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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 838 2 Browse Search
William H. Herndon, Jesse William Weik, Herndon's Lincoln: The True Story of a Great Life, Etiam in minimis major, The History and Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln by William H. Herndon, for twenty years his friend and Jesse William Weik 280 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 246 2 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 180 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 140 0 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 96 2 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 80 0 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 76 0 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 66 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 63 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for Stephen A. Douglas or search for Stephen A. Douglas in all documents.

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Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 5: (search)
ch, according to the order of business established by the rules of the House of Representatives, the bill could be introduced by the committee of that house. On Sunday morning, January 22, 1854, gentlemen of each committee called at my house; Douglas, chairman of the Senate committee, fully explained the proposed bill, and stated their purpose to be, through my aid, to obtain an interview on that day with the President, to ascertain whether the bill would meet his approbation. The Presidentuire the right of self-government; that is to say, as soon as their numbers should entitle them to organize themselves into a state, prepared to take its place as an equal, sovereign member of the federal Union. The claim, afterward advanced by Douglas and others, that this declaration was intended to assert the right of the first settlers of a territory, in its inchoate, rudimental, dependent, and transitional condition, to determine the character of its institutions, constituted the doctrin
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 6: (search)
of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, in 1854, that it was fully developed under the plastic and constructive genius of the Hon. Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The leading part which that distinguished Senator had borne in the authorship and advocacy of th them or refrained from voting at all, except that Teneyck of New Jersey voted for the fifth and seventh of the series. Douglas, the leader if not the author of popular sovereignty, was absent on account of illness, and there were a few other absentees. The conclusion of a speech in reply to Douglas, a few days before the vote was taken on these resolutions, is introduced here as the best evidence of the position of the author at that period of excitement and agitation: conclusion of reply to Mr. Douglas, may 17, 1860. Mr. President: I briefly and reluctantly referred, because the subject had been introduced, to the attitude of Mississippi on a former occasion. I will now as briefly say that in 1851, and in 1860, Mississipp
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 7: (search)
nominations at Baltimore the Constitutional-Union party and its nominees an effort in behalf of agreement declined by Douglas the election of Lincoln and Hamlin proceedings in the South evidences of calmness and deliberation Buchanan's conserrence to the Constitution, the Union, and the enforcement of the laws. 2. The party of popular sovereignty, headed by Douglas and Johnson, who affirmed the right of the people of the territories, in their territorial condition, to determine theire generally acceptable than either of the three who had been presented to the country. When I made this announcement to Douglas—with whom my relations had always been such as to authorize the assurance that he could not consider it as made in an un Democrats, if he were withdrawn, would join in the support of Lincoln, rather than of any one that should supplant him (Douglas); that he was in the hands of his friends, and was sure they would not accept the proposition. It needed but little k
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 8: (search)
cember, and on the 20th the Committee was appointed, consisting of Powell and Crittenden of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Toombs of Georgia, Davis of Mississippi, Douglas of Illinois, Bigler of Pennsylvania, Rice of Minnesota, Collamer of Vermont, Seward of New York, Wade of Ohio, Doolittle of Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa. The fisatisfactory conclusion. This report was made on December 31—the last day of that memorable and fateful year, 1860. Subsequently, on the floor of the Senate, Douglas, who had been a member of the committee, called upon the opposite side to state what they were willing to do. He referred to the fact that they had rejected everynistration, and was very generally regarded as the power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself. He was present in the Senate, but made no response to Douglas's demand for a declaration of policy. Meantime the efforts for an adjustment made in the House of Representatives had been equally fruitless. Conspicuous amon
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 1: (search)
was, I believe, as intimate and confidential as with any person outside of his own family. On the contrary, he requested the delegation from Mississippi not to permit the use of his name before the Convention. And, after the nomination of both Douglas and Breckinridge, he conferred with them, at the instance of leading Democrats, to persuade them to withdraw, that their friends might unite on some second choice—an office he would never have undertaken, had he sought the nomination or believed pacification and prevent secession, and that Jefferson Davis was one of a committee appointed by the Senate to consider and report such a measure; that it failed because the Northern Republicans opposed everything that looked to peace; that Senator Douglas arraigned them as trying to precipitate secession, referred to Jefferson Davis as one who sought conciliation, and called upon the Republican Senators to tell what they would do, if anything, to restore harmony and prevent disunion. They di
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 7: (search)
der appointment of Pierce near the close of his term, and continued so under that of Buchanan. These gentlemen, moreover, represented the three great parties which had ineffectually opposed the sectionalism of the so-called Republicans. Ex-Governor Roman had been a Whig in former years, and one of the Constitutional Union, or Bell-and-Everett party in the canvass of 1860; Crawford, as a state-rights Democrat, had supported Breckinridge; Forsyth had been a zealous advocate of the claims of Douglas. The composition of the commission was therefore such as should have conciliated the sympathy and cooperation of every element of conservatism with which they might have occasion to deal. Their commissions authorized and empowered them, in the name of the Confederate States, to meet and confer with any person or persons duly authorized by the Government of the United States, being furnished with like power and authority, and with him or them to agree, treat, consult, and negotiate concer
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 12: (search)
Chapter 12: Protests against the conduct of the Government of the United States Senator Douglas's proposition to evacuate the forts, and extracts from his speech in support of it General Scott's advice manly letter of Major Anderson, protesting against the action of the Federal Government misstatements of the Count of Paris correspondence relative to proposed evacuation of the Fort a crisis. The course pursued by the government of the United States with regard to the fortsstence, with its capital at Montgomery. We may regret it. I regret it most profoundly; but I can not deny the truth of the fact, painful and mortifying as it is. . . . I proclaim boldly the policy of those with whom I act. We are for peace. Douglas, in urging the maintenance of peace as a motive for the evacuation of the forts, was no doubt aware of the full force of his words. He knew that their continued occupation was virtually a declaration of war. The general-in-chief of the Unite
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 13: (search)
ll cessions by the states of sites for military purposes, but it applies with special force to the case of Charleston. The streams flowing into that harbor, from source to mouth, lie entirely within the limits of the state of South Carolina. No other state or combination of states could have any distinct interest or concern in the maintenance of a fortress at that point, unless as a means of aggression against South Carolina herself. The practical view of the case was correctly stated by Douglas, when he said: I take it for granted that whoever permanently holds Charleston and South Carolina is entitled to the possession of Fort Sumter. Whoever permanently holds Pensacola and Florida is entitled to the possession of Fort Pickens. Whoever holds the States in whose limits those forts are placed is entitled to the forts themselves, unless there is something peculiar in the location of some particular fort that makes it important for us to hold it for the general defense of the whole
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix D (search)
c Ocean, and that strife which now agitates the country never renewed; but with a distinct declaration: Go ye to the right, and we will go to the left; and we go in peace and good — will toward each other. Those who refused then to allow the extension of that line, those who declared then that it was a violation of principle, and insisted on what they termed non-intervention, must have stood with very poor grace in the same Chamber when, at a subsequent period, the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas], bound by his honor on account of his previous course, moved the repeal of that line to throw open Kansas; they must have stood with very bad grace, in this presence, to argue that that line was now sacred, and must be kept for ever. The Senator from Illinois stood foremost as one who was willing, at an early period, to sacrifice his own prejudices and his own interests (if, indeed, his interests be girt and bounded by the limits of a State) by proposing to extend that line of pacific
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Appendix F (search)
in it is, it was not the theory of that period, and it was not contended for in all the controversies we had then. I had no faith in it then; I considered it an evasion; I held that the duty of Congress ought to be performed; that the issue was before us, and ought to be met, the sooner the better; that truth would prevail if presented to the people; borne down to-day, it would rise up to-morrow; and I stood then on the same general plea which I am making now. The Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas] and myself differed at that time, as I presume we do now. We differed radically then. He opposed every proposition which I made, voting against propositions to give power to a Territorial Legislature to protect slave-property which should be taken there; to remove the obstructions of the Mexican laws; voting for a proposition to exclude the conclusion that slavery might be taken there; voting for the proposition expressly to prohibit its introduction; voting for the proposition to keep
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