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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Origin of the late war. (search)
denounced the constitution as a covenant with death and an agreement with hell, was fast growing in power and influence in the free States, and threatened to become the most powerful political organization within their borders. Massachusetts had adopted resolutions by her legislature, with the assent of her governor — if his message represented his opinions — resolutions which were denounced at the time as being of a disunion character. Her senator, Bates, presented them in silence, and Colonel King, of Alabama, regretted that a proposition should come from Massachusetts to dissolve the Union. (See Lunt's Origin of the War, 128-9). All hope of acquiring any additional political strength by the South to defend their rights was gone. The free States had announced their determination to exclude slavery from the territories of the United States, and they had the strength to do it, if they believed, as they affected to do, that the constitution was no obstacle in their path. The right
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address of Congress to the people of the Confederate States: joint resolution in relation to the war. (search)
he immediate abolition of slavery, it would reinvigorate the declining insurrection in every part of the South. Subsequent reverses and the refractory rebelliousness of the seceded States caused a change of policy, and Mr. Lincoln issued his celebrated proclamation, a mere brutum fulmen, liberating the slaves in the insurrectionary districts. On the 24th of June, 1776, one of the reasons assigned by Pennsylvania for her separation from the mother country was, that in her sister colonies the King had excited the negroes to revolt, and to imbrue their hands in the blood of their masters, in a manner unpracticed by civilized nations. This, probably, had reference to the proclamation of Dunmore, the last royal Governor of Virginia, in 1775, declaring freedom to all servants or negroes, if they would join for the reducing the colony to a proper sense of its duty. The invitation to the slaves to rise against their masters, the suggested insurrection, caused, says Bancroft, a thrill of in
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address before the Mecklenburg (N. C.) Historical Society. (search)
succeeded by Presidents of the same political faith, except perhaps Mr. Polk, who was succeeded by General Taylor, running upon a no party platform. The country endorsed Polk's administration and did not repudiate him, as he declined a renomination. Another curious fact is this, that every Northern President had associated with him a Southern man as Vice-President. Thus John Adams had Thomas Jefferson; John Quincy Adams had J. C. Calhoun; Martin Van Buren had R. M. Johnson; Pierce had Wm. R. King; Buchanan had J. C. Breckinridge. On the other hand, Jackson served one term with J. C. Calhoun. Harrison and Tyler, his associates, were both from Virginia, and Lincoln and Johnson were both from the South. Of these same eighty years, the South had a Chief Justice on the Supreme Court Bench for sixty-three years, or more than three-fourths of the time. The purity and wisdom of these Southern Justices made them the pride of the nation. All the wars, foreign and domestic, have been
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xii. Texas and her Annexation. (search)
hosen President, and thus invested with the Executive power and patronage of the Republic for the four years ensuing, the speedy and complete triumph of the measure was rendered inevitable. Mr. Tyler was still President, with John C. Calhoun as Secretary of State, and would so remain until the 4th of March. On the first Monday in December, the Twenty-Eighth Congress reassembled, and the President laid before it, among others, a dispatch from Mr. Calhoun, dated August 12, 1844, to Hon. William R. King, our Minister at Paris, instructing him to represent to the French Government the advantages and the necessity of Annexation on many grounds, but especially on that of its tendency to uphold Slavery, primarily in Texas itself; but ultimately in the United States, and throughout the whole of this continent. Mr. Calhoun assumed that Great Britain was intent on Abolition generally; that she had destroyed her own West India Colonies in a futile attempt to combine philanthropy with profit
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 15 (search)
eve that Slavery nowhere exists within any portion of the territory acquired by us from Mexico. He holds a directly contrary opinion to mine, as he has a perfect right to do; and we will not quarrel about that difference of opinion. Messrs. William R. King, of Alabama, Downs, of Louisiana, and Butler, of South Carolina, swelled the chorus of denunciation. They could see nothing in Mr. Clay's proposition that looked like compromise; nothing but concession and surrender of all the rights ofy ballot and composed as follows: Mr. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Chairman. Messrs. Dickinson, of N. Y., Phelps, of Vt., Bell of Tenn., Cass, of Mich., Webster, of Mass., Berrien, of Ga., Cooper, of Pa., Downs, of La., King, of Ala., Mangum, of N. C., Mason, of Va., Bright, of Ind. Mr. Clay reported May 8th. from said Committee a recommendation, substantially, of his original proposition of compromise, save that he now provided for organizing Utah as
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xvi. The era of Slave-hunting. (search)
John Van Buren Judge Grier R. R. Sloane Margaret Garner Anthony Burns--the flaunting lie National party Platforms of 1852 Gen. Scott election of Pierce and King. but, whatever theoretic or practical objections may be justly made to the Compromise of 1850, there can be no doubt that it was accepted and ratified by a greaOn the forty-eighth, Gen. Pierce received 55, and on the next 232 votes-being all that were cast but six--and was declared the candidate. For Vice-President, William R. King, of Alabama, received 126 on the first ballot, to 174 scattered among nine rivals; and on the second ballot he had 277 to 11 for Jefferson Davis, and was nomieem to indicate. In all the States except South Carolina (where the Electors are not chosen by the people, but where there was no serious opposition to Pierce and King) the popular vote summed up as follows: For Pierce, 1,601,274; for Scott, 1,386,580; for Hale, 155,825; Pierce over Scott, 214,694; over Scott and Hale together, 5
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxi. The Presidential canvass of 1860. (search)
es, so as to give advantages to the citizens of one State which are not equally assured to those of every other State. This was also adopted — Yeas 36; Nays 18: the Yeas, as upon the first vote; as also the Nays, except that Messrs. Grimes and King did not vote. The next was the touchstone — its passage by a party vote the object of the movement. It reads: 4. Resolved, That neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation or legislation of an indirect andis proposition. Total 35. The Nays were--Messrs. Fessenden and Hamlin, of Maine, Clark and Hale, of New Hampshire, Sumner and Wilson, of Massachulsetts, Simmons, of Rhode Island, Dixon and Foster, of Connecticut, Collamer and Foot, of Vermont, King, of New York, Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, Pugh and Wade, of Ohio, Trumbull, of Illinois, Brigham and Chandler, of Michigan, Doolittle, of Wisconsin, Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa--21.--every Democratic Senator present but Mr. Pugh, of Ohio, voting for i
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Albany, (search)
Iroquois had never recognized the claim of the English to dominion over their land, and they were free to act as they pleased. Clinton called a convention of representatives of the several English-American colonies at Albany, and invited the Six Nations to send representatives to meet with them. Only Massachusetts, Connecticut, and South Carolina chose to incur the expense. Delegates from these colonies met the chiefs of the Six Nations (July 5, 1751) and made a treaty of friendship. The King of the Catawbas and several chiefs accompanied the South Carolina delegate (William Bull), and a peace between that Southern nation and the Iroquois was settled at the same time. Fourth colonial convention. There were indications that the Six Nations, influenced by French emissaries, were becoming alienated from the English. The colonists were uneasy, and the British government, acting upon the advice of the royal governors in America. sent a circular letter to all the colonial assemb
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Quakers. (search)
her distinguished men of the province, yeomen, and large groups of Indians, with chiefs and sachems, their wives and children, all led by their emperor. Fenwick, one of the purchasers of west Jersey, made the first settlement of members of his sect at Salem. Liberal offers were made to Friends in England if they would settle in New Jersey, where they would be free from persecution, and in 1677 several hundred came over. In March a company of 230 came in the ship Kent. Before they sailed King. Charles gave them his blessing. the Kent reached New York in August, with commissioners to manage publie affairs in New Jersey. The arrival was reported to Andros, who was governor of New York, and claimed political jurisdiction over the Jerseys. Fenwick, who denied the jurisdiction of the Duke of York in the collection of customs duties, was then in custody at New York, but was allowed to depart with the other Friends, on his own recognizance to answer in the autumn. On Aug. 16 the Ken
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Quincy, Josiah 1709-1784 (search)
abused him, they caricatured him. In one caricature he was called Josiah the first, and had upon his breast, as the decoration of an order, crossed codfishes, in allusion to his persistent defence of the New England fisheries. He was also called King because of his political domination in New England. In the caricature his coat was scarlet, his waistcoat brown, his breeches light green, and his stockings white silk. In a space near his head, in the original, were the words, I, Josiah the Firoperation. And what is the language of George III., when our minister presents to his consideration the embargo laws? Is it Le roy s'avisera? The King will reflect upon them. No, it is the pure language of royal approbation, Le roy Le veut— The King wills it. Were you colonies, he could expect no more. His subjects will as inevitably get that commerce which you abandon as the water will certainly run into the only channel which remains after all the others are obstructed. In whatever point
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