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James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown 1,857 43 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 250 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 242 6 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 138 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 129 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 126 0 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 116 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 116 6 Browse Search
Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 3, Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 114 0 Browse Search
Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall) 89 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for John Brown or search for John Brown in all documents.

Your search returned 9 results in 5 document sections:

jority Douglas gains legislature Greeley, Crittenden, et al.-the fight must go on Douglas's Southern speeches Senator Brown's questions Lincoln's warning against popular sovereignty the War of pamphlets Lincoln's Ohio speeches the Jo as he felt himself obliged in the same speeches to defend his Freeport doctrine. Having taken his seat in Congress, Senator Brown of Mississippi, toward the close of the short session, catechized him sharply on this point. If the territorial ltreme of feeling or utterance, are well illustrated by the temperate criticism he made of it a few months later: John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaveem. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were; in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England
Chapter 10. Lincoln's Kansas speeches the Cooper Institute speech New England speeches the Democratic schism- Senator Brown's resolutions Jefferson Davis's resolutions the Charleston convention majority and minority reports cotton State delegations secede Charleston convention Adjourns Democratic Baltimore convention Splits Breckinridge nominated Douglas nominated Bell nominated by Union constitutional convention Chicago convention Lincoln's letters to Piemand for a congressional slave code for the Territories and the recognition of the doctrine of property in slaves. These last two points they had distinctly formulated in the first session of the Thirty-sixth Congress. On January 18, 1860, Senator Brown of Mississippi introduced into the Senate two resolutions, one asserting the nationality of slavery, the other that, when necessary, Congress should pass laws for its protection in the Territories. On February 2 Jefferson Davis introduced an
neral of the army resigned their positions to take service under Jefferson Davis. One morning the captain of a light battery on which General Scott had placed special reliance for the defense of Washington came to the President at the White House to asseverate and protest his loyalty and fidelity; and that same night secretly left his post and went to Richmond to become a Confederate officer. The most prominent case, however, was that of Colonel Robert E. Lee, the officer who captured John Brown at Harper's Ferry, and who afterward became the leader of the Confederate armies. As a lieutenant he had served on the staff of General Scott in the war with Mexico. Personally knowing his ability, Scott recommended him to Lincoln as the most suitable officer to command the Union army about to be assembled under the President's call for seventy-five regiments; and this command was informally tendered him through a friend. Lee, however, declined the offer, explaining that though opposed
housand of his best soldiers, and sixty-five guns, he started on November 15 on his march of three hundred miles to the Atlantic. They carried with them twenty days supplies of provisions, five days supply of forage, and two hundred rounds of ammunition, of which each man carried forty rounds. With perfect confidence in their leader, with perfect trust in each others' valor, endurance and good comradeship, in the fine weather of the Southern autumn, and singing the inspiring melody of John Brown's body, Sherman's army began its marching through Georgia as gaily as if it were starting on a holiday. And, indeed, it may almost be said such was their experience in comparison with the hardships of war which many of these veterans had seen in their varied campaigning. They marched as nearly as might be in four parallel columns abreast, making an average of about fifteen miles a day. Kilpatrick's admirable cavalry kept their front and flanks free from the improvised militia and irregul
frankly to accept Lincoln's ultimatum of reunion. The principal Richmond authorities knew, and some of them admitted, that their Confederacy was nearly in collapse. Lee sent a despatch saying he had not two days rations for his army. Richmond was already in a panic at rumors of evacuation. Flour was selling at a thousand dollars a barrel in Confederate currency. The recent fall of Fort Fisher had closed the last avenue through which blockade-runners could bring in foreign supplies. Governor Brown of Georgia was refusing to obey orders from Richmond, and characterizing them as despotic. Under such circumstances a defiant cry of independence would not reassure anybody; nor, on the other hand, was it longer possible to remain silent. Mr. Blair's first visit had created general interest; when he came a second time, wonder and rumor rose to fever heat. Impelled to take action, Mr. Davis had not the courage to be frank. After consultation with his cabinet, a peace commission of