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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 506 506 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 279 279 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 141 141 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 64 64 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 55 55 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 5, 13th edition. 43 43 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 43 43 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 34 34 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 32 32 Browse Search
John Beatty, The Citizen-Soldier; or, Memoirs of a Volunteer 29 29 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for October or search for October in all documents.

Your search returned 11 results in 9 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
cause and teach everybody that there can be no terms of any kind with a swarm of traitors trying to build a State on human slavery. Sumner accepted the invitation to address the annual State convention of the Republican party at Worcester in October, given to him by William Claflin, chairman of the State committee, and afterwards governor of the State. Mr. Dawes (since senator) presided. Governor Andrew received his second nomination, which was made by acclamation. The great hall was fil criticism which followed the one delivered at Worcester; but the public mind had become more familiar with the topic, and an antislavery policy was now finding more general favor. Among Sumner's letters at this period was one to John Bright, October:— Mr. Bright wrote to Sumner September 6,—the beginning of their correspondence on the Civil War. Your letter was so interesting and satisfactory that I could not forbear sending it to Mr. Seward, who has returned it to me with a letter
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
an officer in service, a Republican by political connection, but of limited political activity, and the Democrats adopted him and the other candidates named by the People's Party. The People's Party, at a mass convention in Springfield. October 24, presented as candidate for senator C. F. Adams; but at his instance his name was withdrawn by his son. (Boston Advertiser, October 28.) The hostile movement outside of the party was thought to have helped Sumner within it. Boston Advertiser, October 14, November 5. The movement had the important aid of the Springfield Republican, whose proprietor was absent for a vacation in Europe, and who lived to regret the part his journal took in the canvass. Life and Times of Samuel Bowles, vol. i. pp. 357-359. Dr. Holland, who was antipathetic to Sumner, was at this time the managing editor. The Republican, in 1862, opposed an emancipation policy. Ultra-conservatism made its last struggle; and conspicuous among its leaders was Professor Joel
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
vered from his wounds, had resumed his official work. Sumner's Address, Oct. 2, 1866; Works, vol. XI. p. 18; Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, vol. II. pp. 63, 67, 68, 83. 108. Carl Schurz, to whom the President showed his proclamation for North Carolina before it was issued, urged him to modify it so as to include the colored people as voters. In July General Schurz visited, by commission from the President, the Southern States to examine their condition; but when he returned in October he was received by the President without welcome, hardly with civility. His report is an important historical document, giving a truthful survey of the South at that time. During his absence in that section, and after his return, he was in frequent communication with Sumner. While at home in the summer the burden of this question was all the time on Sumner's mind. Wherever he met citizens—on the street, at club dinners, or in society—he let slip no opportunity to urge them to action.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
to-day. Sumner had only once (in 1855) visited the West, and though often urged to do so had never been before a Western audience. In the autumn of 1867—partly to impress his favorite idea on the country, and partly to meet his increased expenses as a householder—he accepted invitations to deliver a lecture at different points in the Western States, taking for its title and subject, The Nation. Are We a Nation? Works, vol. XII. pp. 187-249. The journey, beginning the first week of October, occupied that month and the first week of the next,—a time when the thought of his domestic calamity, which had just become known to the public, was pressing on his mind. He spoke first at Pontiac, Mich., where he mentioned, as he began, that just as he left home a friend had put in his hand Tocqueville's A Fortnight in the Wilderness,—an account of the Frenchman's visit to Pontiac in 1831, whither he had gone to find the limits of civilization, and to see how it shaded off into savage l
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 55: Fessenden's death.—the public debt.—reduction of postage.— Mrs. Lincoln's pension.—end of reconstruction.—race discriminations in naturalization.—the Chinese.—the senator's record.—the Cuban Civil War.—annexation of San Domingo.—the treaties.—their use of the navy.—interview with the presedent.—opposition to the annexation; its defeat.—Mr. Fish.—removal of Motley.—lecture on Franco-Prussian War.—1869-1870. (search)
ur three days before his suicide, speaking of the war and his surprise at it, but saying that it was necessary; also of literature and Guizot, Thiers, and Saint Beuve. He evidently was a great admirer of Thiers. The senator and the secretary kept up correspondence during the recess of Congress, in which they continued to address each other as My dear Fish and My dear Sumner. They wrote familiarly of various matters,—disagreeing of course upon one. This correspondence continued during October, and the senator was during the next month on his journey. Sumner wrote plainly, even reproachfully, to his old friend, who, as he thought, had failed to stand by Motley as he should, and who seemed to be the source of insinuations against the minister recently made in executive session. Fish replied at length, endeavoring to remove what he regarded as the senator's misapprehension concerning himself, and still professing a warm and strong friendship for him. He referred to some newspape
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
V. pp. 256, 257. Fenton's attempt (December 3) to introduce a resolution in commemoration of Mr. Greeley was defeated by Cameron's insisting on his motion to adjourn, so that Sumner's proposed tribute to Mr. Greeley was prevented. Both houses, however, by unanimous votes, bore witness to the eminent services, personal purity, and worth of Mr. Greeley. The election in North Carolina in August had indicated the drift towards the President's re-election, and the elections in September and October Sumner read the meaning of these autumn elections. Motley's Correspondence, vol. II. p. 355. made the result in his favor quite sure. The President received a popular majority of three quarters of a million of votes, and the result in the electoral colleges was still more decisive. He carried all the Northern and a majority of the Southern States. A large body of Democrats would not support Greeley, and either voted against him or abstained from voting. In Massachusetts the Preside
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 58: the battle-flag resolution.—the censure by the Massachusetts Legislature.—the return of the angina pectoris. —absence from the senate.—proofs of popular favor.— last meetings with friends and constituents.—the Virginius case.—European friends recalled.—1872-1873. (search)
owned a beast, except a span of horses for a few months only. When he left Mr. Hooper's the third week in September, declining an invitation to visit Mr. and Mrs. John Bigelow at Highland Falls, Orange County, N. Y., where Mrs. Charles Eames was a guest, he gave as the reason for renouncing the pleasure the necessity of preparing at once to meet an engagement with a bureau for delivering a lecture in different parts of the country, appearing four or five nights a week from the middle of October to the beginning of the next session in December. He wrote: I need rest and play and friendship; instead, I commence wearing toil. He had undertaken the task for the purpose of paying the balance of the debt incurred in his recent journey to Europe. His subject was to be The Unity of the Republic. Dr. Brown-Sequard thought him equal to the effort; but there was a general remonstrance among his friends to this hazardous test of his strength. Longfellow's Life, vol. III. p. 204. Wend
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
must not be a precedent for a system of indiscriminate and costly annexion. He also expressed his anxiety that our expansion should come from natural processes, without war and even without purchase, the latter to be justified only under peculiar circumstances. Mr. Sumner in this caveat gave Mr. Seward and the Danish negotiator timely warning as to the determination of the Senate to hold fast to its constitutional prerogative, which they had no excuse not to keep in mind in the following October when they made their definite arrangement. No one knew this constitutional limitation better than General Raasloff, the principal negotiator on the Danish side. He had lived among us almost as a citizen when engaged in engineering enterprises, and had already represented his country in the United States as consul-general and minister. He wrote our language without foreign idiom, and spoke it almost without foreign accent. He knew our polity as well as we know it ourselves. Indeed, un
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 19 (search)
. Cameron, and Mr. Anthony, when they explained in the Senate the cause of the removal, April 28, 1874; nor by General Grant, in his interviews in 1877– 1878, in Scotland or in Egypt; nor by Mr. Fish, in his five appearances before the public in October, November, and December, 1877. But it is, for the first time, made by Mr. Davis, Jan. 3, 1878, nearly seven years after Mr. Sumner's removal, and almost four years after his death, and only when Mr. Fish's repeated accusation has been completelnded the removal in his speech at Cooper Institute, July 23, 1872; nor in the debate in the Senate, April 28, 1874, when it was explained or defended by Howe, Hamlin, Anthony, and Cameron; nor by Mr. Fish himself in his interviews and letters of October 19, October 29, and November 10, 1877; nor by any one except Mr. Davis, and by him only after the pretext of unreported treaties had been disproved. Mr. Howe, writing so recently as in the last number of the North American Review, gives only th