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N. P. Willis (search for this): chapter 1
ting to market-men and other base creatures. If the Cambridge men were not great wits, they were not to madness near allied in this respect, nor did they drive creditors to madness. Longfellow regards with amused interest the discovery that N. P. Willis, in 1840, had earned by his pen annually ten thousand dollars, while Longfellow himself says, I wish I had made ten hundred; but it did not inspire him with the wish to do Willis's work of gossip, only with a desire to keep his own method. LoWillis's work of gossip, only with a desire to keep his own method. Lowell was never rich, nor was Holmes, but they lived within their means. Even Longfellow's salary in 1834 was but fifteen hundred dollars, although in later life his income became ample. There was nothing pharisaical in this moderation, nor did either of these poets deal harshly with persons of the Harold Skimpole race who hovered around them, as about all those who have incurred the imputation of success in their trade, whatever it be. Any lack of interest pertaining to the names of Cambridge
Odin (search for this): chapter 1
s still a lingering Boston enterprise. Cambridge boys were still sent to sea as a cure for naughtiness, or later as supercargoes, this being a mark of confidence. Groups of sailors sometimes strayed through Cambridge, and there were aromatic smells among the Boston wharves. Lowell in particular had a naval uncle, and he wrote of what had been told from childhood when he said in The Growth of the legend :-- The sailors' night watches are thrilled to the core With the lineal offspring of Odin and Thor. In two respects the group of Cambridge authors had gained from their restricted life certain qualities which some might call bourgeois, and many others admirable. They were all honest men pecuniarily; they habitually paid their debts and lived within their means. Neither in Holmes nor Lowell nor in Longfellow was there anything of that quality of thriftlessness so dear to lovers of the picturesque, but so exasperating to market-men and other base creatures. If the Cambridge m
William Scott (search for this): chapter 1
ritten by her own hand, congratulating me on being six years old and boasting that she should be four in three months. When we read in Lowell's letters of his poring over French stories at seven and of his mother's giving him the three volumes of Scott's Tales of a grandfather at nine, we must bear in mind this habitual precocity of the period. That it was physically disastrous to Margaret Fuller we know from her own statements; but that it did any visible injury to the Cambridge men of her ge always brought a breeze of quarrel with him. Cooper wrote thus to Rufus W. Griswold (August 7, 1842): A published eulogy of myself from Irving's pen could not change my opinion of his career .... Cuvier has the same faults as Irving, and so had Scott. They were all meannesses, and I confess I can sooner pardon crimes, if they are manly ones. I have never had any quarrel with Mr. Irving, and give him full credit as a writer. Still I believe him to be below the ordinary level, in moral quali
E. R. Hoar (search for this): chapter 1
ion Society, but this was incomparably better than to belong to one of those societies for Mutual Defamation which literary history has much oftener seen. Even Concord, in spite of its soothing name, did not always exhibit among its literary men that relation of unbroken harmony which marked the three most eminent of those here classed as Cambridge authors. It is well known that Emerson distrusted the sombre tone of Hawthorne's writings and advised young people not to read them; and that Judge Hoar, Emerson's inseparable friend, could conceive of no reason why any one should wish to see Thoreau's Journals published. Among the Knickerbocker circles in New York it seems to have been still worse, Cooper the novelist, says Parke Godwin, always brought a breeze of quarrel with him. Cooper wrote thus to Rufus W. Griswold (August 7, 1842): A published eulogy of myself from Irving's pen could not change my opinion of his career .... Cuvier has the same faults as Irving, and so had Scott.
John Wilson (search for this): chapter 1
estate. We knew the place where two negroes were legally put to death in 1755 for the crime of petty treason in murdering their master, the one being hanged, the other burned to death. We knew that two of the regicides took refuge in Cambridge after the death of Charles I., and it was preserved in our memories through a curious oath By Goffe-Whalley then extant among Cambridge boys, but now vanished. We knew the spot where stood the oak tree, on the north side of the common, where the Rev. John Wilson, first minister of Boston and a portly man, climbed the tree on Election Day, in 1637, and exhorted the people to vote for Governor Winthrop and not for Harry Vane. We read in a book by a Cambridge woman, Mrs. Hannah Winthrop, the horrors of that midnight cry, as she calls it, when all the women and children of Cambridge were awakened by drums and bells on the night before the battle of Lexington; when they were bidden to take refuge at Fresh Pond, away from the redcoats' line of ma
1638 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ary, it being about seven miles from the college in Cambridge. Fifty years ago, Cambridge boys knew all this tradition very well; and they knew also that the soul-ravishing Mr. Shepard, after publishing a dozen or so of his books in England, printed the last two upon the press which came to Cambridge in the very year when the town assumed its name. We all knew the romance of the early arrival of this press; that the Rev. Joseph Glover, a dissenting minister, had embarked for the colony in 1638 with his wife, his press, his types, and his printer, Stephen Daye; that Mr. Glover died on the passage, but the press arrived safely and was at length put in the house of President Dunster, of Harvard College; that this good man took into his charge not merely the printing apparatus, but the Widow Glover, whom he finally made his wife. For forty years all the printing done in the British Colonies in America was done on this press, Stephen Daye being followed by his son Matthew, and he by S
George Bancroft (search for this): chapter 1
e, about the same time (18 10), became Professor of Logic and Metaphysics, and he furnished what was for many years the standard American textbook on the former subject. A few years more brought to Cambridge (between 1811 and 1822) a group of men at that time unequalled in this country as regarded general cultivation and the literary spirit,--Andrews Norton, Edward Everett, Joseph Green Cogswell, George Ticknor, Washington Allston, Jared Sparks, Edward T. Channing, Richard H. Dana, and George Bancroft. Most of them were connected with the University, the rest were resident in Cambridge, but all had their distinct influence on the atmosphere in which the Cambridge authors grew. Professor Edward T. Channing especially-grand-uncle of the present Professor of similar name — probably trained as many conspicuous authors as all other American instructors put together. It has also an important bearing on the present volume when we observe that the effect of all this influence was to cr
John Holmes (search for this): chapter 1
ebts and lived within their means. Neither in Holmes nor Lowell nor in Longfellow was there anythinis own method. Lowell was never rich, nor was Holmes, but they lived within their means. Even Longfrom clouds than the whole intercourse between Holmes, Lowell, and Longfellow. To those outside the Lowell's Letters, II. pp. 26, 173. Compare Holmes's Life and letters, II. p. 108. but when she cs Life, by his brother, II. p. 429. As between Holmes and Lowell, those who think that mutual admiraould do well to read and digest the letters of Holmes to Lowell as published in the Life and lettersintercourse from the beginning, and how keenly Holmes recognized, for instance, the weak points not rt of the poem being Yankee in its effect, as Holmes says, with the dandelion and the Baltimore orithe man Lowell was ever penned than that which Holmes wrote in 1868: I cannot help, however, saying ed, if at all, only as the phoenix is bred. Holmes's Life and letters, II. p. 11. Such was th[1 more...]
Cuvier (search for this): chapter 1
advised young people not to read them; and that Judge Hoar, Emerson's inseparable friend, could conceive of no reason why any one should wish to see Thoreau's Journals published. Among the Knickerbocker circles in New York it seems to have been still worse, Cooper the novelist, says Parke Godwin, always brought a breeze of quarrel with him. Cooper wrote thus to Rufus W. Griswold (August 7, 1842): A published eulogy of myself from Irving's pen could not change my opinion of his career .... Cuvier has the same faults as Irving, and so had Scott. They were all meannesses, and I confess I can sooner pardon crimes, if they are manly ones. I have never had any quarrel with Mr. Irving, and give him full credit as a writer. Still I believe him to be below the ordinary level, in moral qualities, instead of being above them, as he is cried up to be. He adds: Bryant is worth forty Irvings in every point of view, but he runs a little into the seemly (?) school. Letters of R. W. Griswold
1727 AD (search for this): chapter 1
h century also brought the physical sciences on their conquering course, to Harvard College, displacing the established curriculum of theology and philology; but Professor Goodale has shown that they really came in as a branch of theology, or of what is called pastoral care, since the clergy of that day were also largely the medical advisers of their people and had to be instructed for that function. The first Professor of Mathematics and Philosophy, Isaac Greenwood, was not appointed until 1727; he was followed ( 738) by John Winthrop, who was greatly in advance of the science of the day, and whose two lectures on comets, delivered in the College Chapel in 1759, are still good reading. The year 1783 saw the founding of the Harvard Medical School; and although this was situated in Boston, the Botanic Garden was in Cambridge and under the supervision (1825-1834) of a highly educated English observer, Thomas Nuttall, whose works on botany and ornithology were pioneers in New England.
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