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Browsing named entities in Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 43-45 (ed. Alfred C. Schlesinger, Ph.D.).

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. they begged of the senate on bended knees that it would not permit them, its allies, to be more wretchedly despoiled and harassed than its enemies. Since they complained of other acts of injustice also and it was in fact obvious that money had been extorted, the task was assigned to the praetor Lucius Canuleius, to whom SpainThe two provinces recognized in 197 B.C. (XXXII. xxviii. 11 and the note) were combined during this war in order to leave one praetor free to command the fleet (171 B.C., XLII. xxxi. 9; presumably in 170; 168, XLIV. xvii. 9; in 167, the two provinces were again separated, XLV. xvi. 1). had been allotted, to assign for each man, from whom the Spaniards were seeking to recover money, five judgesSometimes such a board was chosen by the parties to the case, either from their own number, or from a panel proposed by the magistrate in charge, but several inscriptions (e.g., C.I.L.2 I. 585, p. 460. xxxiv) mention choice of the arbiters by the magistrate. Recuperato
unjust valuation of grain received as tribute (Asconius on Cicero Divinatio in M. Caecilium 66, Cato accusavit . . . P. Furium pro iisdem (Lusitanis) propter iniquissimam aestimationem frumenti), cf. below, 12. Publius Cornelius Scipio son of Gnaeus,B.C. 171 Lucius Aemilius Paulus son of Lucius,Scipio had been praetor in Farther Spain in 193 B.C. (XXXIV. xliii. 7 records his assignment, XXXV. i. 3-12, his exploits), and Paulus had been in Farther Spain as praetor and propraetor from 191 to 189 B.C. (his assignment in XXXVI. ii. 6; his activities, XXXVII. lvii. 5-6). and Gaius Sulpicius Gallus. The case of Marcus Titinius, who had been praetor in Nearer Spain during the consulship of Aulus Manlius and Marcus Junius,In 178 B.C.; Titinius was also in Spain the following two years (XLI. ix. 3, xv. 11, xxvi. 1). A namesake was City Praetor in 178. was first taken up by a board of judges.This is the earliest known trial of an official thus accused by provincials; previous complaints o
This embassy left within three days along with the envoys from Alexandria. The mission from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the QuinquatrusThis festival, first mentioned for the year 207 B.C., occurred on March 19-23, see XXVI. xxvii. 1 and the note, also Ovid, Fasti III. 810; C.I.L. I.2 1, p. 312 gives a discussion of the origin of the name (probably because it originally fell on the fifth day, Roman inclusive reckoning, after the Ides), and points out that besides being connected with Minerva, the day had associations with Mars, and seems to have been the time for ceremonial readying of weapons for the campaigning season. amid such eagerness that, had it not been evening, the consuls would have summoned the senate at once. Next day the session was held and the envoys were heard. They reported as follows: The army has been led into Macedonia by trackless passes at a risk disproportionate to the gain. Pieria, which the army has reached, is in the hands of the ki
defending it with a strong garrison. Perseus also, setting out for Elimea,Here the city, not the district as in XXXI. xl. 1, XLII. liii. 5, and Plutarch, Aemilius ix. 3. and purifying his army in that neighbourhood, led his force, at the invitation of the Epirotes,Epirote exiles, cf. below xxii. 9, unless this is a mistake for Aetolians. to Stratus. Stratus was at that time the strongest city of Aetolia; it is situated inland from the Ambracian Gulf near the River Inachus.Until 270 B.C. the chief city of Acarnania, Stratus was then given to the Aetolians. The river is properly the Acheloös (cf. e.g., Polybius V. 13. 10); the name Inachus was sometimes applied to the upper portion of the Acheloös which was mistakenly regarded as a tributary, hence, perhaps, Livy's mistake. Perseus set out thither with ten thousand infantry and three handred cavalry, a smaller number of whichTwo hundred less cavalry (and apparently the two thousand light-troops were also omitted) than on the
departure at last attempted in the Penestian country to retake Uscana, and, being driven back with many wounded by the Macedonian garrison which was there, led his forces back to Lychnidus. Thence after a few days he sent Marcus Trebellius of Fregellae with a strong enough detachment among the Penestae to receive hostages from those cities which had remained loyal to the alliance; he ordered Trebellius to proceed also to the Parthini,They had been recognized as allies of the Romans in 205 B.C. (Polybius II. 11. 11, VII. 9. 13, Livy XXIX. xii. 13), but seem to have come again under Philip's rule; in 196 B.C., XXXIII. xxxiv. 11, they were put under Pleuratus, the father of Gentius (not the exile mentioned above, xix. 13), who had aided Rome against Philip (XXXI. xxviii. 1-3, xl. 10; cf. also below, xxiii. 6). for they had likewise promised to give hostages. From both peoples Trebellius exacted the hostages without disturbance. The knights of the Penestae were sent to Apolloni
he Macedonian garrison which was there, led his forces back to Lychnidus. Thence after a few days he sent Marcus Trebellius of Fregellae with a strong enough detachment among the Penestae to receive hostages from those cities which had remained loyal to the alliance; he ordered Trebellius to proceed also to the Parthini,They had been recognized as allies of the Romans in 205 B.C. (Polybius II. 11. 11, VII. 9. 13, Livy XXIX. xii. 13), but seem to have come again under Philip's rule; in 196 B.C., XXXIII. xxxiv. 11, they were put under Pleuratus, the father of Gentius (not the exile mentioned above, xix. 13), who had aided Rome against Philip (XXXI. xxviii. 1-3, xl. 10; cf. also below, xxiii. 6). for they had likewise promised to give hostages. From both peoples Trebellius exacted the hostages without disturbance. The knights of the Penestae were sent to Apollonia, those of the Parthini to Dyrrachium —at that time the name Epidamnus was more generally in use among the Greeks.I
s of the small citadel are traceable in this quarter. on seeing that they were determined and wereB.C. 169 even keeping him at a distance with missiles, pitched his camp five miles from the city across the river Petitarus. There he called a council and, although Archidamus and the Epirote deserters tried to keep him where he was, when the leading Macedonians were of the opinion that he should not fight against the unfavourable season of the year without having arranged for supplies, since the blockaders were bound to feel the want of them before the blockaded, especially when winter-quarters of the enemy were not far distant, Perseus in fear moved his camp into Aperantia.Taken by the Aetolians from Philip in 189 B.C., XXXVIII. iii. 4. The Aperantians, because of their great regard for Archidamus and his influence with that people, by general agreement received Perseus; Archidamus himself, with a garrison of eight hundred men, was put in charge of the city.
rs are favoured of Fortune because they are just, nor do you exult as much in the outcome, because you conquer, as in the beginning, because you never undertake war without good cause. The siege of Messana in Sicily made the Carthaginians your enemies, the siege of Athens, the attempted enslavement of Greece and the aid given Hannibal in money and troops made Philip your foe.In XXX. xxvi. 2-4, Livy reports grievances of Greece against Philip and a report of Macedonian aid to Carthage (203 B.C.); he also reports the presence of a Macedonian force at Zama (XXX. xxxiii. 6), though no mention is made of them during the battle; and later (XXX. xlii. 4-9) the ransom of Macedonian prisoners, said to be mercenaries, is discussed. -See also XXXI. i. 10. But Polybius says nothing about this aid from Macedonia; Livy may, then, be quoting Roman rumour. Philip and Hannibal, while opposing Rome, seem to have been suspicious of each other, and each anxious that the other should not profit by th
ashion that no decree of the people concerning it should be passed or committed to dispatches, because if they did not obtain their request, the disgrace of an open repulse would be greater. The admiral of the fleet alone had the right to negotiate for such a purpose without the passing of any enabling resolution. For the Rhodians had for all these yearsPolybius XXX. 5. 6 says 140 years; the first embassy from Rhodes recorded by Livy in the extant text is over 100 years later, in 201 B.C., XXXI. ii. 1. maintained their friendship in such a way as not to bind themselves to the Romans by any treaty of alliance, precisely for the purpose of not cutting off hope onB.C. 167 the part of the kings that they would come to their aid, if need arose, as well as their own hope of reaping a harvest from the good will and good fortune of the kings. At this time they felt that they should by all means seek an alliance, not to protect themselves against other peoples, for they feared
f kings sought passage to Troy for his ships by bringing his daughter as a victim to the altar. Thence Paulus went to Oropus in Attica, where an ancient prophet is worshipped as a god, and there is an old temple made charming by springs and streams around it.The ancient prophet was Amphiaraüs, of the Seven against Thebes. His sanctuary was established, according to archaeological evidence, near the end of the fifth century, and became a modest spa, which was favoured by the Romans; in 73 B.C., Amphiaraüs was officially recognized as a god by the consuls, with Cicero's assistance, and his lands were therefore tax-exempt, see Pausanias I. xxxiv and Fraser's note. Thence he went to Athens, which is also replete with ancient glory, but nevertheless has many notable sights, the Acropolis, the harbours, the walls joining Piraeus to the city, the shipyards, the monuments of great generals, and the statues of gods and men —statuesB.C. 167 notable for every sort of material and artistry.
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