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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: October 17, 1863., [Electronic resource] 2 0 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 1 1 Browse Search
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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Wise, Henry Alexander 1806-1876 (search)
nd candidate B may concur with the community on the subject of this proscription alone, and upon no other subject; and yet the Know-nothings might elect B by their secret sentiment against the public sentiment. Thus it attacks not only American doctrines of expatriation, allegiance, and protection, but the equality of citizenship, and the authority of public sentiment. In the affair of Koszta, how did our blood rush to his rescue? Did the Know-nothing side with him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and Austria? If with Koszta, why? Let them ask themselves for the rationale, and see if it can in reason abide with their orders. There is no middle ground in respect to naturalization. We must either have naturalization laws and let foreigners become citizens, on equal terms of capacities and privileges, or we must exclude them altogether. If we abolish naturalization laws, we return to the European dogma: Once a citizen, always a citizen. If we let foreigners be naturalized and don'
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 27. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The monument to Mosby's men. (search)
the world until it had one of its own. In 1851 the Austrian Minister, the Chevalier Hulseman, complained in a diplomatic note that the instructions of the American government to its agent in Europe were offensive to the Imperial Cabinet because it applied an honorary title to the Hungarian chief, Kossuth. Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, said in reply: In respect to the honorary epithet bestowed in Mr. Mann's instructions on the late chief of the revolutionary government of Hungary, Mr. Hulseman will bear in mind the government of the United States cannot justly be expected, in a confidential communication to its own agent, to withhold from an individual an epithet of distinction of which a great part of the world thinks him worthy, merely on the ground that his own government regards him as a rebel. At an early stage of the American revolution, while Washington was considered by the English government as a rebel chief, he was regarded on the continent of Europe as an illustriou
The Daily Dispatch: October 17, 1863., [Electronic resource], Austria and the United States. (search)
es publishes and extract from a private letter received by a citizen of that city from a gentleman of Vienna, Austria, which discloses a new reason why Maximilian was induced to accept the throne of Mexico. The writer of the letter, says the Times, has from his position rare opportunities to ascertain diplomatic secrets: Vienna, August 20, 1863.--I can also give you a little political information, which may interest you Americans. You may remember the Kostza affair, and the so-called Hulseman letter. The Austrian Government has never forgotten nor forgiven the insult then offered to her flag and her diplomatic representative. The insult was given to Austria, she thinks, because her naval power was small, and because she had no efficient means to resent it, and therefore had to pocket it. They believe here that the United States would not have done so to either France or England. When the first overture for the Mexican throne came to Maximilian, who, as you know, represent