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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 3. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address on the character of General R. E. Lee, delivered in Richmond on Wednesday, January 19th, 1876, the anniversary of General Lee's birth (search)
fault there were, such as in a soldier leans to virtue's side; it was the fault of Marlbrook at Malplaquet, of Great Frederic at Torgau, of Napoleon at Borodino. It is the famous fault of the column of Fontenoy, and the generous haste that led Hampden to his death. Lee chose no defensive of his own will. None knew better than he that axiom of the military art which finds the logical end of defence in surrender. None knew better than he that Fabius had never earned his fame by the policy his honor shall extorted tributes carve the shaft or mould the statue; but this day a grateful people give of their poverty gladly, that in pure marble, or time-defying bronze, future generations may see the counterfeit presentment of this man — the ideal and bright consummate flower of our civilization; not an Alexander, it may be; nor Napoleon, nor Timour, nor Churchill — greater far than they, thank heaven — the brother and the equal of Sidney and of Falkland, of Hampden and of Washing
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 10. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Newport's News. Nomen non Locus. (search)
me being in the possessive case is crushingly fatal to that theory, and is conclusive proof that the type-setter carelessly printed the word Nuse for News; pronouncing, in his mind, the word Nuse as if rhyming with Fuse, and therefore sounding, as to its last three letters, precisely like the sound of the last three letters of the word News. Mr. Grigsby, in his letter to Mr. Deane, cites the compound name Newport-Pagnall, in England, and the following compound names in this country, viz: Hampden-Sidney, Randolph-Macon, Wilkes-Barre, and Say-Brook, Written at the present day Wilkesbarre and Saybrook. in support of his theory; as if he should assert, by way of argument: Because those compound names are what they are, and were originated, as everybody knows, to perpetuate in each case the united surnames of two persons, therefore the compound name Newport's News is orthographically incorrect, and is but a corruption of what I assert is the true and original name, i. e. Newport Newc
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 13: (search)
When duties were imposed, not for revenue, but as a bounty to a particular industry, it was regarded both as unjust and without warrant, expressed or implied, in the Constitution. Then arose the controversy, quadrennially renewed and with increasing provocation, in 1820, in 1824, and in 1828—each stage intensifying the discontent, arising more from the injustice than the weight of the burden borne. It was not the twenty-shilling ship-money tax, but the violation of Magna Charta, which Hampden and his associates resisted. It was not the stamp duty nor the tea tax, but the principle involved in taxation without representation, against which our colonial fathers took up arms. So the tariff act in 1828, known at the time as the bill of abominations, was resisted by Southern representatives because it was the invasion of private rights in violation of the compact by which the states were united. In the last stage of the proceeding, after the friends of the bill. had advocated it
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix E (search)
ndation of our institutions. They should drink the waters of the fountain at the source of our colonial and early history. You, men of Boston, go to the street where the massacre occurred in 1770. There you should learn how your fathers strove for community rights. And near the same spot you should learn how proudly the delegation of democracy came to demand the removal of the troops from Boston, and how the venerable Samuel Adams stood asserting the rights of democracy, dauntless as Hampden, clear and eloquent as Sidney; and how they drove out the myrmidons who had trampled on the rights of the people. All over our country, these monuments, instructive to the present generation, of what our fathers did, are to be found. In the library of your association for the collection of your early history, I found a letter descriptive of the reading of the church service to his army by General Washington, during one of those winters when the army was ill-clad and without shoes, when
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 152 (search)
nciple of liberty. Few Englishmen or Americans will deny that the source of government is the consent of the governed, or that every nation has the right to govern itself according to its will. When the silent consent is changed to fierce remonstrance, the revolution is impending. The right of revolution is indisputable. It is written on the whole record of our race. British and American history is made up of rebellion and revolution. Many of the crowned kings were rebels or usurpers; Hampden, Pym, and Oliver Cromwell; Washington, Adams, and Jefferson, all were rebels. It is no word of reproach; but these men all knew the work they had set themselves to do. They never called their rebellion peaceable secession. They were sustained by the consciousness of right when they overthrew established authority, but they meant to overthrow it. They meant rebellion, civil war, bloodshed, infinite suffering for themselves and their whole generation, for they accounted them welcome substit
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), chapter 291 (search)
tates may stand forever, to vindicate the success of the representative Republican system, to vindicate the success of the great experiment of popular government, to rebuke despotic power, to disrobe tyranny of its pomp and pride, to rebuke anarchy and riot in the sanctuary of secession; to sustain the cause of law and government, the holy cause of civil and religious liberty; to bless the living, honor the dead, justify the blood of our glorious Revolution, and vindicate the cause in which Hampden, Elliot, and Moore suffered and died; to vindicate the cause in which the hundreds and thousands of victims, through ages and generations, have been sacrificed on the altar of human liberty! May God bless and preserve this remnant of the great American Republic for all these high purposes, and permit it to stand forever as a perpetual monument to the memory and glory of the patriotic men who shall have the wisdom, virtue, and courage to resist local sectional feelings, to resist the progre
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career., Chapter 8: (search)
us, the tyrant decemvir of ancient Rome, condemning Virginia as a slave; nor Louis XIV. of France, letting slip the dogs of religious persecution by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes ; nor Charles I. of England, arousing the patriot-rage of Hampden by the extortion of ship-money; nor the British Parliament, provoking in our country spirits kindred to Hampden, by the tyranny of the Stamp Act and the tea-tax. I would not exaggerate; I wish to keep within bounds: but I think no person can doHampden, by the tyranny of the Stamp Act and the tea-tax. I would not exaggerate; I wish to keep within bounds: but I think no person can doubt that the condemnation now affixed to all these transactions and to their authors must be the lot hereafter of the Fugitive-Slave Bill, and of every one, according to the measure of his influence, who gave it his support. Into the immortal catalogue of national crimes this has now passed, drawing after it, by an inexorable necessity, its authors also, and chiefly him who as president of the United States set his name to the bill, and breathed into it that final breath without which it would
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 4: (search)
-one others, for a law authorizing colored men to form military companies; of John Wells and others, of Chicopee, for a law to allow cities and towns to raise money for the support of volunteers and their families. On motion of Mr. Carter, of Hampden, a joint committee was appointed to consider the expediency of tendering the service of members of the Legislature free of expense. Mr. Stone, of Essex, reported a bill regulating drill companies, also in favor of the bill for the establishmeome guard. May 23. In the Senate.—Mr. Davis, of Bristol, introduced a series of resolutions on the national crisis; but as they were opposed by Messrs. Northend of Essex, Bonney of Middlesex, Battles of Worcester, Cole of Berkshire, Carter of Hampden, and Boynton of Worcester, Mr. Davis reluctantly withdrew them. The resolves which had been rejected in the House, in regard to the rights of citizens, elicited a warm debate. Mr. Schouler, of Middlesex, spoke in favor of the resolves. He c
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 6: (search)
ers recruited by General Butler, came up by assignment. The Governor had informed the Militia Committee, that, since the message was sent in, the Secretary of War had placed these troops to the credit of Massachusetts, and under the authority of the Governor, the same as other regiments; and therefore no further legislation was necessary, as they would come within the provision of the law of 1861. The whole subject was then laid upon the table. Feb. 15. In the Senate.—Mr. Thompson, of Hampden, from the Committee on the Militia, submitted a report upon all the orders which had been referred to them concerning State aid to soldiers' families. The report was accompanied by a bill, which provided that State aid should be paid to the families of Massachusetts soldiers who were in the New-York regiments, and whose families resided in this State. It also provided that the same should be paid to the families of Massachusetts men who should thereafter enlist in the navy. Feb. 20. In
Frank Preston Stearns, Cambridge Sketches, Chevalier Howe. (search)
ictions of international law or comity, was vexed with Sumner for not promoting the intervention of the United States in behalf of the insurgent Cubans. This reminds one of Boswell's treatment of Doctor Johnson's friends. Like John Adams and Hampden, Doctor Howe was a revolutionary character,--and so were Sumner and Lincoln,--but he was a man in all matters prudent, discreet and practical. He was as much opposed to inflammatory harangues and French socialistic notions as he was to the hide-bound conservatism against which he had battled all his life. Like Hampden and Adams his revolutionary strokes were well timed and right to the point. Experience has proved them to be effective and salutary. It was the essential merit of Sumner and his friends that they recognized the true character of the times in which they lived and adapted themselves to it. Thousands of well-educated men lived through the anti-slavery and civil war period without being aware that they were taking part i
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