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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874..

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1838 AD (search for this): chapter 7
III. Although Mr. Sumner had not yet taken any prominent part in the anti-slavery movement, of which Boston was the chief centre, yet, as early as 1838 he had become a member of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and had fully made known his hostility to slavery. But he differed widely with Mr. Garrison, who cast off all allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, on the ground that it sanctioned slavery; while Mr. Sumner was determined to fight the battle inside of the Constitution; declaring, in the most unqualified terms, that this sacred instrument was hostile to slavery in all respects —that it was established in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, which he regarded as the charter of perpetual liberty to the nation. He insisted that while the Constitution did recognize the existence of involuntary servitude, and conceded temporarily certain privileges to slaveholders, yet, that the founders of the Instrument had no belief in the perpetuity of slave
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 7
III. Although Mr. Sumner had not yet taken any prominent part in the anti-slavery movement, of which Boston was the chief centre, yet, as early as 1838 he had become a member of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and had fully made known his hostility to slavery. But he differed widely with Mr. Garrison, who cast off all allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, on the ground that it sanctioned slavery; while Mr. Sumner was determined to fight the battle inside of the ConsMr. Sumner was determined to fight the battle inside of the Constitution; declaring, in the most unqualified terms, that this sacred instrument was hostile to slavery in all respects —that it was established in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, which he regarded as the charter of perpetual liberty to the nation. He insisted that while the Constitution did recognize the existence of involuntary servitude, and conceded temporarily certain privileges to slaveholders, yet, that the founders of the Instrument had no belief in the perpetuity of slave
William Lloyd Garrison (search for this): chapter 7
III. Although Mr. Sumner had not yet taken any prominent part in the anti-slavery movement, of which Boston was the chief centre, yet, as early as 1838 he had become a member of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and had fully made known his hostility to slavery. But he differed widely with Mr. Garrison, who cast off all allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, on the ground that it sanctioned slavery; while Mr. Sumner was determined to fight the battle inside of the Constitution; declaring, in the most unqualified terms, that this sacred instrument was hostile to slavery in all respects —that it was established in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, which he regarded as the charter of perpetual liberty to the nation. He insisted that while the Constitution did recognize the existence of involuntary servitude, and conceded temporarily certain privileges to slaveholders, yet, that the founders of the Instrument had no belief in the perpetuity of slave
1819 AD (search for this): chapter 8
pursued by the framers of this measure, it is necessary that Texas should be formally admitted into the family of States by a vote of Congress, and that her Constitution should be approved by Congress. The question on this measure will arise this winter, and we would, if we could, strengthen the hands and the hearts of the friends of freedom by whom the measure will be opposed. Ours is no factious or irregular course. It has the sanction of the highest examples on a kindred occasion. In 1819, the question now before us arose on the admission of Missouri as a slave State. I need not remind you of the ardor and constancy with which this was opposed at the North, by men of all parties, with scarcely a dissenting voice. One universal chorus of protests thundered from the Free States against the formation of what was called another black State. Meetings were convened in all the considerable towns—in Philadelphia, Trenton, New York, New Haven, and everywhere throughout Massachusetts,
Chairman (search for this): chapter 8
roused these animating words. Let us try; let every man do his duty. And suppose New England stands alone in these efforts; suppose Massachusetts stands alone; is it not a noble solitude? Is it not a position of honor? Is it not a position where she will find companionship with all that is great and generous in the past—with all the disciples of truth, of right, of liberty? It has not been her wont on former occasions to inquire whether she should stand alone. Your honored ancestor, Mr. Chairman, who from these walls regards our proceedings to-night, did not ask whether Massachusetts would be alone,. when she commenced the opposition which ended in the independence of the Thirteen Colonies. But we cannot fail to accomplish great good. It is in obedience to a prevailing law of Providence, that no act of self-sacrifice, no act of devotion to duty, no act of humanity can fail. It stands forever as a landmark; as a point from which to make a new effort. The champions of equal
Christ (search for this): chapter 8
to know that by welcoming Texas as a slave State we do make slavery our own original sin. Here is a new case of actual transgression which we cannot cast upon the shoulders of any progenitors, nor upon any mother country, distant in time or place. The Congress of the United States, the people of the United States, at this day, in this vaunted period of light, will be responsible for it; so that it shall be said hereafter, so long as the dismal history of slavery is read, that in the year of Christ, 1846, a new and deliberate act was passed to confirm and extend it. By the present movement we propose no measure of change. We do not offer to interfere with any institutions of the Southern States, nor to modify any law on the subject of slavery anywhere under the Constitution of the United States. Our movement is conservative in its character. It is to preserve the existing supports of freedom; it is to prevent a violation of the vital principles of free institutions. By the pro
Hall (search for this): chapter 8
ffort. The champions of equal rights and of human brotherhood shall hereafter derive new strength from these exertions. Let Massachusetts, then, be aroused. Let all her children be summoned to join in this holy cause. There are questions of ordinary politics in which men may remain neutral; but neutrality now is treason to liberty, to humanity, and to the fundamental principles of our free institutions. Let her united voice, with the accumulated echoes of freedom that fill this ancient Hall, go forth with comfort and cheer to all who labor in the same cause everywhere throughout the land. Let it help to confirm the wavering, and to reclaim those who have erred from the right path. Especially may it exert a proper influence in Congress upon the representatives of the free States. May it serve to make them as firm in the defence of freedom as their opponents are pertinacious in the cause of slavery. Let Massachusetts continue to be known as foremost in the cause of freedom;
1846 AD (search for this): chapter 8
that by welcoming Texas as a slave State we do make slavery our own original sin. Here is a new case of actual transgression which we cannot cast upon the shoulders of any progenitors, nor upon any mother country, distant in time or place. The Congress of the United States, the people of the United States, at this day, in this vaunted period of light, will be responsible for it; so that it shall be said hereafter, so long as the dismal history of slavery is read, that in the year of Christ, 1846, a new and deliberate act was passed to confirm and extend it. By the present movement we propose no measure of change. We do not offer to interfere with any institutions of the Southern States, nor to modify any law on the subject of slavery anywhere under the Constitution of the United States. Our movement is conservative in its character. It is to preserve the existing supports of freedom; it is to prevent a violation of the vital principles of free institutions. By the proposed m
Louis Napoleon (search for this): chapter 8
ity of the Northern character, which render it stanch, strong, and seaworthy, which bind it together, as with iron, are drawn out one by one, like the bolts from the ill-fated vessel, and out of the miserable loosened fragments is formed that human anomaly—A Northern man with Southern principles. Such a man is no true son of Massachusetts. There is a precious incident in the life of one whom our country has delighted to honor, furnishing an example that we shall do well to imitate. When Napoleon, having reached the pinnacle of military honor, lusting for a higher title than that of First Consul, caused a formal vote to be taken on the question, whether he should be declared Emperor of France, Lafayette, at that time in retirement, and only recently, by the intervention of the First Consul, liberated from the dungeons of Olmutz, deliberately registered his No. At a period, in the golden decline of his high career, resplendent with heroic virtues, revisiting our shores, the scene of
Charles Sumner (search for this): chapter 8
he annexation of Texas. In the opening of that speech, to every sentence of which the future was to impart strange significance, he paid a graceful tribute to the chairman, Hon. John G. Palfrey,—then Secretary of the Commonwealth,—for an act which won for him universal respect, and admiration, viz., the manumission of a body of slaves that had descended to him by inheritance, and whom he had conducted far away from slavery, into these more cheerful precincts of freedom. By this act, said Mr. Sumner, he has done as a citizen, what Massachusetts is now called upon to do as a State—divest herself of all responsibility for any occasion of slave property. In approaching his subject, he spoke of occasions in the progress of affairs when the attention of all, though ordinarily opposed to each other, is arrested; and even the lukewarm, the listless, the indifferent, unite heartily in a common object. Such is the case in great calamities, when the efforts of all are needed to avert a fata<
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