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William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 691 691 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 382 382 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 218 218 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 96 96 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 74 74 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 68 68 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 58 58 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 56 56 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 54 54 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 49 49 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. You can also browse the collection for 1860 AD or search for 1860 AD in all documents.

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Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 6: (search)
to General Cass, who is supposed to have suggested it in some general expressions of his celebrated Nicholson letter, written in December, 1847. On May 16 and 17, 1860, it became necessary for me, in a debate in the Senate, to review that letter of Cass. From my remarks then made, the following extract is taken: The Senator is introduced here as the best evidence of the position of the author at that period of excitement and agitation: conclusion of reply to Mr. Douglas, may 17, 1860. Mr. President: I briefly and reluctantly referred, because the subject had been introduced, to the attitude of Mississippi on a former occasion. I will now as briefly say that in 1851, and in 1860, Mississippi was, and is, ready to make every concession which it becomes her to make to the welfare and the safety of the Union. If, on a former occasion, she hoped too much from fraternity, the responsibility for her disappointment rests upon those who failed to fulfill her expectations.
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 7: (search)
A retrospect growth of sectional rivalry the generosity of Virginia unequal accessions of Territory the tariff and its effects the Republican convention of 1860, its resolutions and its nominations the Democratic convention at Charleston, its divisions and disruption the nominations at Baltimore the Constitutional-Unionion had been fearfully rapid. With very rare exceptions, there were none in 1850 who claimed the right of the federal government to apply coercion to a state. In 1860 men had grown to be familiar with threats of driving the South into submission to any act that the government, in the hands of a Northern majority, might see fit tprevious compacts by which it might have been bound. The convention expressly refused to confer the power proposed, and the clause was lost. While, therefore, in 1860, many violent men, appealing to passion and the lust of power, were inciting the multitude, and preparing Northern opinion to support a war waged against the South
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 8: (search)
United States Congress, in regard to the subject treated, is herewih annexed: Canton, Mississippi, July 14, 1877. In 1860, about the time the ordinance of secession was passed by the South Carolina Convention, and while Mississippi, Alabama, antus, for consultation as to the course Mississippi ought to take in the premises. The meeting took place in the fall of 1860, at Jackson, the capital, the whole delegation being present, with perhaps the exception of one Representative. The mai Attorney General in the Whig cabinets of both General Harrison and Fillmore, and supported the Bell and Everett ticket in 1860. introduced into that body a joint resolution proposing certain amendments to the Constitution—among them the restoration attain any satisfactory conclusion. This report was made on December 31—the last day of that memorable and fateful year, 1860. Subsequently, on the floor of the Senate, Douglas, who had been a member of the committee, called upon the opposite s
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 9: (search)
; Virginia for New York; Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama, for New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island; Kentucky for New Jersey, etc., we find the suggestions of 1860-‘61 only a reproduction of those thus outlined nearly sixty years earlier. Pickering seems to have had a correct and intelligent perception of the altogether pammercial, which does not affect the principle involved, is the only modification necessary to adapt this extract exactly to the condition of the Southern states in 1860-‘61. The obloquy which has attached to the members of the Hartford convention has resulted partly from a want of exact knowledge of their proceedings, partly fn, unless it was intended to announce the purpose of nullification. It is evident, therefore, that the people of the South, in the crisis which confronted them in 1860, had no lack either of precept or of precedent for their instruction and guidance in the teaching and the example of our brethren of the North and East. The only
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 10: (search)
stitution, not only to stand aloof, but in some cases to adopt measures (generally known as personal liberty laws) directly in conflict with the execution of the provisions of the Constitution. The preamble to the Constitution declared the object of its founders to be to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. Now, however (in 1860), the people of a portion of the states had assumed an attitude of avowed hostility, not only to the provisions of the Constitution itself, but to the domestic tranquillity of the people of other states. Long before the formation of the Constitution, one of the charges preferred in the Declaration of Independence against the government of Great Britain, as justifying the separation of the colonies from that country, was that of having excited domestic insurrections among us. Now, the mails
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 1: (search)
very moment when these sentences are being written (1880), although the army of the United States is twice as large as in 1860; although four years of internal war and a yet longer period of subsequent military occupation of the South have habituateally requested my friends (some of whom had thought of putting me in nomination for the presidency of the United States in 1860) not to permit my name to be used before the Convention for any nomination whatever. I had been so near the office for , disappointed and chagrined at not receiving the nomination of the Democratic party for President of the United States in 1860, took the lead on the assembling of Congress in December, 1860, in a conspiracy of Southern Senators which planned the sec. I am quite sure that Mr. Davis neither expected nor desired the nomination for the Presidency of the United States in 1860. He never evinced any such aspiration, by word or sign, to me—with whom he was, I believe, as intimate and confidential a
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 2: (search)
nditions of this grant were fulfilled, and, if it be answered that the state did not demand the restoration of the forts or sites, the answer certainly fails after 1860, when the controversy arose, and the unfounded assertion was made that those forts and sites had been purchased with the money, and were therefore the property, ofial interest or importance. Thus it was that I had communicated with him freely in regard to the threatening aspect of events in the earlier part of the winter of 1860-‘61. When he told me of the work that had been done, or was doing, at Fort Moultrie —that is, the elevation of its parapet by crowning it with barrels of sand—I pts together. He was my first acquaintance in that corps, and the friendship then formed was never interrupted. We had served together in the summer and autumn of 1860, in a commission of inquiry into the discipline, course of studies, and general condition of the United States Military Academy. At the close of our labors the co<
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 7: (search)
erved with distinction in Congress for several years; Forsyth was an influential journalist, and had been minister to Mexico under appointment of Pierce near the close of his term, and continued so under that of Buchanan. These gentlemen, moreover, represented the three great parties which had ineffectually opposed the sectionalism of the so-called Republicans. Ex-Governor Roman had been a Whig in former years, and one of the Constitutional Union, or Bell-and-Everett party in the canvass of 1860; Crawford, as a state-rights Democrat, had supported Breckinridge; Forsyth had been a zealous advocate of the claims of Douglas. The composition of the commission was therefore such as should have conciliated the sympathy and cooperation of every element of conservatism with which they might have occasion to deal. Their commissions authorized and empowered them, in the name of the Confederate States, to meet and confer with any person or persons duly authorized by the Government of the Unit
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 8: (search)
accession to power of a party founded on a basis of sectional aggression, and now thoroughly committed to its prosecution and perpetuation, expired the last hopes of reconciliation and union. In the course of the debate in the Senate on these grave propositions, a manly and eloquent speech was made on March 2, 1861, by the Hon. Joseph Lane, a Senator from Oregon, who had been the candidate of the Democratic state-rights party for the vice-presidency of the United States, in the canvass of 1860. Some passages of this speech seem peculiarly appropriate for insertion here. General Lane was replying to a speech of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, afterward President of the United States: Mr. President, the Senator from Tennessee complains of my remarks on his speech. He complains of the tone and temper of what I said. He complains that I replied at all, as I was a Northern Senator. Mr. President, I am a citizen of this Union and a Senator of the United States. My residence is in
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Chapter 9: (search)
the formation of the Confederate government, the one was distinctly admitted, the other still more distinctly disavowed and repudiated, by many of the leaders of public opinion in the North of both parties—indeed, any purpose of direct coercion was disclaimed by nearly all. If presented at all, it was in the delusive and ambiguous guise of the execution of the laws and protection of the public property. The New York Tribune—the leading organ of the party which triumphed in the election of 1860—had said, soon after the result of that election was ascertained, with reference to secession: We hold, with Jefferson, to the inalienable right of communities to alter or abolish forms of government that have become oppressive or injurious; and, if the cotton States shall decide that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary right, but it exists nevertheless; and we do not see how one party can have a ri<
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