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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
he admitted that it was intended to include negroes as well as white men. He objected to a discussion, but invited an expression of opinion and the members (Seward absent) were equally divided—Stanton, Dennison, and Speed for the inclusion, and McCulloch, Welles, and Usher against it. The President took the papers without expressing an opinion. Sumner was quickly informed of what had transpired in the Cabinet— as appears by his interview the next day with Welles—and he counted at this time on e him any satisfaction The replies from members of the Cabinet and of Congress are valuable for political history; but in this connection their tenor only can be indicated..The President was doing what Seward had advised, and what Welles and McCulloch cordially approved. Stanton was friendly enough to the principle of equal suffrage, without regard to color, but, as already seen, was unwilling to bring it to the front and make it an issue which would divide Republicans. Speed also was frie<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
negro. Perhaps your question is not so urgent, yet I confess I can see nothing but agitate and convert until the franchise is extended. It seems to me that you consent to accept a very small installment. Our deadlock continues, with no chance of relief. The people sustain Congress, which stands firm. But there is no hint that the President will give way; he is indocile, obstinate, perverse, impenetrable, and hates the education and civilization of New England. Seward encourages him; McCulloch is bitterly with him; Dennison sometimes with him, and sometimes against him; Welles is with him; Stanton, Harlan, and Speed are against his policy,—so that his Cabinet is nearly equally divided. When I speak of the opinions of these men I speak according to my personal knowledge, from conversation with each of them. I do not think that they are always frank with the President. Seward is rash and visionary, with a most wonderful want of common-sense. For instance, only a week ago he to
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
bitions of drunkenness excited his disgust, and he had always a keen sense of the dignity and decorum becoming to the Senate. The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. McCulloch, a stout supporter of Johnson's policy, had appointed, contrary to the statute, officers in Southern States who could not take the required oath of loyalty,—jueats of the contest had passed, the senator and the secretary had, in 1872, a cordial meeting in London. Men and Measures of Half a Century, pp. 2:32-234, by Hugh McCulloch. Mr. McCulloch suggests that Sumner had a personal grievance which prompted his opposition, —a suggestion which is without proof, and contrary to the presumpMr. McCulloch suggests that Sumner had a personal grievance which prompted his opposition, —a suggestion which is without proof, and contrary to the presumptions. The cession of Russian America to the United States, a territory of 570,000 square miles, took place at this time,—an acquisition with which the names of Seward and Sumner will always be associated. Late on Friday evening, March 29, 1867, Sumner received a note from Seward asking for an immediate call at his house on a
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
apman, Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, in a letter to Sumner, October 30, commended the speech fully, and particularly the naming of the date of resumption. But Sumner, who always assigned to moral forces (in this case confidence and a fixed purpose) a larger share in a desired consummation than others could admit, adhered to his view; and the event proved his faith to be well founded. The final resumption came without a further reduction of the currency, which, under McCulloch's wise administration, had been already withdrawn to the extent of $160,000,000, and brought down to $580,000,000 before his power to contract it further was taken away by Congress in January, 1868. After this no further reduction took place before the resumption, but rather an increase by $26,000,000 in 1873-1874. Other causes were at work which rendered resumption safe without so great a contraction of the currency as conservative financiers thought necessary. The great West, hitherto
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
d, as the attempt to force the country to accept San Domingo against its will? I have no great admiration for Sumner, but I glory in his pluck, and I wish I were able to be in Washington to fight by his side. （Salter's Life of J. W. Grimes, pp. 382, 383.) Mr. Grimes died in February, 1872; but he signified by a letter, afterwards published, his opposition to the President's re-election. Another public man, though while in office altogether unfriendly to Sumner, condemned the removal. Hugh McCulloch's Men and Measures of Half a Century, p. 353. Cameron, who succeeded Sumner, was by general opinion unfitted for the duties of the chairman; hardly a senator was less fitted. It is to his credit that he did not seek the place, and came to it with regret. He took no part in the struggle, which, as he said, was painful to him. Once, when he was absent in Russia, Sumner had defended him in executive session; and whatever were Cameron's faults, he never forgot a favor, and was never fa