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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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Hampton Roads (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.6
ngress of the United States, on the 8th of February, 1865, requesting information from President Lincoln in relation to what occurred in the conference held at Hampton Roads, Mr. Lincoln said: On my part, the whole substance at the instructions to the Secretary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated and insisted upon, andher is that the submission by Mr. Lincoln of the form of such a joint resolution to his Cabinet was a refutation of my statement that no such offer was made at Hampton Roads. What sort of logic is this, coming from a great editor and an experienced writer? Does Mr. Watterson expect his readers to believe that because Mr. Lincoln may have submitted such a form of joint resolution to his Cabinet that this is evidence of his having made such a proposition in the conference at Hampton Roads? Let us look at another piece of Mr. Watterson's logic and facts. He says: Now, let us see how much more accurate and authoritative Judge Reagan is, when he flatly cont
Robert M. T. Hunter (search for this): chapter 1.6
the Confederates but unconditional submission to Federal authority. I will not go over that presentation of facts again, but will add to it two more statements—one by President Davis and one by President Lincoln. President Davis's statement. In submitting to the Confederate Congress the report of our commissioners to the Hampton Roads conference, President Davis said: I herewith transmit, for the information of Congress, the report of the eminent citizens above named (Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell), showing that the enemy refused to enter into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them separately, or to give to our people any other terms or guarantees than those which the conquerer may grant, or to permit us to have peace on any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled with the acceptance of their recent legislation on the subject of the relations between the white and black populations of each State. Such is, as I understan
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1.6
stion, thereby necessarily assuming that President Lincoln had made such an offer. The day on whhe second of the above propositions, was to Mr. Lincoln's annual message to Congress, of December, , that: In the preceding conversation Mr. Lincoln had intimated that payment for the slaves wis fable about the offer of $400,000,000 by Mr. Lincoln and its rejection by the Confederacy. Hot that he had never heard it intimated that Mr. Lincoln did make such an offer? If Mr. Watterson a statement: Thus it will be seen that Mr. Lincoln did, at the Fortress Monroe conference, inteagan's confident assertion that neither President Lincoln nor any other man on the Federal side wosations purporting to have occurred between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens. It will be remembered thatives of the Confederate States, said that Mr. Lincoln offered the Southern States nothing but unc the loss of the negroes as slaves, because Mr. Lincoln offered $400,000,000 for them at the Monroe[29 more...]
Sam Davis (search for this): chapter 1.6
terminated and its sacrifices avoided, if President Davis and the Confederate authorities had accepwill add to it two more statements—one by President Davis and one by President Lincoln. PresidenPresident Davis's statement. In submitting to the Confederate Congress the report of our commissioners to the Hampton Roads conference, President Davis said: I herewith transmit, for the informatioommissioners, or in any way made known to President Davis. If these gentlemen correctly remember opposition on the part of the friends of President Davis in the Confederate Congress, but finally mehow manage to leave the impression that President Davis failed of his duty in not accepting termtating that he (Reagan) being a member of President Davis's Cabinet, must know all about the facts,een made, nor was any such offer reported to Mr. Davis or his Cabinet, either in writing or verballissioners, who, as he said, stated orally to Mr. Davis all that occurred. It is proper to state[3 more...]
Stephen (search for this): chapter 1.6
d that I was mistaken. Colonel Blount, who in his boyhood had been a schoolmate of Mr. Stephens, wrote to him on the subject. Mr. Stephens promptly replied that it was not true that Mr. Lincoln had ever offered to pay any sum for the negroes of the South, and added: I think (as I now state from memory) that the only element of truth in the reference to the slaves of the South was so much mixed up and infused with falsehood as to make the entire assertion false. Colonel Blount showed me Mr. Stephen's letter, and it was published at his request, in the Texas Republican, at Marshall, and several other Texas newspapers. Colonel Blount's adversary, still not satisfied with the denial of Mr. Stephens, addressed a letter to Hon. John H. Reagan, stating that he (Reagan) being a member of President Davis's Cabinet, must know all about the facts, and telling him that it was his duty to state them for the information of the Southern people, and especially of the people of Texas. Judge
George E. James (search for this): chapter 1.6
any time said that if the South would lay down her arms and return to the Union she would receive pay for her slaves. Mr. Stephens replied that, if Mr. Lincoln had ever made a proposition of that kind he had never heard of it. I also quote the following from a letter written by the Hon. Frank B. Sexton, in March, 1895, and published in the newspapers at that time, in which he says: On the day after the return of the commissioners from the Fort Monroe conference, I was told by Senator James. L. Orr, a close friend of, and certainly in the confidence of Mr. Stephens, that Mr. Stephens had told him the night before, and just after the return of the commissioners, that the conference was utterly fruitless; that Mr. Lincoln offered the Confederate States nothing but unconditional submission; that we now had nothing to do but resist to the last, or surrender at discretion. On February 8, 1865 (I am able to give this date from an entry in my diary kept at the time), which was
W. A. Campbell (search for this): chapter 1.6
ates but unconditional submission to Federal authority. I will not go over that presentation of facts again, but will add to it two more statements—one by President Davis and one by President Lincoln. President Davis's statement. In submitting to the Confederate Congress the report of our commissioners to the Hampton Roads conference, President Davis said: I herewith transmit, for the information of Congress, the report of the eminent citizens above named (Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell), showing that the enemy refused to enter into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them separately, or to give to our people any other terms or guarantees than those which the conquerer may grant, or to permit us to have peace on any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled with the acceptance of their recent legislation on the subject of the relations between the white and black populations of each State. Such is, as I understand it, the eff
Felix G. Fontaine (search for this): chapter 1.6
aid about private interviews between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens. My position was, and is, that no such statement was made to the Confederate Commissioners as an inducement to bringing about peace. I have only combated the statements that such offer was made, and such as the payment of $400,000,000 were ever made as any part of an offer to influence the action of the Confederate Government. Mr. Watterson quotes very lengthy statements made by Mr. Howells, of Atlanta, Ga., and Mr. Felix G. De Fontaine, of Fifth avenue, New York, in relation to conversations purporting to have occurred between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens. It will be remembered that no one has said, and that there is not a particle of evidence to prove, that the private conversations said to have taken place between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens were known to the other commissioners, or in any way made known to President Davis. If these gentlemen correctly remember what Mr. Stephens said as to facts occurring t
John H. Reagan (search for this): chapter 1.6
he Richmond (Va.) Dispatch, July 27, 1897.] Judge Reagan on the Hampton Roads Conference. A reply t of Watertown, Tenn., under the head lines, Judge Reagan in Error, in which he took issue with me ondid, it is difficult to understand just why Judge Reagan should be so inconsistent. Let us see aon in an official document, notwithstanding Judge Reagan's confident assertion that neither Presidenee how much more accurate and authoritative Judge Reagan is, when he flatly contradicts the statemen of Mr. Stephens, addressed a letter to Hon. John H. Reagan, stating that he (Reagan) being a membeReagan) being a member of President Davis's Cabinet, must know all about the facts, and telling him that it was his duty them. Mr. Watterson says: I regret that Judge Reagan has seen fit to recur to a question I thouglso says that I have no personal motive, as Judge Reagan has, for making any special plea in favor onfederate authorities by Mr. Lincoln for the slaves, to secure peace and reunion. John H. Reagan. [1 more...]
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 1.6
Mr. Lincoln, in his private interview with Mr. Stephens at Fort Monroe, said to Mr Stephens, Let me private interviews between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens. My position was, and is, that no such stato have taken place between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens were known to the other commissioners, or is as were talked of between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stephens, or that any such information was ever commnly in the confidence of Mr. Stephens, that Mr. Stephens had told him the night before, and just aftdays after the return of the commissioners, Mr. Stephens in conversation with Hon. Clifford Anderson I think it also came from Senator Orr. Mr. Stephens again. Some time after the war, betwMr. Stephens, wrote to him on the subject. Mr. Stephens promptly replied that it was not true that ary, still not satisfied with the denial of Mr. Stephens, addressed a letter to Hon. John H. Reagan, between them. These statements show, what Mr. Stephens' book and the other evidence shows, that no[18 more...]
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