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John D. Billings, Hardtack and Coffee: The Unwritten Story of Army Life, I. The tocsin of war. (search)
On the 6th of November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln, the candidate of the Republican party, was elected President of the United States, over three opponents. The autumn of that year witnessed the most exciting political canvass this country had ever seen. The Democratic party, which had been in power for several years in succession, split into factions and nominated two candidates. The northern Democrats nominated Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, who was an advocate of the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, that is, the right of the people living in a Territory which wanted admission into the Union as a State to decide for themselves whether they would or would not have slavery. The southern Democrats nominated John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, at that time Vice-President of the United States. The doctrine which he and his party advocated was the right to carry their slaves into every State and Territory in the Union without any hindrance whatever. Then there was still another p
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. (search)
no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows : It being the true intent and meaning or this act not to legislate every into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of Squatter Sovereignty, and sacred right of self-government. But, said opposition members, let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery. Not we, said the friends of the measure ; and down they voted the amendment. While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a law case involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a Territory covered by the Congress
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., chapter 3 (search)
of this struggle, there was another name for the same thing--Squatter Sovereignty. It was not exactly Popular Sovereignty, but Squatter SovereSquatter Sovereignty. What do those terms mean? What do those terms mean when used now? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in regard to hi is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of the people! What was Squatter Sovereignty? I suppose if it had any significance at all it was the rigd to the nation — such right to govern themselves was called Squatter Sovereignty. Now I wish you to mark. What has become of that SquatteSquatter Sovereignty? What has become of it? Can you get any body to tell you now that the people of a Territory have any authority to govern thems on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty ; but that any one man may take slaves into a Territory, andit. When that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter Sovereignty I should like to know? When we get back, we get to the p
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Sixth joint debate, at Quincy, October 13, 1858. (search)
t you cannot do directly, you cannot do indirectly? Does he mean that? The truth about the matter is this: Judge Douglas has sung paeans to his Popular Sovereignty doctrine until his Supreme Court, co-operating with him, has squatted his Squatter Sovereignty out. But he will keep up this species of humbuggery about Squatter Sovereignty. He has at last invented this sort of do-nothing Sovereignty --that the people may exclude slavery by a sort of Sovereignty that is exercised by doing nothing Squatter Sovereignty. He has at last invented this sort of do-nothing Sovereignty --that the people may exclude slavery by a sort of Sovereignty that is exercised by doing nothing at all. Is not that running his Popular Sovereignty down awfully? Has it not got down as thin as the homoeopathic soup that was made by boiling the shadow of a pigeon that had starved to death? But at last, when it is brought to the test, of close reasoning, there is not even that thin decoction of it left; It is a presumption impossible in the domain of thought. It is precisely no other than the putting of that most unphilosophical proposition, that two bodies can occupy the same space at th
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1, Chapter 44: Charleston Convention, 1860. (search)
hich dyed the virgin soil of Kansas with the blood of those who should have stood shoulder to shoulder in subduing the wilderness; for the frauds which corrupted the ballot-box, and made the name of election a misnomer, let the authors of Squatter Sovereignty and the fomenters of sectional hatred answer to the posterity, for whose peace and happiness the Fathers formed the Federal compact. In these scenes of strife were trained the incendiaries who afterward invaded Virginia under the leave votes made of the minority the majority. The balloting proceeded, New York forced the two-thirds rule on the convention, but Mr. Douglas's friends stood a solid phalanx around him, and would vote for no person or thing but him, and Squatter Sovereignty was his shibboleth. No conclusion could be reached, and the convention adjourned to meet at Baltimore on June 18th. It was always a proud memory to Mr. Davis that Massachusetts gave him forty-nine votes, in unbroken succession, a test
James Redpath, The Roving Editor: or, Talks with Slaves in the Southern States., Slavery in Kansas. (search)
cutives — has stood forth undisguisedly and boldly as the special and zealous champion of the Southern Aristocracy. Let us briefly review the history of its most prominent officials in Kansas--the unerring mirror of its secret aims and hidden aspirations. Mr. Reeder, the first governor, a conservative among conservatives — a Democrat to whom the Fugitive Slave Law, even, was neither repulsive in character nor in any feature unconstitutional — a devout worshipper at the shrine of Squatter Sovereignty and of its high priests Messrs. Pierce and Douglas--was promptly disgraced and dismissed from office, as soon as it was found that he would not become a servile and passive instrument of iniquity in the blood-stained hands of Atchison and his Missouri cohorts. I may mention here that after Reeder was dismissed, Kansas, until recently — as long as the pro-slavery party had the remotest hopes of success — was permitted to have only two even nominally Free State officers; one of wh
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
rovided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of Squatter Sovereignty, otherwise called sacred right of self-government ; which lation which elected them not to acquiesce in or submit to any Squatter Sovereignty platform, but to withdraw from the Convention in case such atform with the interpretation that it favors the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in the Territories — which doctrine, in the name of the peopthe North! look well to your doings! If you insist on your Squatter Sovereignty plat-form, in full view of its condemnation by the Supreme C Territories. The Dred Scott decision was aimed directly at Squatter Sovereignty: the case, after being once disposed of on an entirely diffeh, so as to keep her loyal to the Union. But Douglasism, or Squatter Sovereignty, did not satisfy the South--in fact, since the failure to essequences that were, by the South, attributed to Douglas and Squatter Sovereignty. The Democratic National Convention and party had been brok
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 6: return to New York journalism (search)
Tribune, for the first time, called attention to the fact that a formidable body of politicians have been for a year plotting to dissolve the Union. Similar statements, with increasing frequency, recurred throughout the decade, and in almost every discussion this great danger was, in one form or another, placed before the people. Agitation and discussion were the daily occupation of editors, politicians, and statesmen. Missouri Compromises, Wilmot Provisos, the Omnibus Resolutions, Squatter Sovereignty, the Nebraska Bill, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prohibition of slavery in the territories, the dissolution of the Union, the preservation of the Union, were subjects of absorbing interest more or less constantly under discussion. The great public men of the period were Clay, Webster, and Calhoun; while Benton, Dayton, Davis, Douglas, Crittenden, Sumner, Foote, Seward, and Mangum were lesser lights; but each was striving in his own way to compose the dif
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Index (search)
, 281, 283, 284, 291, 296, 299, 300, 303, 322, 324, 325, 330, 331, 332, 335, 343, 344, 345, 348, 352. Smith, General, William Sooy, 246. Socialism, 70, 71, 92-94, 119. Soule, Pierre, 131. Sound money, 120, 121, 400, 448. Southanna River, 322. Sparta, 294. Special Commissioner of the War Department, 200, 204, 212, 236, 290, 317. Speed, Attorney-General, 354. Spinoza, 20, 36, 56. Spottsylvania Court-House, 317, 319, 320. Springfield Republican, 403, 431, 437. Squatter Sovereignty, 98. Staats & Dana, 4, 9. Stanton, Secretary, preface, 170, 178, 181-189, 193-195, 197, 198, 200, 203-205, 207, 209, 210, 212, 215, 218, 223, 225, 226, 229, 233, 237, 240, 242-249, 255-258, 266, 267, 269, 271, 274, 276, 277, 285, 286, 289, 290, 294, 296, 298-302, 305, 306, 309, 311, 312, 316, 322, 328, 329, 332, 337, 338, 339, 346, 348, 350, 351, 352, 354, 362, 363, 366, 367, 369, 371,382, 383, 473, 474. Steedman, General, 266, 369. Stevenson, Colonel, 246; station, 278.
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fifth: Senatorial career. (search)
carious handful, sprinkled over immense spaces, it was left, without any constraint from Congress, to decide, whether into these vast, unsettled lands, as into the veins of an infant, should be poured the festering poison of Slavery, destined, as time advances, to show itself in cancers and leprous disease, or whether they should be filled with all the glowing life of Freedom. And this great power, transferred from Congress to these few settlers, was hailed by the new-fangled name of Squatter Sovereignty. It was fit that the original outrage perpetrated under such pretences, should be followed by other outrages perpetrated in defiance of these pretences. In the race of emigration, the freedom-loving freemen of the North promised to obtain the ascendency, and in the exercise of the conceded sovereignty of the settlers, to prohibit Slavery. The Slave Oligarchy was aroused to other efforts. Of course it stuck at nothing. On the day of election when this vaunted popular sovereignty
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