hap. II.} reprobation of Leibnitz, and proved that the house of Hapsburg was not the proper guardian of Germany; yet it was full of good prophecies for the future, and marks the point of time when, in Europe and in America, the new civilization compelled the recognition of its right to existence.
For England it contained the acknowledgment by the Catholic powers of an exclusively Protestant succession, established by laws in derogation of legitimacy; for Italy, the elevation of the house of Savoy in the north, to the rank of an independent and hopeful monarchy.
For America and for Prussia, it was the dawn of the new day. In the former, Protestantism took the lead in the work of colonization and the appropriation of territory by the spread of settlements.
Founded on the principle of civil freedom, the latter was received as a kingdom among the powers of the earth.
From the moment when the elector of Brandenburg was admitted by all Europe to the society of kings as an equal, the hou
The policy of Napoleon.
It is hard to penetrate the real purposes of the Emperor of the French in regard to Italy.
Many persons give him credit for the romantic generosity of desiring to emancipate that people without fee or reward.
Possibly, a smile lights up some wrinkle of his saturnine visage when he beholds such refreshing evidences of juvenile credulity and confidence.--Not long before the Crimean war he issued a pamphlet sustaining his own positions by the example of the great Napoleon, who, he said, only desired to make Italy French that she might become Italian.
The Italians of that day were greatly pleased with the prospect, but when they saw Lombardy and Venetian parcelled out into Dukedoms and Principalities, and bestowed on the Marshals and political favorites of the Emperor, their enthusiasm subsided.
Savoy and Nice are the first evidences that Louis Napoleon does not go a warfare upon his own charges, but they are not the last.
rs that France should place herself at the head of a general reaction.
I will not allow myself to be diverted from my path by either of these opposite inducements.
It is sufficient for the greatness of the country that its rights be maintained where they are incontestable; to defend its honor wherever it may be attacked, and to afford its support where it is supplicated in favor of a just cause.
It is thus that we have maintained our rights in causing the recognition of the cession of Savoy and Nice.
These provinces are now irrevocably united (re-united) to France.
At Rome I considered it necessary to increase the garrison, when the security of the Holy Father appeared to be threatened.
I sent my fleet to Gaeta at the moment when it seemed that it must be the last refuge of the King of Naples.
After having allowed it to remain there four months, I withdrew it; however worthy of sympathy might be a royal misfortune so nobly supported.
The presence of our war vessels
ore extravagant than this.
But who are these great Captains?
Napoleon, who was somewhat of a judge in such matters, has told us. He says there are eighty-eight campaigns, from the close study of which (if they were properly written) the whole theory of the art of war would be gathered.
They are the eight campaigns of Alexander, the seventeen of Hannibal, the thirteen of Julius CÆsar in ancient times, the three of Gustavus Adolphus, the eighteen of Turenne, the eighteen of Prince Eugene of Savoy, and the eleven of Frederick the Great in modern times.
The weapons of ancient times, the organization of ancient armies, and their method of encamping, marching, and giving battle, were of course different from what they were in the days of Gustavus, Turenne, Eugene, and Frederick. But three are certain great principles inseparable from war, and which form the essence of the art, the others being modified by circumstances.--These principles, Napoleon tells us, were carefully observed by ea
ture between them.
The French Minister of Public Works was not present at the recent opening of the bridge across the Rhine at Kehi; a sign of war, for it was Louis Napoleon who forbade his appearance; and contrary to all usage no decorations were distributed to the German engineers.
The French Government has issued $60,000,000 of treasury bonds; its floating debt is now at the least $300,000,000. It is said 8,400 Savoyards have elected to remain Italians, notwithstanding the annexation of Savoy to France.
There is a petty quarrel between the elector of Hesse and Louis Napoleon, which shows the tendency of the present French Government to keep alive disputes.
The diplomatic representative of Hesse has been appointed to another post, but he cannot obtain an audience of leave, because Louis Napoleon refuses to receive the letters of recall unless the elector of Hesse signs the letter of recall "Your servant," which the latter properly refuses.
German newspapers engage Hesse to
Count Cavour.
The Zurich correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce refers to the emphatic declaration of Count Cavour before the Sardinian Parliament, that neither in any public act, nor in any private negotiation, nor in any conference or convention, was a demand or even an allusion ever made that Piedmont should be required to cede a foot's breadth of Italian territory.
This declaration does not shed any new light on the much talked of matter of another cession to France.
Count Cavour, says the correspondent, like all diplomatists, knows how to disguise truth; his assurances are not worth a straw.
Last year he gave just as positive assurances in regard to Nice and Savoy.
ities of our representation!
Yet when he was taken at his word, and the seats for Sudbury were transferred to the West Riding of Yorkshire, how transparent became the source of his clamor!
It was not to equalize representation that he demanded an equitable distribution of seats, but simply to take seats from those whose politics were opposed to his, and to give them to those who agreed with him. We thought he was for peace at any price.
"Perish Nice, rather than go to war about it! " "Let Savoy go — but save your money!" All because the Emperor of the French was the spoiler.
Shift the scene of his "political ethics" --move two thousand miles away — make the experimentum in corpere not a monarchy which is worth no Manchester man's regard, but a model Republic that infallible pope of constitutions, and we find the member for Birmingham roaring for a war — a civil war — denouncing the assertion of the title to self- government — ignoring the clearest rights of subjects to choose
nnot do it, although, in some instances, they may assist in its development.
Cambridge did not make Newton a great mathematician, or Milton a great post.
Brienne and Angers did not make Napoleon and Wellington great Generals.--Prince Eugene, of Savoy, one of the few great Generals whose campaigns Napoleon deemed worthy of the military student's particular attention, thought it better, as a general rule, to select for a Commander-in-Chief a man of large mind and great force of character, who hool is the field — and that the next best is the campaigns of certain great Generals whom he enumerates, viz; Alexander the Great, Hannibal, and Julius Caesar, in ancient times; in modern times Gustavus Adolphus, Marshal Turenne, Prince Eugene of Savoy, and the Duke of Marlborough, and Frederick the Great.
He might have added himself and the Duke of Wellington.
It is evident that he thought something more than a mare knowledge of the manner in which heavy artillery was to be managed was requi
s on any condition whatever.
They will sooner become colonies of France or England, or even Russia, than return to that association.
This can hardly be what the Emperor means.--Doubtless he takes it for granted that the Union is already at an end, and his object is to leave it to each State to say to what political association it will belong.
This is in strict accordance with his theory as he has practiced upon it in Europe, wherever he has intervened, as in the States of Italy and in Savoy.
His idea is, that the people ought not to be compelled to live in a political association that they do not like.
This will suit us exactly.
All the Southern States will readily agree to such an intervention, for it establishes the Confederacy at once.--Every State in that bond will vote for it — even Maryland and Kentucky; for the late proceedings of the Yankees with regard to confiscation and negro property has turned the hearts of nine- tenths of those who betrayed the cause for the sa
rse, on the 30th, was heavy and lower.
Rentes closed at 68f. 60
M. Roucher has been entrusted, ad interim, with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Italy.
The accounts of Garibaldi's visit to Marsala record an extraordinary scene of patriotic excitement.
Garibaldi, in the course of his speech, several times made use of the phrase "Rome or death," to which the people responded each time, "Yes, Rome or death!" He spoke in violent terms of Napoleon, and said "We have given Nice and Savoy, and he wishes for something more.
Yes, I know he has one Prince ready for Rome and another for Naples."
At the banquet at Palermo, in honor of Marquis Palleracini, Garibaldi proposed a toast, concluding with the words, "Rome or death; but at Rome, with Victor Emanuel at our head."
Commercial. Liverpool, August 1.
--The brokers' circular importer.
The sales of the the week have been 52,000 bales, including 20,000 bales to speculators and 15,- 000 to exporters.
The marke
