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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 58 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 16 0 Browse Search
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George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 6: (search)
d in all parts of the British dominion. Hutchinson's History of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, III. 163. In the midst of the confusion, Grenville set about confirming himself in power Grenville's Account of himself to Knox. by diligence in the public business. His self-conceit, said Lord Holland afterwards, Lord Holland to George Selwyn. as well as his pride and obstinacy, established him. For the joint secretary of the treasury he selected an able and sensible lawyer, Thomas Whately, in whom he obtained a firm defender and political friend. His own secretary as Chancellor of the Exchequer was Richard Jackson; and the choice CHAP. VI.} 1763. April. is very strong evidence that though he entered upon his task blindly, as it proved, and in ignorance That Grenville was very ignorant as to the colonies we have a witness in Knox, who himself had held office in Georgia, and knew America from his own observation. of the colonies, yet his intentions were fair; The be
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 8: (search)
ast liable to objection. The agent of Massachusetts, through his brother, Israel Mauduit, who had Jenkinson for his fast friend and often saw Grenville, favored raising the wanted money in that way, because it would occasion less expense of officers, and would include the West India Islands; Grenville, in the House of Commons, in the debate of 5 March, 1770: Far from thinking the tax impracticable, some of the assemblies applied to me, by their agents, to collect this very tax. Compare Whately's Considerations, 71. Mr. Mauduit, the Massachusetts agent, favored the raising of the wanted money by a stamp duty, as it would occasion less expense of officers, and would include the West India islands. Gordon's History of the American Revolution, i. 158. and speaking for his constituents, he made a merit of cheerful submission to the ministerial policy. One man in Grenville's office, and one man only, did indeed give him sound advice; Richard Jackson, Richard Jackson to Jared Inger
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 9: (search)
ight which every state, in exclusion of all others, has to the services of its own subjects. Whately's Considerations. His indefatigable zeal could never be satisfied. All officers of the customsfore the end of the year, Governor Bernard to the Secretary of State, 24 December, 1763. Thomas Whately, Secretary of the Treasury, to Commissioners of the Customs, 17 April, 1764. Treasury Letteld the budget. He did it with art and ability. Walpole's Memoirs of George III. i, 389. Thomas Whately's Considerations. He boasted that the revenue was managed with more frugality than in the prenue which was said to be fixed at £ 330,000. Hutchinson to Williams. These new taxes, wrote Whately, the joint Secretary of the Treasury, will certainly not be sufficient to defray that share of the American expense, which America ought and is able to bear. Others must be added. Whately to Jared Ingersoll, 3, 4 That this was intended appeared also from the bill itself. This act had for
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition., Chapter 11: (search)
e required to be raised in such manner as the public charges for the province are raised. 5 Geo. III. c. XXXIII. § 8. Thus the bill contained, what had never before been heard of, a parliamentary requisition on the colonies; it enjoined things different from the general principles of the constitution, and passed without attentive examination Shelburne to Chatham, in Chatham Corr. III. 208. on the part of the govern- chap. XI.} 1765. April. ment. To soothe America, bounties T. Whately to Commissioners of Stamps, 20 April, 1765. Treasury minute, 26 April, 1765. were at the same time granted on the importation of deals, planks, boards, and timber from the plantations. Coffee of their growth was exempted from an additional duty; their iron might be borne to Ireland; their lumber to Ireland, Madeira, the Azores, and Europe, south of Cape Finisterre; the prohibition on exporting their bar iron from England was removed; the rice of North Carolina was as much liberated as th
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Preface. (search)
ranklin; the copious and most interesting, official and private Correspondence of William Samuel Johnson, Agent for Connecticut; one letter and fragments of letters of Edmund Burke, Agent for New-York; many and exceedingly valuable ones, of Garth a Member of Parliament and Agent for South Carolina; and specimens of the Correspondence of Knox and Franklin, as Agents of Georgia. Analogous to these are the confidential communications which passed between Hutchinson and Israel Mauduit and Thomas Whately; between one of the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania and Deputy Governor Hamilton; between Cecil Calvert and Hugh Hammersley, successive Secretaries of Maryland, and Lieutenant Governor Sharpe; between Ex-Governor Pownall and Dr. Cooper of Boston; between Hollis and Mayhew and Andrew Eliot of Boston. Of all these I have copies. Of the letter-books and drafts of letters of men in office, I had access to those of Bernard for a single year; to those of Hutchinson for many years; to that of
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 27: (search)
on of the Sons of Liberty had been dissolved; and all efforts to keep up its glorious spirit, were subor dinated to loyalty. Isaac Sears, John Lamb, and others to Nicholas Ray, New-York, 10 Oct. 1766. A few individuals Andrew Oliver to Thomas Whately, 7 May, 1767, in Letters, &c., 19. at Boston, Chap. XXVII.} 1766. Oct. having celebrated the anniversary of the outbreak against the Stamp Act, care was taken to report, how healths had been drunk to Otis, the American Hampden, who first pro selfish client may obtain from an intriguing patron, was sent over as the representative of the colonial Crown Officers Candidus, in Boston Gazette, 9 Sept. 1771., with special authority to appear as the friend of Oliver Compare Oliver to Whately, 7 May, 1767. and of Hutchinson. Hutchinson to R. Jackson, introducing Paxton; date not given, but evidently of Oct. 1766. We are drawing near the measures which compelled the insurrection of the colonies; but all the stars in their cours
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 29: (search)
yon, who, under a smooth exterior, concealed the heart of a savage. The Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina was a man of sense; but his moderation was soon to draw upon him a rebuke. Sir James Wright, in Georgia, and Carlton, in Quebec, were strenuous supporters of power. The attention of the British Government and of Parliament was drawn chiefly towards Massachusetts, where Bernard, Bernard to Shelburne, 6 May, 1767. Hutchinson, Chap XXIX.} 1767. April. and Oliver, Oliver to T. Whately, 7 May, 1767. with perseverance equalled only by their duplicity, sought to increase their emoluments, to free themselves from their dependence on the people for a necessary support, and to consolidate their authority by the presence of a small standing army. The opinions of Hutchinson were of peculiar importance, for while he assented to Bernard's views, and was forming relations with Israel Mauduit and Whately, and through them with Jenkinson, Grenville and Wedderburn, his plausible let
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 30: (search)
. Message of Moore of 18 Nov. 1767. Board of Trade to the King, 7 May, 1768. and the Assembly went on as though nothing had happened. The health of Chatham was all the while growing worse; and his life began to be despaired of. His letters were kept from him. Lady Chatham to Grafton, North End, 31 July, 1767. Of the transactions that were going forward, he was scarce even a spectator, and seemed to be unconcerned in the event. De Guerchy to Choiseul, 10 June, 16 June, 8 July, 1767. T. Whately to Lord Temple, 30 July, 1767. About nine o'clock in the evening of the twentieth, the leaders of the two branches of the Oligarchy met at Newcastle House. When Rockingham had explained the purpose of the meeting, Bedford, on behalf of Temple and Grenville, Grenville to Rigby, 16 July, 1767; Temple to Rigby, 16 July, 1767. Joint letter of Temple and Grenville, 17 July, 1767. declared their readiness to support a comprehensive administration, provided it adopted the capital measure
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 33: (search)
own officers continued and extended their solicitations in England for large and fixed salaries, as the only way to keep the Americans in their dependence. Grenville's influence was the special resource of Hutchinson and Oliver, Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. who had supported his Stamp Act and suffered as its martyrs; and they relied on Whately to secure for them his attention and favor; which they valued the more, as it seemed to them probable, that he would one day supersede GrafWhately to secure for them his attention and favor; which they valued the more, as it seemed to them probable, that he would one day supersede Grafton. Bernard, on his part, addressed his importunities to Hillsborough; and asked leave to become an informer, under an assurance that no exposure should be made of his letters. Bernard to Hillsborough, 12 May, 1768. Yet how could public measures be properly founded on secret communications, known only to the Minister and the King? Should the right of the humblest individual to confront witnesses against him be held sacred? and should rising nations be exposed to the loss of chartered p
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition., Chapter 34: (search)
cause he with his company of the Boston Cadets had refused to act as escort, A. Oliver to Thomas Whately, 11 May, 1768. on the day of the General Election, if they were in the procession; and partlbarges, the sloop was towed away to the Romney. A crowd of boys and negroes Hutchinson to Whately, Boston, 18 June, 1768. gathered at the heels Affidavits of Harrison the Collector, B. Halluiet. On Saturday nothing indicated a recurrence of riots; and the Council Hutchinson to T. Whately, Boston, 18 June, 1768. Compare also T. Whately to Grenville, 26 July, 1768, in Grenville PapT. Whately to Grenville, 26 July, 1768, in Grenville Papers, IV. 322. had only to appoint a committee to ascertain the facts attending the seizure by the examination of witnesses on the following Monday. The Commissioners had not been harmed, nor approaof all the friends to government, that Boston would be in open rebellion. Charles Paxton to T. Whately, in the Letters, &c. 41. To interpret and enforce the correspondence, Hallowell, the comptroll
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