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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones). Search the whole document.

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1832 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
ctions of this country was inevitable, and, as we know, had all but commenced in 1832 while on the other hand its existence rendered the political principle of Stateld only revive the domestic dissension of the Nullification and Union parties of 1832. It is enough that a large party in the State understood his advice to be resises, to the fact that the late war in which we took part had all but commenced in 1832, and that the real question then was the same, the incident only different. The question in 1832 and in 1860 was as to the sovereignty of the State. The incident in 1832 was the tariff; the incident in 1860 was slavery. Well would it have bee1832 was the tariff; the incident in 1860 was slavery. Well would it have been for us had the question in 1860 turned upon the same incident as that in 1832. Would that we might have fought and shed our blood upon the dry question of the tari1832. Would that we might have fought and shed our blood upon the dry question of the tariff and taxation, instead of one upon which the world had gone mad. I cannot but think that our Convention of 1860 made a great mistake in the declaration of the ca
1820 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
time should be free; Vermont alone emancipated her seventeen slaves. Franklin, it is true, had organized an Abolition Society in 1787, but for many years, during which the Federal and National parties continued their controversies as to the form of government, it was only proposed to bring to bear upon the institution of slavery the sentiment of the people of the States. The power of the Federal Government to interfere in the matter was not even thought of. The admission of Missouri, in 1820, no doubt was strenuously resisted because her Constitution permitted slavery, and was only passed by Congress upon the compromise that slavery should not be introduced in the territories belonging then to the United States lying north of 36° 30′. But a moment's reflection will show that the moral offence of slavery could not have entered into the consideration of this compromise. For if slavery was wrong north of 36° 30′, was it not wrong also south of it? The opposition to the admission <
March 30th, 1864 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
ries of the dead, and place above all others the name of the great chief of whom we have written. In strategy mighty, in battle terrible, in adversity as in prosperity a hero indeed. With the simple devotion to duty and the rare purity of the ideal Christian knight he joined all the kingly qualities of a leader of men. It was in one of these last terrible days, my comrades, that your first captain and your last colonel fell, mortally wounded. In the fight at Hatcher's Run, on the 30th March, 1864, Colonel C. W. McCreary was shot through the lungs and died as he was carried to the breastworks. I need not remind you how admirable a soldier he was, how brave in battle, how skilfully he could handle a regiment in action, and how gentle he was to all around him. Educated in the State Military Academy, he was fully prepared for the command of the regiment to which he succeeded and which he led so gallantly and successfully in many engagements. I can still hear his voice ringing thro
1823 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
lge her philanthropy at the expense of a sudden emancipation. In 1790 there were 2,750 slaves, and so, like Rhode Island, she adopted a gradual plan of emancipation, by the slow and prudent workings of which, seventeen only of her slaves remained as such in 1840. Pennsylvania was in the same situation, having 3,737 slaves in 1790, and she, too, provided for gradual emancipation. The census of 1840 showed sixty-five negroes still in slavery; and in this State of Brotherly Love, as late as 1823, a negro woman was sold by the sheriff to pay the debts of her master. In New York, in which in 1790 there were 21,324 slaves, a similar act of gradual emancipation was passed (1799), by the operations of which, in 1840, all but four slaves had been gotten rid of, whether by emancipation, death, or shipment for sale at the South, can only be conjectured. New Jersey, though adopting the same scheme, was slower in getting rid of her slaves, 674 still remaining in 1840. Now, my comrades
July, 1860 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
s and planters, while Rhode Islanders imported for us 8,338. (See Judge Smith's Statistics—Year Book City of Charleston, 1880.) Again. More than fifty years after this, in 1858, the London Times charged that New York had become the greatest slave-trading mart in the world; and Vice-President Wilson, in his work upon the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, quotes from the New York daily papers that there were eighty-five vessels fitted out from New York, from February, 1859, to July, 1860, for the slave trade; that an average of two vessels each week clear out of our harbor, bound for Africa and a human cargo; that from thirty to sixty thousand (negroes) a year are taken from Africa to Cuba by vessels from the single port of New York. （Rise and Fall of Slave Trade in America, Volume II, page 618.) Is it not absurd, with these historical facts upon record, for the Northern people, especially the New Englanders, to charge us with the moral offence of slavery? Slavery a
1776 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
ter grounds in the address to the people of the other Southern States, in which was so ably and well shown that the issue was the same as that in the Revolution of 1776, and like that turned upon the one great principle, self-government, and self-taxation, the criterion of self-government. This latter address went on to show th the United States had become a consolidated government, and the people of the Southern States were compelled to meet the very despotism their fathers threw off in 1776. If, then, my comrades, our cause was just, as just as that of our forefathers in 1776, and one for which we might well indeed have endured hardship and risked 1776, and one for which we might well indeed have endured hardship and risked our lives and shed our blood, need we be ashamed of the fight we made for it? It is said that when the war commenced we vaunted that a single Southern soldier could whip three Yankees. Well, it was a very foolish boast, if made; as foolish as that of General Grant, about which I shall speak, and one which you, my comrades, wil
1777 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
te of New York. As Mr. Davis, in his work on The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Governitent, observes, it was for climatic, industrial and economical, not moral or sentimental, reasons that slavery was abolished in the Northern, while it continued to exist in the Southern States. It was the climate and the soil that forbade African slavery there and not philanthropy. Let us look at the facts. Vermont claims the honor of having first proposed to exclude slavery by her Bill of Rights in 1777, in anticipation of her separation from New York, but the census of 1790, the year before the separation took effect, shows that her frosts and snows had effectually done the work before, as there were, in fact, but seventeen slaves in the State to be emancipated. Slavery was introduced into Massachusetts soon after its first settlement, and was so tolerated there that as late as 1833 her Supreme Court could not say by what act, particularly, her institution was abolished. (Winchendon v. H
August 28th (search for this): chapter 1.28
, would appease the Northern desire that the Army of Northern Virginia should be whipped on a fair field. So Pope was tried; and you recollect, my comrades, that after a march of sixty miles in two days, on three ears of green corn apiece for rations, we broke our fast on Westphalia hams, Mocha coffee, and sherry wine out of his stores, and sent him back to Washington to tell that he was mistaken in telegraphing that he had captured Jackson and his corps. During those two terrible days (August 28-29), before Longstreet came up, our corps of 17,309 men withstood Pope's army of 74,578—you recollect with what terrible sacrifice to our brigade; and in the great battle of the 30th, after Longstreet had joined us, we had but 49,077 of all arms, and yet we gained a second victory on Manassas plains. At Sharpsburg you fought 35,255 under Lee against 87,164, which McClellan states in his official report that he had in action. At Fredericksburg, in which our brigade again suffered so sever
August 29th (search for this): chapter 1.28
ld appease the Northern desire that the Army of Northern Virginia should be whipped on a fair field. So Pope was tried; and you recollect, my comrades, that after a march of sixty miles in two days, on three ears of green corn apiece for rations, we broke our fast on Westphalia hams, Mocha coffee, and sherry wine out of his stores, and sent him back to Washington to tell that he was mistaken in telegraphing that he had captured Jackson and his corps. During those two terrible days (August 28-29), before Longstreet came up, our corps of 17,309 men withstood Pope's army of 74,578—you recollect with what terrible sacrifice to our brigade; and in the great battle of the 30th, after Longstreet had joined us, we had but 49,077 of all arms, and yet we gained a second victory on Manassas plains. At Sharpsburg you fought 35,255 under Lee against 87,164, which McClellan states in his official report that he had in action. At Fredericksburg, in which our brigade again suffered so severely, an
1840 AD (search for this): chapter 1.28
at State in 1790, and so one of them lived a slave in that free State as late as 1840. In the plantations of Rhode Island slaves were more numerous than in the othprovided a scheme of emancipation, which took a lifetime to work out, leaving in 1840 five slaves still in that State. Connecticut was too much interested to indul and prudent workings of which, seventeen only of her slaves remained as such in 1840. Pennsylvania was in the same situation, having 3,737 slaves in 1790, and she, too, provided for gradual emancipation. The census of 1840 showed sixty-five negroes still in slavery; and in this State of Brotherly Love, as late as 1823, a negrar act of gradual emancipation was passed (1799), by the operations of which, in 1840, all but four slaves had been gotten rid of, whether by emancipation, death, or the same scheme, was slower in getting rid of her slaves, 674 still remaining in 1840. Now, my comrades, what did this scheme of gradual or future emancipation mea
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