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Venice (Italy) (search for this): article 8
It is just therefore, to inquire for whose advantage it would come again into existence. We have seen it would not be for that of Africa or of the negro. It could not be for that of the seceder, as the miseries of New Orleans have explained, where that rule has been established and these terrors have been felt which would the to all the cities of the territory. Who says they ought not to perish rather than submit to a yoke more bitter and degrading than was ever known yet in Warsaw or in Venice?. But would be restored for the advantage of the North. It is for a despotism that the people of the North are pouring out their blood, and tarnishing their glory. Already it exists. It had its birth in war, and it would take its immortality from conquest. Then, would the Union be restored for the advantages of the world? What country would be safe? What country would be free? Would Poland when the only friend and patron of the Czar recovered his original dimensions? At first, i
France (France) (search for this): article 8
by phrases, and will not come to terms with what they have been hounded on to look at as rebellion. But they can see a fact when Europe blazous it before them, and they will be awakened by her judgment to the nature of the foreign war on which their treasure and their happiness are wasted. When Europe has acknowledged it, the independence of the South may be debated in the Senate and the House, where no one now can venture to advert to it. A probable result of such a measure, if pursued by France, Great Britain, and other neutral States together, is that it would weaken in the Executive at Washington its borrowing ability, because their loans are founded on the chances of reconquest; and reconquest would then appear what it is, a vision and a mockery. And it would do so with good reason. Victorious already, animated then, the Southern armies would be doubly irresistible. Another practical effort of recognition would be that the belligerents might then endeavor to negotiate, wh
United States (United States) (search for this): article 8
yet at their hands receive the safety of our citizens. Great Britain sound to Recognize by Policy. A noble earl who gained his in the East, well pointed out to us last session that, whenever the war closed Canada would be endangered. If victorious; the Northern States might attack it in the drunkenness of pride; if defeated, in the bitterness of torture. Some men out of doors, have been so infatuated as to hold that by carefully abstaining from any this gives umbrage to the United States we should defend it. As if aggressive powers had ever been restrained by waiting pretexts for the wars they were inclined to. The security of Canada is quickly seen by your lordships to reside in one circumstance alone — the danger of attacking it. That danger will at least be greater when the Southern power is kindly to Great Britain when it is estranged, inasmuch as the aggressive State will then have to contemplate the chance of an attack upon his rear as well as the blockade of his
West Indies (search for this): article 8
es; but we are neither able nor entitled to prolong it for her safety. The civil war may close after the acknowledgment of Southern independence by the Emperor, although Great Britain has shared that The friendly disposition of the South is there fore necessary to us; it is attainable, and if we wantonly forego it, if we allow the war to close before we have acknowledged, both the separated powers being irrevocably hostile to us, we may be forced, now to guard Canada from one, the West Indies from the other. Our diplomatists, moreover, would have no influence or voice in the Confederacy, whether they attempted to soften the resentments which the war had left behind it, to gain legitimate advantages in trade, to deprecate aggressive views, or to improve the situation of the negro. Evils of the Union The only other sentiment which, in the event of other neutrals being prepared, might indispose the country to acknowledgment, is a lingering idea that the cause of freedom
Amsterdam (New York, United States) (search for this): article 8
al effort of recognition would be that the belligerents might then endeavor to negotiate, which it is clear they cannot do at present. A separate result would be to put an end to all the idle dreams of recoast action and of union which are floating in America, and which serve to prolong the war, because they disincline the North to the only basis upon which the close of it is possible. Is the issue doubtful? And is the issue doubtful? The capitalists of London, Frankfort, Paris, Amsterdam, are not of that opinion. Within the last few days the Southern loan has reached the highest place in our market. £3,000,000 were required.--£9,000,000 were subscribed for. The loan is based upon the security of cotton, and it has been well known for a twelvemonth that as the invaders march that security must perish. But what is the opinion of military men upon the issue? The Emperor of the French, having been brought up as a soldier — having given a long life to military science, and h
Canada (Canada) (search for this): article 8
y Policy. A noble earl who gained his in the East, well pointed out to us last session that, whenever the war closed Canada would be endangered. If victorious; the Northern States might attack it in the drunkenness of pride; if defeated, in the As if aggressive powers had ever been restrained by waiting pretexts for the wars they were inclined to. The security of Canada is quickly seen by your lordships to reside in one circumstance alone — the danger of attacking it. That danger will at lte will then have to contemplate the chance of an attack upon his rear as well as the blockade of his seaboard. No doubt Canada is safe white the civil war continues; but we are neither able nor entitled to prolong it for her safety. The civil war se before we have acknowledged, both the separated powers being irrevocably hostile to us, we may be forced, now to guard Canada from one, the West Indies from the other. Our diplomatists, moreover, would have no influence or voice in the Confedera
England (United Kingdom) (search for this): article 8
to advert to it. A probable result of such a measure, if pursued by France, Great Britain, and other neutral States together, is that it would weaken in the Executivmatter how well sustained the as regards forces, number, and revenue. Great Britain bound to Recognize by honor. If noble lords agree, therefore, with the nt of Washington itself, that the issue is not doubtful, and if, therefore, Great Britain has the right to acknowledge Southern independence, why ought she to exerci territory, and yet at their hands receive the safety of our citizens. Great Britain sound to Recognize by Policy. A noble earl who gained his in the East,. That danger will at least be greater when the Southern power is kindly to Great Britain when it is estranged, inasmuch as the aggressive State will then have to c after the acknowledgment of Southern independence by the Emperor, although Great Britain has shared that The friendly disposition of the South is there fore n
s of the House of Orleans, who served with Gen. McClellan, are thought to have inspired the excellent account of the campaign which appeared on October 15th, in the Reven des Deaux Mondes, and which has also tended to disperse the vision of reconquest. To the same scale of judgment Gen. Scott appears, by recent revelation, to contribute. And this, too, is remarkable.--Not one military man in the North is known to view reconquest as attainable. Neither Gen. McClellan, Burnside, Rosecrans, McDowell, Halleck, or Buell, have ever publicly declared, so far as it has reached us, that the object of the Government they serve under is feasible. The cheap, ignominious task of prophesying triumph has been wisely left to the voluminous dispatch writer, Seward, who, whatever be his virtues or accomplishments, is no more qualified to judge the issue of campaigns than he is to guide the movements of battles. It is, therefore, necessary to inquire what proof, then, of its ability has this agg
possible. The Princes of the House of Orleans, who served with Gen. McClellan, are thought to have inspired the excellent account of the campaign which appeared on October 15th, in the Reven des Deaux Mondes, and which has also tended to disperse the vision of reconquest. To the same scale of judgment Gen. Scott appears, by recent revelation, to contribute. And this, too, is remarkable.--Not one military man in the North is known to view reconquest as attainable. Neither Gen. McClellan, Burnside, Rosecrans, McDowell, Halleck, or Buell, have ever publicly declared, so far as it has reached us, that the object of the Government they serve under is feasible. The cheap, ignominious task of prophesying triumph has been wisely left to the voluminous dispatch writer, Seward, who, whatever be his virtues or accomplishments, is no more qualified to judge the issue of campaigns than he is to guide the movements of battles. It is, therefore, necessary to inquire what proof, then, of its
ame scale of judgment Gen. Scott appears, by recent revelation, to contribute. And this, too, is remarkable.--Not one military man in the North is known to view reconquest as attainable. Neither Gen. McClellan, Burnside, Rosecrans, McDowell, Halleck, or Buell, have ever publicly declared, so far as it has reached us, that the object of the Government they serve under is feasible. The cheap, ignominious task of prophesying triumph has been wisely left to the voluminous dispatch writer, Seward, who, whatever be his virtues or accomplishments, is no more qualified to judge the issue of campaigns than he is to guide the movements of battles. It is, therefore, necessary to inquire what proof, then, of its ability has this aggressive Cabinet developed is it in appointing superceding, or replacing the commanders it must loan on. Is it in their firm adherence to principles? At one time they were opposed to the invasion they have plunged into. Is it in their conduct about slavery? At
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