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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxv. Peace Democracy—peace Conference. (search)
n; and they left revolution organized in every State, to act whenever it is demanded by public opinion. The confederation is held together only by public opinion. Each State is organized as a complete government, holding the purse and wielding the sword, possessing the right to break the tie of the confederation as a nation might break a treaty, and repel coercion as a nation might repel invasion. * * * Coercion, if it were possible, is out of the question. The Charleston Courier of November, 1860, announced the formation of Military organizations in various parts of the North in defense of Southern rights. Allentown, Pa., was specified as one of the points at which such forces were mustering and drilling. The Peace Conference, or Congress, so called, was assembled on the unanimous invitation of the Legislature of Virginia, Adopted January 19, 1861. So early as Nov. 30, 1860, Gov. John Letcher, of Virginia, who, as a Douglas Democrat and former anti-Slavery man, was re
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xxxi. The forces in conflict. (search)
Protestant Episcopalians, who had never received a word of reproof for slaveholding from their Northern brethren, unanimously taking the lead, followed by the still more numerous Baptists. And even the Southern Press, incendiary and violent as it was, was outstripped by the Southern pulpit in the unanimity and vehemence of its fulminations in behalf of Secession. Of the sermons with which the South was carpeted--thick as Autumnal leaves that strew the brooks in Vallombrosa --between November, 1860, and May, 1861, that entitled Slavery a Divine trust, by Rev. B. M. Palmer, of New-Orleans, was perhaps the most forcible and note-worthy. In it, Mr. Palmer says: In determining our duty in this emergency, it is necessary that we should first ascertain the nature of the trust providentially committed to us. * * The particular trust assigned to such a people becomes the pledge of Divine protection; and their fidelity to it determines the fate by which it is overtaken. * * * If, th
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman ., volume 1, Chapter 6: Louisiana. 1859-1861. (search)
ckson, by the Governor of Mississippi, to confer with Governor Moore, then on his plantation at Bayou Robert, and who had come over to see our college. tie spoke to me openly of secession as a fixed fact, and that its details were only left open for discussion. I also recall the visit of some man who was said to be a high officer in the order of Knights of the Golden circle, of the existence of which order I was even ignorant, until explained to me by Major Smith and Dr. Clark. But in November, 1860, no man ever approached me offensively, to ascertain my views, or my proposed course of action in case of secession, and no man in or out of authority ever tried to induce me to take part in steps designed to lead toward disunion. I think my general opinions were well known and understood, viz., that secession was treason, was war; and that in no event could the North and West permit the Mississippi River to pass out of their control. But some men at the South actually supposed at the
Henry Morton Stanley, Dorothy Stanley, The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley, part 1.4, chapter 1.10 (search)
od isolated in a small clearing in the midst of Cypress Grove, and was removed from the dwelling-house of the family by a quarter of a mile. It was a long one-storied building of solid logs, divided into four apartments, three of which contained all manner of things that ironmongers, gunners, grocers, drapers, stationers, are supposed to sell; the fourth room, at the back, was used as an office during the day, and as a bedroom at night, by the clerks in charge. I commenced my duties in November, 1860, being warmly hailed as a fellow-clerk by Mr. Cronin, the salesman, and Mr. Waldron, the assistant-salesman. Cronin was an Irishman from New York, about thirty years old; the assistant was the son of a small planter in the vicinity. The first was a character for whom I had a pitying fondness. One-half of him was excellent, all brightness, cleverness, and sociability, the other half, perhaps the worse, was steeped in whiskey. He was my Alphabet of the race of topers. I have never b
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 8. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Explosive or poisoned musket or rifle balls — were they authorized and used by the Confederate States army, or by the United States army during the Civil War?--a slander refuted. (search)
who has allowed himself to be so easily imposed upon as in his ready acceptance as true history of the Morgan Jones Welsh Indian fraud (American Historical Record, I, 250); who makes such glaring historical mistakes as his statement that General Braddock was defeated and killed at the battle of the Great Meadows (History of the Revolutionary War), and that Captain John Smith, the Virginia explorer, had explored the Susquehanna river as far north as the Wyoming Valley (Harper's Magazine, November, 1860), and who draws so largely on his imagination, and is so much controlled by his prejudices in his History of the Civil War, cannot be considered an entirely trustworthy historian. But because Mr. Lossing's histories have flooded the North, and are largely accepted as authentic narrations of events, it is due to the Confederates and the cause for which they so long and nobly battled, against such fearful odds, that the truth be made known and Mr. Lossing's misstatements exposed. It is
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 7: (search)
rants delegated to the federal government, or in other words to secede from the Union; in the South, however, this was generally regarded as the remedy of last resort, to be applied only when ruin or dishonor was the alternative. No rash or revolutionary action was taken by the Southern states, but the measures adopted were considerate, and executed advisedly and deliberately. The presidential election occurred (as far as the popular vote, which determined the result, was concerned) in November, 1860. Most of the state legislatures convened soon afterward in regular session. In some cases special sessions were convoked for the purpose of calling state conventions—the recognized representatives of the sovereign will of the people—to be elected expressly for the purpose of taking such action as should be considered needful and proper under the existing circumstances. These conventions, as it was always held and understood, possessed all the power of the people assembled in mass;
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 8: (search)
ter 8: Conference with the Governor of Mississippi the author Censured as too slow summons to Washington interview with the President his message movements in Congress the triumphant majority the Crittenden proposition speech of the author on Green's resolution the Committee of thirteen failure to agree the Republicans responsible for the failure proceedings in the House of Representatives Futility of efforts for an adjustment the old year closes in clouds. In November, 1860, after the result of the presidential election was known, the governor of Mississippi, having issued his proclamation convoking a special session of the legislature to consider the propriety of calling a convention, invited the Senators and Representatives of the state in Congress, to meet him for consultation as to the character of the message he should send to the legislature when assembled. While holding, in common with my political associates, that the right of a state to secede w
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Everett, Edward, 1794-1865 (search)
nst George I.; or his grandson, Charles Edward, to rebel against George II.; nor, as it seems to me, ought these dynastic struggles, little better than family quarrels, to be compared with this monstrous conspiracy against the American Union. These precedents do not prove that it was just and proper for the disappointed great men of the cotton-growing States to rebel against the most beneficent government of which history gives us any account, as the Vice-President of the Confederacy in November, 1860, charged them with doing. They do not create a presumption even in favor of the disloyal slave-holders of the South, who, living under a government of which Mr. Jefferson Davis, in the session of 1860-61, said that it was the best government ever instituted by man, unexceptionally administered, and under which the people have been prosperous beyond comparison with any other people whose career has been recorded in history, rebelled against it because their aspiring politicians, himself
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Mississippi, (search)
onies planted there grew slowly until New Orleans was founded, when many settlers were attracted to the Mississippi River; but hostile Indians suppressed rapid growth, and it was not until after the creation of the Territory of Mississippi, April 7, 1798, that the population became numerous. The boundaries of the Territory at first included all of Alabama north of the 31st parallel. In 1817 Mississippi was admitted into the Union as a State. A new constitution was adopted in 1832. In November, 1860, the legislature, in extraordinary session, provided for an election of delegates to a convention to be held on Jan. 7, 1861, to consider the subject of secession. That convention passed an ordinance of secession on the 9th, and, on March 30, ratified the constitution of the Confederate States. The northern portion of the State was the theatre of military operations in 1862, but the most important ones were in 1863, in movements connected with the siege and capture of Vicksburg (q.
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Senate, United States (search)
r aiding and abetting the Rebellion. Jesse D. Bright, of Indiana, was expelled on Feb. 5, 1862, for disloyalty in writing a letter to Jefferson Davis introducing a man who wanted to dispose of what he regards a great improvement in fire-arms. In connection with these expulsions for disloyalty it may be stated that the Senators from Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Virginia voluntarily retired between the months of November, 1860, and July, 1861. A. O. P. Nicholson, of Tennessee, retired March 3, 1861. Of the Senators in office May 1, 1898, twenty-one served in the Confederate army. The Senate has the sole power to try all impeachments. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States are impeachable for treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors, and on conviction for any of these offences they shall be removed from office; but no person shall be convicted without th
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