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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 3 3 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies 2 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 24, 1860., [Electronic resource] 2 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 23. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 2 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 23, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 2, 1861., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson 1 1 Browse Search
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.) 1 1 Browse Search
G. S. Hillard, Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan, Major-General , U. S. Army 1 1 Browse Search
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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., The first year of the War in Missouri. (search)
vement was Claiborne F. Jackson, who had just been inaugurated Governor. He had for many years been one of the foremost leaders of the Democrats of Missouri, and had been elected Governor in August. In the late canvass he had A very raw recruit. supported Douglas for President, not because he either liked him or approved his policy on the slavery question, but because Douglas was the choice of the Missouri Democrats, and to have opposed him would have defeated his own election; for in August, 1860, the people of Missouri were sincerely desirous that the questions at issue between the North and the South should be compromised and settled upon some fair basis, and were opposed to the election to the Presidency of any man-whether Lincoln or Breckinridge-whose success might intensify sectional antipathies and imperil the integrity of the Union. But while loyally supporting the candidacy of Douglas, Jackson abated none of his devotion to the political principles which had been the c
or capacities and accomplishments like his; and immediately upon his resignation he was appointed chief engineer of the Illinois Central Railroad, then just opened, and went to Chicago to reside. In a few weeks he was made vice-president of the corporation, and took general charge of all the business of the road in Illinois. In this capacity he first made the acquaintance of Mr. Lincoln, now President of the United States, then a practising lawyer in Springfield, Illinois, and occasionally employed in the conduct of suits and other professional services on behalf of the company. In May, 1860, Captain McClellan was married to Miss Ellen Marcy, daughter of General R. B. Marcy, his former commander in Texas, and the chief of his staff during the Peninsular campaign. In August, 1860, he resigned the vice-presidency of the Illinois Central Road, in order to accept the presidency of the Ohio & Mississippi Railroad, which post he held, residing in Cincinnati, till the war broke out.
ions, concocted and put forth incendiary Messages, or did whatever else the master-spirits of the conspiracy required. Their associates and subordinates in office were of like faith and purpose; and it may fairly be assumed that at least four-fifths of all those in office in the Slave States, whether under the National or any State Government, on the 6th of November, 1860, were ardent advocates of Secession. In Missouri, Mr. Claiborne F. Jackson had been chosen Governor Election of August, 1860: C. F. Jackson (Douglas) 74,446; Sam. Orr (Bell) 66,583; Hancock Jackson (Breck.) 11,416; Gardenhire (Lincoln) 6,135. as a Douglas Democrat; but that designation was entirely delusive. Having achieved what he considered the regular Democratic nomination for Governor, he thought he could not afford to bolt the regular Democratic nomination for President, and so gave at least a nominal support to Douglas, who thus obtained the vote of Missouri in November, when Gov. J. and a large proporti
nts, of whom 1,291 were slaves), when Secession was proposed, a county meeting was held, to consider the project; by which, after discussion, it was decided to negative the movement, and hold no election for delegates to the proposed State Convention. This gave the Secessionists the opportunity they wanted. They proceeded to hold an election, and to choose delegates, who helped vote the State out of the Union. And this was one case like many others. Gen. Edward W. Gantt, who had, in August, 1860, been chosen to Congress as an independent Democrat, from the Southern district of Arkansas, and who was an early and ardent Secessionist, testifies, since his reclamation to Unionism, that the poor farmers and other industrious nonslaveholders of his region were never Secessionists — that, where he had always been able to induce three-fourths of them to vote with him as a Democrat, he could not persuade half of them to sustain him as a Secessionist — that their hearts were never in the c
ty, Henry C. Burnett, a Secessionist, who only served through the Extra Session, and then fled to participate openly in the Rebellion. The only remaining district seriously contested was the 8th (Fayette, Bourbon, etc.), which elected John J. Crittenden (Union) over William E. Simms (late Democrat, now Secessionist), by 8,272 to 5,706. The aggregate vote of the State showed a preponderance of more than two to one for the Union. Missouri, The members from this State had been chosen in August, 1860: five of them as Democrats; one (Francis P. Blair,) as a Republican; another (James S. Rollins) as a Bell-Everett Unionist. One of the Democrats had already gone over to the Rebellion, as two more of them did afterward. Maryland, Maryland had very recently chosen her Representatives at a special election, wherein each district elected a professed Unionist — the 6th (south-western) by barely 162 majority. But Henry May, elected as a Democrat over Winter Davis in the Baltimore city dis
A Roster of General Officers , Heads of Departments, Senators, Representatives , Military Organizations, &c., &c., in Confederate Service during the War between the States. (ed. Charles C. Jones, Jr. Late Lieut. Colonel of Artillery, C. S. A.), Governors of states wholly or in part in sympathy with the Confederate struggle for independence. (search)
Governors of states wholly or in part in sympathy with the Confederate struggle for independence. His ExcellencyA. B. MooreAlabamaGovernor in 1861. His ExcellencyJohn Gill ShorterAlabamaGovernor in 1862 and 1863; delegate to Provisional Congress at Montgomery. His ExcellencyThomas H. WattsAlabamaGovernor in 1864 and 1865; had been Attorney-General of the Conferade States. His ExcellencyHenry M. RectorArkansasGovernor in 1861 and 1862; elected August, 1860; inaugurated in November of the same year. His ExcellencyHarris FlanaganArkansasGovernor from 1862 to 1865; inaugurated in November, 1862. His ExcellencyM. S. PerryFloridaGovernor in 1861. His ExcellencyJohn MiltonFloridaGovernor from 1862 to 1864. His ExcellencyA. K. AllisonFloridaGovernor in 1864 and 1865. His ExcellencyJoseph E. BrownGeorgiaGovernor from 1861 to 1865; sole Governor of Georgia during the war. His ExcellencyB. MagoffinKentuckyGovernor in 1861. His ExcellencyGeorge W. JohnsonKentuckyGovernor in 186
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Chapter 3: Journeys (search)
ley is larger, of English frame and substance, with sandy hair and moustache; face pockmarked and rather coarsely colored; cool, semi-military air. It was pleasant to be seated in the woods and have Darley's sketches passed about: some fine figures of guides and Indians at Moosehead. . . . Kensett came for a day with Tom Appleton, the renowned, Mrs. Longfellow's brother; Curtis, Mot Natelpha, a famous wit and connoisseur; he it was who said, Good Americans, when they die, go to Paris. August, 1860 The [boarding] house was further enlivened last night by the presence of Mr. Longfellow's son and heir . . . who with a companion sailed round from Nahant. Late in the evening — that is, probably so near the small hours as half-past 9--he was heard in the entry, rousing the echoes with the unwonted cry of Landlord! and when at last Mary Moody or some similar infant appeared, it appeared that they desired pen, ink, paper, and postage stamps. Mary thinks they had run away from their nu
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, 1852. (search)
at they seemed to have suggested to themselves. But he did not allow professional duties or studies, however attractive, to withdraw him from physical exercise. He never permitted any acquirement to gather rust from disuse, and steadily kept up his athletic skill. He had carefully constructed under his personal supervision, and according to a model of his own, a wherry, fitted perfectly for secure voyaging on the open sea as well as for speed on smoother water. In this he set out in August, 1860, to row from Boston to Mount Desert Island, there to meet a party of friends. It was the first ocean voyage in one of these slender skiffs which had then been attempted, and required no little hardihood to undertake. His own graphic account of it, written, by request, for the Atlantic Monthly Magazine, is the best evidence at once of his skill with the oar and with the pen. The voyage proceeded very successfully until the rocky headlands of Cape Ann were passed, when the steady easterly
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies, 1860. (search)
one concerning which it is almost impossible to speak too strongly, was the persistency with which he adhered to every opinion or undertaking which he had embrace or begun. Immediately after graduation he began the study of law in the office of Samuel A. Brown, Esq. Some idea of the energy and ardor with which he entered on the new pursuit may be gathered from the following extract of a letter from Mr. Brown:— Edward entered my office in Lowell as a student at law in the month of August, 1860. He was then about twenty years of age. I had known him from infancy, but had never seen enough of him to enable me to form a very decided opinion of his abilities. While he was in my office he devoted himself with the greatest industry to the task of mastering what he intended should be his future profession. He secluded himself very much from society, and applied himself to hard and laborious study. From my present recollection, he was in the office from ten to twelve hours a day o
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans), The civil history of the Confederate States (search)
anization the National Republican Party, but Jesup, of Pennsylvania, objected to the word national, and it was stricken, thus emphasizing the feeling that for this campaign at least the party should be sectional. The Union was riven by a convention aspiring to its control into two parts, and the sole reliance for victory was placed on the Northern part. Thus the idea developed still clearer that the Union could not exist half free and half slave. A distinguished jurist of New York said—August, 1860—that this political action is a conspiracy under the forms but in violation of the Constitution of the United States. Its success assured the control of the government, not by the will of the majority of the people, nor by a majority of the States located in all sections, but by the power of a unified geographical area whose strength in combination could seize and use the powers of the government. The United States are governed by party. If the party in power be sectional, the use of t