect their interests and their duties.
The acts of Congress to be Condensed into one or two volumes.
I am informed by some, whose opinion I respect, that all the acts of Congress, now in force and of a permanent and general nature, might be revised and rewritten so as to be embraced in one volume, or at least two volumes of ordinary and convenient size, and I respectfully recommend to Congress to consider the subject, and if my suggestion be approved, to devise some plan as their wisdom shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the entire suppression in many places of all ordinary means of administering civil justice by the officers and in the forms of existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of these States, the practical evil becomes more apparent.--There are no Courts, nor officers, to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful crime against citizens of the insurgent States, and there is a vast amount of debt constituting such claims.
Some have estimated it as high as two hundred millions of dollars, due in large part from insurgents, in open rebellion, to loyal citizens who are even now making great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the
Government.
Military Courts to be Temporarily established.
Under these circumstances I have been urgently solicited to establish, by military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases.
I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the and proposed — the collection of the debts — was just and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of
necessity in the unusual exercise of power.
But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be under control of this Government, whether by a voluntary return to allegiance and order, or by the power of our arms; this, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be re-established in peace.
Settlement of claims against the Government.
It is important that some more convenient means should be provided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the
Government, especially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is as much the duty of Governments to render prompt justice against itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer the same between private individuals.
the investigation and adjudication of claims, in their nature, belong to the judicial department besides, it is apparent that the attention of Congress will be more than usually engaged, for some time to come, with great national questions.
It was intended by the organization of the Court of Claims mainly to remove this branch of business from the halls of Congress; but while the court has proved to be an effective and valuable means of investigation, it, in a great degree, falls to effect the object of its creation, for want of power to make its judgments final.--Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the subject, I commend to your careful consideration whether this power of making judgment final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary.
Postal revenue and Expenditure.
I ask attention to the report of the Post-master General, the following being a summary statement of the condition of the department:
The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of seven hundred thousand dollars for the transportation of free mail matter, was nine million forty-nine thousand two hundred and ninety-six dollars and forty cents, being about two per cent, less than the revenue for 1860.
The expenditures were thirteen millions six hundred and six thousand seven hundred and fifty- nine dollars and eleven cents, showing a decrease of more than eight per cent., as compared with those of the previous year, and leaving an excess of expenditures over the revenue for the last fiscal year of over five hundred and fifty seven thousand four hundred and sixty-two dollars and seventy one cents. The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1862, is estimated at an increase of four per cent, on that of 1861, making eight millions six hundred and eighty-three thousand dollars, to which should be added the earnings of the department in carrying free matter viz: Seven hundred thousand dollars; making nine millions three hundred and eighty-three thousand dollars. The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at twelve millions five hundred and twenty-eight thousand dollars, leaving an estimated deficiency of three million one hundred and forty-five thousand dollars to be supplied from the Treasury, in addition to the permanent appropriation.
Virginia portion of the District of Columbia.
The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this District across the
Potomac river, at the time of establishing the
Capital here, was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the
State of Virginia was unwise and dangerous.
I summit for your consideration the expediency of regaining that part of the
District and the restoration of the original boundaries thereof through negotiations with the
State of Virginia.
Department of the Interior.
The report of the
Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying documents, exhibit the condition of the several branches of the public business pertaining to that department.
The depressing influences of the insurrection have been especially felt in the operations of the Patent and
General Land Offices.
The cash receipts from the sales of public lands during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only about two hundred thousand dollars. The sales have been entirely suspended in the
Southern States, while the interruptions to the business of the country and the diversion of large numbers of men from labor to military service have obstructed settlements in the new States and Territories of the
Northwest.
Patent Office receipts declined.
The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about one hundred thousand dollars, rendering a large reduction of the force employed necessary to make it self- sustaining.
Pension Office demands increasing — rebels to be Struck off the list.
The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the insurrection.
Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the casualties of the existing war, have already been made.
There is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension roll, and in receipt of the bounty of the
Government, are in the ranks of the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort.
The
Secretary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof of their disloyalty.
I recommend that Congress authorize that officer of cause the names of such persons to be stricken from the pension roll.
Indian troubles caused by the rebellion.
The relations of the
Government with the
Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the
Southern Superintendency and in that of
New Mexico.
The Indian country south of
Kansas is in possession of the insurgents from
Texas and
Arkansas.
The agents of the
United States, appointed since the 4th of March for this superintendency, have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of those who were in office before that time have exposed the insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of the commission from the insurrectionists.
It has been stated in the public press that a portion of these Indians have been organized as a military force, and are attached to the army of the insurgents.
Although the
Government has no official information upon the subject, letters have been written to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, by several prominent chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty to the
United States, and expressing a wish for the presence of the
Federal troops to protect them.
It is believed, that upon the repossession of the country by the
Federal forces, the Indians will readily cease all hostile demonstrations, and resume their former relations to the
Government.
Bureau of Agriculture Recommended.
Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a department nor a bureau, but a clerkship only assigned to it in the
Government.
While it is fortunate that this great interest is so independent in its nature as not to have demanded and extorted more from the
Government, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something more cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage.
Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, would present a fund of information of great practical value to the country.
While I make no suggestion as to details.
I venture the opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably be organized.
Slave trade report.
The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior.
It is a subject of congratulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success.
Five vessels fitted out for the slave trade have been seized and condemned.
Two mates engaged in the trade, and one person in equipping a vessel as a slave, have been convicted and subjected to the penalty of a fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of offence under our laws, the punishment of which is death.
The New Territories in the West.
The
Territories of
Colorado, Dacotah, and
Nevada, created by the last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying, when it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new countries when the
Federal officers arrived there.
The abundant natural resources of there Territories, with the security and protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the country to its accustomed channels.
I submit the resolutions of the Legislature of
Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the
Territory.
So far the authority of the
United States has been upheld in all the
Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future.
I commend their interests and defence to the enlightened and generous care of Congress.
Interests in the District of Columbia to be considered.
I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests of the District of Columbia.
The insurrection has been the cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants; and as they have no representative in Congress; that body should not over look their just claims upon the
Government.
The Exhibition of industry of 1862.
At your late session a joint resolution was adopted, authorizing the
President to take measures for facilitating a proper representative of the industrial interests of the
United States at the
Exhibition of the industry of All Nations, to be holden at
London in the year 1862.
I regret to say I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject — a
subject at once so interesting in itself and extensively and intricately connected with material prosperity of the world.
Through the
Secretaries of State and of the internal plan or system has been devised and part matured which will be laid before you.
Colonization of Emancipated Slaves.
Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled "An act to Confiscate Property and for insurrectionary Purposes." approved August 6, 1861 the legal claims of certain person to the labor and services of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers the latter thus liberated are already dependent on the
United States and must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is impossible that some of the States will m similar enactments for their own benefits selectively, and by the operation of while persons of the same class will be throw upon them for disposal.
In such case, I recommend that Congress provided for acceptation such persons from such States, according to some mode of valuation, is
protanto of direct taxes, or upon any other plan to be agreed on with sudden States, respectively, that such persons, such acceptance by the
General Government be at once deemed free; and that in any every steps be taken for colonizing both classes, the one first mentioned, if the other shall be brought into existence, at some place places in a climate congenial to them.
I might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the
United States could not, so far as individuals may desired, be included in such colonization.
carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of territory, and also appropriation of money beyond that to be suspended in the territorial acquisition.
Having practiced the acquisition of history for nearly sixty years the question of constitutional power to do. is no longer an open one with The power was at first questioned by
Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of
Louisiana yielded his souples on the pleas of great expediency.
If it be said that the only legitimate object of acquiring territories is to furnish homes for white men, this measure effaces that object, for the engraven of colored men leaves additional room for will men remaining or coming here.
Mr. Jefferson however, placed the importance of procuring
Louisiana more on political and commercial grounds than on providing room for population.
The integrity of the Union the Patman object of the war.
On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the actuation of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute necessity, without which the
Government cannot be perpetuated.
The war continues.
In considering the policy to be adopted for suppressing the insurer have been anxious and careful that the they table conflict for this purpose shall not de generate into a violent and remorseless struggle.
I have, therefore, in every case, thought it proper to keep the integrity of the
Union prominent as the primary object of the outset on our part, leaving a questions which are not of vital military importance to the more deliberate action of the legislature.
In the exercise of my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of the pors held h the insurgents, instead of putting in force, the proclamation, the law of Congress enacted the last session for closing those ports.
also, obeying the dictates of prudence well as the obligations of law, instead of transcending, I have adhered to the act Congress to confiscate property, and for insurrectionary purposes.
If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered.
the Union must be preserved, and hence all dispensable means must be employed.
We should nother in haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable.
The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration, and the Message to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and consequence war have sprung.
Nothing now occurs add to, or subtract from, the principles of general purposes stated and expressed in these documents.
The last ray of hope for preserving the
Union peaceably expired at the assault upon
Fort Sumter, and a
general review of what has occurred since may not be unprofitable.
What was painfully uncertain then is much better defined and more distinctly now, and the progress of events is plainly in the right direction.
The slave States of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri unchangeably Banked of the side of the Union.
The insurgents confidently claimed strong support from north of
Mase and
Dixon's line, and the friends of the were not free from apprehension on the point.
This, however was soon settled definitely and on the right side.
South of the line noble little
Delaware led off right from the first.
Maryland was made to seem against the
Union, our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroad form as within her limits, and we were many myself one time without the ability to bring a Singh regiment over her soil to the capital.
Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and open to the
Government.
She already give seven regiments to the cause of the
Union and none to the enemy, and her people at regular election, have sustained the
Union by a large majority, and a larger aggregate ol than they ever before gave to any candidate or any question.
Kentucky, too, for some time in debt.
It now decidedly and. I think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the
Union.
Missouri is comparatively quiet, and I believe cannot again be overrun by the insurrectionists.
These three States of
Maryland Kentucky, and
Missouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first have now an aggregate of not less than 40,000 in the field for the
Union; while of their citizens, certainly not more than a third number and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubt existence, are in arms against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the
Union people of
Western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own country.
An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating the narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac and
Northampton, and known as the Eastern Shore of
Virginia, together with some contiguous parts of
Maryland, have laid down their arms, and the people there have renewed their allegiance to and accepted the protection of the old flag.
This leave no armed insurrection north of the
Potomac or east of the
Chesapeake.
Also we have obtained a footing at each at the isolated points on the
Southern coast of
Hatteras,
Port Royal,
Tybee Island, near
Savannah, and
Ship Island, and we likewise have some general accounts of pophisr movements in behalf of the
Union in
N. Carolina and
Tennessee.
These things demonstrate that the course of the
Union is advancing steadily southward.
Since your last adjournment
Lieutenant General Scott has retired from the best of the army.
During his long life the nation has not been unmindful of his merit, yet one calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly he has served the country from time far back in our history, when few of other now living had been born, and therefore ward continually, I cannot but think that we are still his debtor.
I submit, therefore, for your consideration what further mark of recognition is due to him and ourselves as a grateful people.
Appointment of Gen. M' Clellan as commander in
With the retirement of
Gen. Scott came the executive duty of appointing in his stead a General- in-
Chief of the army.
It is a forts fate circumstance that neither in council no country was there, so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected.
The retiring Chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of
General McClellan for the position, and in this the nation seemed to give unanimous concurrence.
The designation of
General McClellan is therefore in a considerable degree the selection of the country as well as of the
Executive, and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial support thus by fair implication promised, and without which he cannot with so full efficiency serve the country.
It has been said that one bad General is better than two good ones, and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than an army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superior one at variance and cross purposes.
And the same is true in all joint operations where in those engaged can have none but a common and it view, and can differ only as to the choice of means.
In a storm at see, no one on board can wish the ship to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down together, because too many will direct and no single mind can be allowed to control.
The insurrection is against the rights of the people.
It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government.--the rights of the people.
Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and may surely considered public documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents.
In these documents we find the abridgement of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the election of public officer, except the legislative body, advocated with labored arguments to prove that large control of the
Government in the people is the source of all point le Monarchy itself a sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.
Consideration of Capital and labor--'Particular rights and popular institution.
It is not needed nor fitting here that a gen
