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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 838 2 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 280 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 246 2 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 180 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 140 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 96 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 80 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 76 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 63 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Stephen A. Douglas or search for Stephen A. Douglas in all documents.

Your search returned 21 results in 8 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
ed beyond the supporters of Bell, Breckinridge, and Douglas, even to some of Lincoln's supporters, who if possiree negroes in all the States (a provision added by Douglas and accepted by Crittenden); and to authorize mastetes, or their refusal to vote. It was supported by Douglas, and by the Democratic and Southern Whig senators, between different schemes. The supporters of Bell, Douglas, and Breckinridge, being in a majority, took the leon, and Clingman of North Carolina, but assisted by Douglas. February 18, 19, 20. Congressional Globe, pp. ridge, and to speeches hardly less mischievous from Douglas and Bayard. Douglas was bitter in the extreme towaDouglas was bitter in the extreme towards Wilson, Fessenden, and Hale; and Wilson in a brief reply justly called his speech mischievous, wicked, and . His associates were Collamer, Doolittle, Harris, Douglas, Polk, and Breckinridge. He was also placed on thein whether his appointment would be satisfactory to Douglas and Breckinridge, the Democratic members of the com
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
Preston King of New York, Wilmot of Pennsylvania, Trumbull of Illinois, Wade and Sherman of Ohio, and Chandler of Michigan. The presence most missed was that of Douglas, who died June 3. The session of July 9 was set apart for eulogies on Douglas, in which Trumbull and Collamer took part. Sumner, though inclined to pay tributDouglas, in which Trumbull and Collamer took part. Sumner, though inclined to pay tributes to deceased associates, remained silent. The committee on foreign relations consisted of Sumner (chairman), Collamer, Doolittle of Wisconsin, Wilmot, Browning of Illinois, Polk of Missouri, and Breckinridge. Sumner's frequent motions for executive sessions showed that the committee was busy with its appropriate work. There wasdsmith F. Bailey, a deceased member of the House from Massachusetts, whose election he had materially aided at the time the former member, Eli Thayer, had adopted Douglas's notion of settling the slavery question in the Territories by the vote of the inhabitants. Vol. VI. pp. 504-509. Very early in the session he moved a res
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
be, p. 3263). March 31 and April 7 and 8, 1869 (Globe, pp. 384, 607, 609). Sumner's superlative fidelity may be thought finical, but it attests the seriousness with which he regarded all public duties. Sumner's presence in the Senate was always one of dignity, such as became the office and place. He never descended to frivolity; he did not, as is the habit of restless members, keep passing from seat to seat, indulging in small talk with one or another, but remained mostly in his own; Douglas's swagger up and down the aisles is still remembered. Wilson was never so unhappy as when obliged to stay in his seat. Sumner's uniform observance of rules and courtesies in the Senate was referred to in tributes in Congress, April 27, 1874, by Pratt of Indiana in the Senate (Congressional Globe, p. 3403), and by E. R. Hoar in the House (Globe, p. 3410). He was accustomed to make protests against scandalous conduct in the Senate,—as Abbott's threat of a duel with a senator, and the drunke
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
se great support was the moral enthusiasm of the people. The Republican State convention met at Worcester, September 9, and Sumner's supporters were ready for the first encounter. They decided to make the issue openly upon him in the convention. This direct appeal to the people in the nomination of a senator was contrary to custom in Massachusetts; but it had a distinguished precedent in another State,—in Illinois, where Lincoln in 1858 was nominated as the Republican candidate against Douglas. Sumner thought it unseemly to mix personally in the contest within the party, and declined an invitation to attend the convention in a letter read by Mr. Claflin to the delegates, which invoked an earnest support of the government, but did not omit to add an appeal for the policy of freedom, which he deemed essential to success. Works, vol. VII. pp. 187-190. T. D. Eliot, a Massachusetts member of Congress, at a public meeting on the evening preceding the convention, answered at length
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
salt in the sand by the seashore. He compared Trumbull's attempt to cram the resolution down the throats of the Senate to that of another senator from Illinois (Douglas), who brought in his Kansas-Nebraska bill in precisely the same manner—proudly, confidently, almost menacingly, with the declaration that it was to pass in twenty(manuscript). It was probably the same day that Sumner asked him if he had ever had any doubt about his declaration made in 1858, when he opened his campaign with Douglas,—A house divided against itself cannot stand; and he answered, Not in the least; it was clearly true, and time has justified me. Works, vol. IX. p 379. Thke his appeal to the country. With him a moral purpose always overrode artistic limitations. He found at hand Mr. Lincoln's constant insistence, in debates with Douglas and in later speeches and papers, upon the equal rights of all men, without exception of race; and he read a number of extracts from them, some quite long, where
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
by him and reported by the judiciary committee. Some senators who favored it thought it untimely, as imperilling a measure immediately needed to prevent frauds, while those from the Pacific coast saw in it the introduction of the Chinese to citizenship. Sumner, unlike his colleague Wilson, was not daunted by fears of an Oriental invasion; and again (it was the Fourth of July he stood on the Declaration of Independence, fortifying himself also with Scripture and Lincoln's argument against Douglas. July 2 and 4. Works, vol. XIII. pp. 474-498. His amendment was lost when he moved it at one stage, and was carried when he moved it at another but it was finally rejected by the combined votes of the Democratic senators, senators from the Pacific coast, and Republican senators who thought it untimely; an amendment, however, admitting, aliens of African nativity or descent was carried, and became a part of the Act as passed. The differences between Trumbull and Sumner on fundamental c
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 56: San Domingo again.—the senator's first speech.—return of the angina pectoris.—Fish's insult in the Motley Papers.— the senator's removal from the foreign relations committee.—pretexts for the remioval.—second speech against the San Domingo scheme.—the treaty of Washington.—Sumner and Wilson against Butler for governor.—1870-1871. (search)
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in the Lecompton constitution by which it was sought to subjugate Kansas to slavery. He likened the President's attempt to interfere with the committee on foreign relations to Buchanan's insistence on Douglas's removal in 1868 from the committee on territories in order to carry the Lecompton constitution, and he referred to the menace of personal assault filling the air. He called on Colfax, the Vice-President, to counsel the President to shun all ap is not expedient, is a political blunder, wrong in itself, and had better be abandoned instead of being consummated. Logan and Wilson reminded the majority that the one precedent for a change at the instance of the Executive was the removal of Douglas from the head of the committee on territories at Buchanan's dictation on account of that senator's opposition to the Lecompton constitution. It was recalled in the debate that Henry Clay was chairman of the committee on foreign affairs at a ti
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
like Charles Francis Adams, Jr., at Quincy, openly declared their purpose to support his re-election; and his declaration represented the spirit of the Republican masses. Sumner was kindly to old friends who did not follow him at this time; but it was a grief to him that he could not draw George William Curtis to his side. One evening in the spring of 1872, when Curtis was at his house and was about leaving, Sumner said to him, as if pleading for his support: When Brooks struck me down, Douglas stood by; now when Grant strikes, you stand by. The tears fell as he spoke these friendly but reproachful words. Curtis, in his eulogy, June 9, 1874, describes Sumner's emotions in 1872, as revealed in intimate intercourse with him. Henderson, former senator from Missouri, was witness of the scene. General Henderson supported, with reluctance, General Grant at this time, but was afterwards a strenuous opponent of the attempt to give him a third term. Sumner's relations with his c