Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Johnston or search for Johnston in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
d his vote for the Mexican war bill naturally attracted to him the support of Southern Whigs; The Southern Whigs in the Whig caucus, acting under the lead of Stephens and Toombs. supported Winthrop in a body in preference to Vinton of Ohio. Johnston and Browne's Life of A. H. Stephens, p. 220. while for the same reasons he was distrusted by members like Giddings, Palfrey, and Tuck, who insisted upon the adoption of effective measures against the prosecution of the war and the extension of scandidate of their own kind. In the interval they had been drawing nearer to South Carolina disunionism. Stephens had, perhaps, a personal reason, not having been assigned to the place on committees which he desired. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, pp. 220, 221, 237, 238. The spectacle of this small band of Free Soilers, immovable in spite of frowns and odious epithets from all sides, and threats from Southern members suggestive of disunion and violence, was an exhibition of mo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
ssed the Senate, but was lost in the House,—its defeat in the latter body being accomplished, strangely enough, by Alexander H. Stephens, who, from whatever motives acting, did the country a good service on that day. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, pp. 228-230. The Boston Advertizer, July 22 and 29, 1848, and June 28, 1850, approved this measure. The debates in the years 1846-1848 in relation to the Oregon and Mexican territories brought the opponents and partisans of slavem the balance of power in the House and a strong force for debate.. Southern men of an extreme pro-slavery position saw that there was something formidable in a movement so profoundly earnest and so wisely directed. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, pp. 236-237. Notwithstanding General Taylor's slaveholding interests and associations, and the type of Southern politicians who had promoted his candidacy, large numbers of antislavery Whigs finally gave him their votes, relying
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
rier, March 11. and by the people of Massachusetts with surprise and indignation. His biographer, G. T. Curtis, admits this adverse opinion, vol. II. p. 410. The Whig press of New England, with rare exceptions, condemned his unexpected movement The rumor, which anticipated the speech in the last days of February, was not credited. （Boston Atlas, March 1.) The Southern leaders had been advised of the tenor of the speech two weeks before it was delivered. (A. II. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, p. 250.) Webster, as early as January 21, admitted Clay to a confidence as to his purpose which he withheld from his own people. G. T. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 397. and at first only one Whig newspaper The Newburyport Herald. in Massachusetts, outside of Boston, cordially approved it. If a direct popular vote could have been taken on the Fugitive Slave bill, or on the Compromise as a whole, it is safe to say that nine tenths, perhaps nineteen twentieths, of his
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
or free and slave States; but he always challenged the wrong he withstood by its real name. He never treated a grave question sportively; but when slavery was the topic, he was as serious in private talk as in the debates of the Senate. Wade's inaccuracies of statement and looseness of speech suggested corresponding limitations in character. Hale's light way of speaking of political questions in private conversation sometimes led observers to misjudge him. See A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, p. 308; also Reminiscences of Samuel K. Lothrop, pp. 182-183. If the Southern men thought other Northern leaders were playing a part, and would, like Webster and Corwin, yield their position under a sufficient pressure of ambition or selfinterest, they exempted him from such a suspicion. General William Preston of Kentucky, who entered Congress in December, 1852, late in his life, told the writer that the South felt that Sumner was the only Northern man who would never under