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Browsing named entities in William A. Smith, DD. President of Randolph-Macon College , and Professor of Moral and Intellectual Philosophy., Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: withe Duties of Masters to Slaves..

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1780 AD (search for this): chapter 1
or less diffused through the whole of these text-books. It has been among the first of speculations upon abstract truth presented to the minds of the American people. It has been studiously inculcated from professors' chairs in colleges and universities in the Northern States, while Southern literary institutions have been for the most part silent. The pulpits of the South have also lent their aid, and in some instances have been zealous and active in propagating this error. As early as 1780, the Methodists declared, in a general convention of preachers, that slavery is contrary to the laws of God, man, and nature, and hurtful to society; contrary to the dictates of conscience and pure religion; doing that which we would not that others should do to us and ours; and that we pass our disapprobation upon all our friends who keep slaves, and advise their freedom. This doctrine was reasserted after the organization of the Church in 1784, and, with short intervals of time, and unimpo
Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 1
hreaten. At an early period in our history, Thomas Jefferson denounced domestic slavery as sinful, per se, whole country. This grossly offensive error of Mr. Jefferson has been more or less diffused through the whole, from time to time, who did not scruple to avow Mr. Jefferson's doctrine, and like him affect to foresee dreadthings, it is in vain to appeal to the fact that Mr. Jefferson, though a profound statesman, and to some extentdly than any communities in the country. Still, Mr. Jefferson's name does not lose its enchantment; and havinghe abstract opinions and sentiments set forth by Mr. Jefferson and the M. E. Church, and which are supposed to that in admitting the great abstract doctrine of Mr. Jefferson, that the principle of African slavery is, per sves, let us free the country, of the dominion of Mr. Jefferson's philosophy, because it is false. In doing thi reach these results: 1. That the philosophy of Jefferson is false, and that the opposite is true, namely, t
Rives (search for this): chapter 1
ssings of Providence, many of the Southern people actually believed — until railroad communications began to dispel the illusion — that their own happy States were really falling back in civilization to the darkness of the middle ages. Add to all this, the halls of legislation continue to echo the opinion that domestic slavery is a great moral, political, and social evil. In this connection, the phrase, moral evil, is restricted to its appropriate meaning, sin. No doubt, Messrs. Doddridge, Rives, Clay, Webster, and many others — illustrious names!--who have substantially used this language in various connections, only meant to deprecate the evils of slavery in strong terms, that they might propitiate a more favorable consideration of what they had to say in its defence. But if we be correct in the position already postulated, it is quite time our politicians, no less than our ecclesiastics, had learned to chasten their language on this subject, The fountains of public thought and f<
Webster (search for this): chapter 1
idence, many of the Southern people actually believed — until railroad communications began to dispel the illusion — that their own happy States were really falling back in civilization to the darkness of the middle ages. Add to all this, the halls of legislation continue to echo the opinion that domestic slavery is a great moral, political, and social evil. In this connection, the phrase, moral evil, is restricted to its appropriate meaning, sin. No doubt, Messrs. Doddridge, Rives, Clay, Webster, and many others — illustrious names!--who have substantially used this language in various connections, only meant to deprecate the evils of slavery in strong terms, that they might propitiate a more favorable consideration of what they had to say in its defence. But if we be correct in the position already postulated, it is quite time our politicians, no less than our ecclesiastics, had learned to chasten their language on this subject, The fountains of public thought and feeling have, t<
Nathaniel Turner (search for this): chapter 1
. Nor are the Northern States of this Union any more free from these agrarian movements, than may be accounted for by the relative sparseness of their population. Yet a general feeling of security pervades all these people, whilst it is notorious that there are a great many in Southern communities who are in a constant state of feverish excitement on the subject of domestic insurrections. Any announcement of that kind is sufficient to convulse a whole community. The trifling affair of Nat. Turner (trifling compared with the frequent disturbances and loss of life common in the communities just referred to) painfully agitated the whole State of Virginia; and occupied her Legislature through a whole winter in grave discussions as to the best means of freeing the State from the incubus of slavery. These results have all followed from the causes at which we have glanced. In this state of things, it is in vain to appeal to the fact that Mr. Jefferson, though a profound statesman, an
Doddridge (search for this): chapter 1
nexampled blessings of Providence, many of the Southern people actually believed — until railroad communications began to dispel the illusion — that their own happy States were really falling back in civilization to the darkness of the middle ages. Add to all this, the halls of legislation continue to echo the opinion that domestic slavery is a great moral, political, and social evil. In this connection, the phrase, moral evil, is restricted to its appropriate meaning, sin. No doubt, Messrs. Doddridge, Rives, Clay, Webster, and many others — illustrious names!--who have substantially used this language in various connections, only meant to deprecate the evils of slavery in strong terms, that they might propitiate a more favorable consideration of what they had to say in its defence. But if we be correct in the position already postulated, it is quite time our politicians, no less than our ecclesiastics, had learned to chasten their language on this subject, The fountains of public <
Clay (search for this): chapter 1
of Providence, many of the Southern people actually believed — until railroad communications began to dispel the illusion — that their own happy States were really falling back in civilization to the darkness of the middle ages. Add to all this, the halls of legislation continue to echo the opinion that domestic slavery is a great moral, political, and social evil. In this connection, the phrase, moral evil, is restricted to its appropriate meaning, sin. No doubt, Messrs. Doddridge, Rives, Clay, Webster, and many others — illustrious names!--who have substantially used this language in various connections, only meant to deprecate the evils of slavery in strong terms, that they might propitiate a more favorable consideration of what they had to say in its defence. But if we be correct in the position already postulated, it is quite time our politicians, no less than our ecclesiastics, had learned to chasten their language on this subject, The fountains of public thought and feeling <
1784 AD (search for this): chapter 1
tive in propagating this error. As early as 1780, the Methodists declared, in a general convention of preachers, that slavery is contrary to the laws of God, man, and nature, and hurtful to society; contrary to the dictates of conscience and pure religion; doing that which we would not that others should do to us and ours; and that we pass our disapprobation upon all our friends who keep slaves, and advise their freedom. This doctrine was reasserted after the organization of the Church in 1784, and, with short intervals of time, and unimportant variations of phraseology, the essential features of this doctrine have been adhered to until the present time, by this most numerous body of professing Christians in this country. At an early day, Bishop Coke, of the M. E. Church, openly advocated this doctrine in the pulpits of the country, until silenced by the force of public opinion; yet he did not cease, while he remained in the country, to exert the full amount of his personal influe
Coke (search for this): chapter 1
doing that which we would not that others should do to us and ours; and that we pass our disapprobation upon all our friends who keep slaves, and advise their freedom. This doctrine was reasserted after the organization of the Church in 1784, and, with short intervals of time, and unimportant variations of phraseology, the essential features of this doctrine have been adhered to until the present time, by this most numerous body of professing Christians in this country. At an early day, Bishop Coke, of the M. E. Church, openly advocated this doctrine in the pulpits of the country, until silenced by the force of public opinion; yet he did not cease, while he remained in the country, to exert the full amount of his personal influence in private and social circles against the institution of domestic slavery. His example was followed by a large number of his preachers, and many ministers of other Christian denominations, who imbibed the same doctrine and were animated by the same spiri
Lecture I. Introductory (search for this): chapter 1
Lecture I. Introductory remarks on the subject of African slavery in the United States. General subject enunciated Why this discussion may be regarded as humiliating by Southern people other stand-points, however, disclose an urgent necessity, at this time, for a thorough investigation of the whole subject the results to which it is the object of these lectures to conduct the mind. the great question which arises in discussing the slavery of the African population of this country — correctly known as Domestic slavery --is this: Is the institution of domestic slavery sinful? The position I propose to maintain in these lectures is, that slavery, per se, is right; or that the great abstract principle of slavery is right, because it is a fundamental principle of the social state; and that domestic slavery, as an institution, is fully justified by the condition and circumstances (essential and relative) of the African race in this country, and therefore equally right.
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