The mission of Japan to this country was regarded as one of the most singular events in history, and so indeed it was. The good that was to spring from it, was never very highly estimated by us, although we stood almost alone in our opinion. Like all the rest of the world, however, we were lost in wonder at the mission, and could not for the life of us understand what it meant, or why a people proverbially cautious in their intercourse with strangers should so suddenly depart from a line of policy sanctioned by the practise of ages. The truth seems to be leaking out as rapidly as could be desired.

There can be no doubt that the Japanese would still, as they have done heretofore, decline all intercourse with strangers if they possibly could. Nor, with the examples of India and China before their eyes, do we feel disposed to blame them. They very well know, however, that it is impossible to maintain the policy of seclusion without far greater means of resistance than they possess.--That they yield only to what they regard as irresistible power, in forming treaties, is demonstrable from the fact that Prussia has been seeking their friendship for years, and has never yet been able to form a treaty with them, while England accomplished what Prussia sought in vain with scarcely any difficulty at all. The Japanese evidently know the strength of every European nation and its means of compulsion. They know that while Prussia is a great military power, she has scarcely any navy at all, and therefore no means of forcing upon Japan a treaty which she is anxious to decline. They certainly regard every fresh treaty as an abandonment of a certain portion of their independence, extorted at the point of the sword. They yield to superior strength what they would never yield to the suggestions of national comity or commercial policy. That they are putting themselves, as fast as they can, into a position to resist all treaties in future, we deem it quite evident, and quite evident we also esteem it that the tour of their ambassadors in this country was a tour of inspection, directed principally, if not entirely, to this end.--Abundant evidence of this truth is to be found in all the correspondence we have seen from the country since the arrival there of the Niagara.

The presents sent by the Government to the Tycoon, consisting of a battery of Dahlgreen's field and boat guns, a gun-boat and machinery, a large quantity of small arms, thousands of pounds of fixed ammunition, &c., weighing in all about ninety tons, were carried in junks to a place about ten miles from Yedo, a vast, swampy, open place, surrounded by high mud walls, along which were built immense rows of sheds, and there thrown in a heap, in a place not fit for a pig-stye, with as little reverence as though they had been so much lumber, in spite of the remonstrances of the American officers who accompanied the expedition. These latter, with extreme difficulty, obtained admittance to the sheds, and there they found seventeen of Dahlgreen's twelve pounders mounted on excellent wooden carriages. They had been copied from one given them by Commodore. Perry, and except in some small improvements which had taken place since, they were equal to the best in our service, in every respect whatever. To their dismay, the American officer learned that they had, in the forts and arsenals of Yedo and neighborhood, more than a thousand of exactly the same sort, all made since the expedition of Commodore Perry, and after the pattern of the one he gave them.--If it be true, as we learn it is, that there are not one-tenth part of that number of the same species of gun in the whole American Navy, the tremendous activity with these men, whom many of our countrymen believed to be little better than savages when their ambassadors were here, are preparing for some crisis which their rulers foresee, and which, apparently, they regard as not very far distant, must strike every one. Their peculiar aptitude for the species of warfare implied in the management of great guns, may be inferred from a company of raw men having learned, in half an hour, under the instruction of an American officer, to work one of the guns sent among the presents, as well as the most experienced artillerymen in our service could have done it.

In the meantime, the Japanese everywhere are represented as bitterly hostile to foreigners, and as only restrained from laying violent hands on them by the fear of immediate punishment. It is evident to us that the gates of Japanese seclusion can only be broken open effectually and forever by cannon, and when the time shall have come for the experiment, it will perhaps be a subject of regret that we have voluntarily placed in their hands the means of making a more formidable resistance. We are among those who think they ought not to be compelled to make treaties unless they desire it. But since the nations seem determined that they shall make them, and will compel them at whatever cost of blood, we regret to see any facility offered of rendering the bloodshed greater than it otherwise would be.

The Indianapolis speech of Mr. Lincoln is everywhere understood as clearly indicating his purpose to enforce the execution of the United States laws throughout the boundaries of every State which has adopted an ordinance of secession from the Union; which, of course, means, in two words, and in plain English--civil war.

To render its meaning doubly plain, we transfer the following articles, copied by the New York Express from Mr. Lincoln's home organ, the Springfield Journal, edited by his nephew, and in whose sanctum he has spent most of his leisure hours of late. They were published, as will be perceived, on the eve of his departure for Washington:

Compromise not to be thought of.

[From the Springfield (Iii.) Journal, 6th.]

We want concession. We want the Southern States, which are clamoring about concession and compromise, to concede that ours is a Government proper, and not compact between States. We want them to concede that a State cannot dissolve its connection with this Union at will. We want them to concede that this Government has a right to enforce its laws and protect its property, even if it becomes necessary to hang or shoot every traitor in the United States to do it. We want them to concede that it is the duty of this Government to retake from Southern traitors its stolen forts, arsenals, etc. We want them to concede that Abraham Lincoln, having been constitutionally elected President of the United States of America, has a right to take his seat without any opposition from any quarter whatever; and that it armed opposition is offered, it is the duty of the Government to put down or overcome such opposition at every hazard. We want the South to concede that after Abraham Lincoln has taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, it is his duty to observe it. We want them to concede that the seceding States have violated the Constitution — that they are in rebellion against the Federal Government, and that it is the duty of this Government to put down rebellion. We want them to concede that the taking of Federal forts and firing upon the Star of the West, are insults that should be atoned for.--We ask them to concede that Northern creditors have a right to sue for and collect their demands in Southern Courts. We ask them to concede that slavery is the creature of local law.

In all this we do not ask the South to concede a single thing that is not demanded by the Constitution of the United States. Until they do concede all this, they ought not to expect that the North has any concession to make. The flag of our country, the glorious stars and stripes, has been insulted by traitors — our laws have been set at defiance — our forts and arsenals have been seized by traitors — our vessels have been fired into — the free navigation of the Mississippi has been interrupted — and to-day a large army of traitors lies in wait to take Fort Pickens. We are in hourly expectation of the sad news that some brave defenders of the American flag — the flag of Washington — have been struck down in death in the effort to uphold it on American soil. The telegraph tells us to-day that South Carolina has determined to attack the noble Anderson, if Government does not surrender Fort Sumter to the traitors! Away with compromises at an hour like this! Let us first establish the fact that we have a Government — a Government able to protect itself and punish treason. We should not talk about compromise while the flag of the traitors floats over an American fort, and the flag of our country trails in the dust. The flag that a Washington and his war-worn, weary soldiery kept flying at Valley Forge — the flag that Jasper replaced on the walls of Fort Moultrie at the cost of his life — the flag that our heroic Revolutionary fathers carried triumphantly through the war for Independence — the flag that is honored the wide world over, has been torn from American forts, arsenals and navy-yards at home — has been trampled under foot by traitors in our own land, on American soil! Until that flag is unfurled over Moultrie, and every other stolen fort, arsenal, custom-house and navy- yard — until the laws of this government are obeyed and its authority recognized, let us never talk about compromise. Concession! Yes, we want concession. We ask no man to yield up his conscience, his manhood nor his honor. The border States tell us that they are devoted to the Union and the Constitution. We ask them, then, to concede that the one shall stand and the other be obeyed. We are asked to concede that slavery shall go into the Territories by authority of this Government. Before we talk of such a thing, we want it settled that we have a Government. Before compromise of any kind is made or even talked about, on the subject of slavery, we want to see the rightful authority of this Government recognized and respected. Let the stolen forts, arsenals and navy-yards be restored to the rightful owner — tear down your rattlesnake and politician flag, and run up the ever glorious stars and stripes — disperse your traitorous mobs, and let every man return to his duty. Then come to us with your list of grievance, and whatever manhood, honor or patriotism can yield, shall be fully accorded.

the forts must be Re-taken — the Revolution

must be Checked!

[From another Article in the same paper.]

It is the duty of this Government to retake its stolen forts and other property wrongfully withheld. In the performance of it no more force will be used than is necessary. Forcible residence will be met, and, if possible, overcome. The Government will collect its revenues, using just so much force as may be necessary for that purpose.

We assume that this will be the action of the Government, because it is the duty of the Government, and because an Administration is just going into power that will fearlessly and faithfully perform its whole duty.

If individuals attack the Government in the discharge of its duty, and lose their lives thereby, can it be charged that the Government has wantonly shed "fraternal blood? " Will any one pretend that the Government can do less than this?--When the President takes a solemn oath to support the Constitution, and the Constitution declares that no shall see that the laws are faithfully executed, can he disregard that oath, and suffer the laws to be trampled under foot? If treason and rebellion make it necessary to use force to execute these laws, is he not justified in using it? Is it coercing South Carolina to defend Fort Sumter against the attacks of a mob collected from South Carolina, Georgia and other States? Is it coercing Florida to hold Fort Pickens against the mob collected to steal it? Is it coercing any of the States of this Union for the Government to take and hold possession of all its property within them? Is it coercing a State to enforce the national revenue laws? Will it be coercing South Carolina to take possession of the United States Custom-House, armory, and other property belonging to the Federal Government? Is it coercing a State to abolish Post- Offices where men cannot be found who are willing to hold them, or who will not honestly account to the Government for postage received? Coercion of a State! He who invented the expression did a good work for traitors. He raised a screen behind which sympathizers with treason might have a temporary hiding place. Republicans, favor no such doctrine.

--The New York correspondent of the Philadelphia Press, (Col. Fuller,) denies the report that ex-Postmaster Isaac V. Fowler is in destitute circumstances in the city of Mexico. Friends of Mr. Fowler, who are in constant communication with him, state that he is in receipt of a handsome salary as agent of a large company near Mexico, and that independently of that he has a respectable sum on hand in cash — sufficient, at all events, to maintain himself in entire comfort for twelve-months, at least, and that in case he should need more, it would be promptly and cheerfully sent to him. The parties by whom he is employed are greatly pleased with his management thus far, and he has their entire confidence. He writes home in good spirits, and is far from abandoning the hope of returning to New York, and discharging every obligation against him.

--The Common Council of Mobile have recently passed an ordinance changing the names of various streets in that city. The changes are as follows: That the name and title of

--At the election for a member of the Virginia State Convention in Accomac county, Mr. Curtis, Conservative, was chosen. His opponents have since held a meeting expressing their want of confidence in their delegate, and requesting Hon. Henry A. Wise and M. W. Fisher to act their representatives in the Convention. The Norfolk Argus, which states the above facts, adds that there was great excitement at Pungoteague on Saturday last; W. H. B. Custis, (the Union candidate,) Judge E. P. Pitts, Dr. Geo. Tyler, and Fred Douglass were burnt in effigy, by the people.

--Wm. Weaver, of Bloomfield, Perry county, Pa., on the day before Christmas lost his wife, who died suddenly in convulsions. Three days after the funeral Weaver disappeared. A girl he had been attentive to was missing at the same time. A few days ago it was discovered that Weaver had married the girl and gone to Black Hawk, Chester county. It was then found out that shortly before his wife's death Weaver had purchased poison to kill rats, but that no rats had died. He was accordingly arrested on the 7th inst. for poisoning his wife.

--A memorial has been forwarded from Portland, Me., to Senator Fessenden, for presentation to Congress, earnestly praying for measures of conciliation and compromise. The memorial, which indicates no preference for any particular measure of compromise, is subscribed to by 2,500 signatures, collected in a very few days, and representing all shades of party feeling. The names of eight influential clergymen, and of the Rev. David W. Bacon, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Maine, are appended to the petition.

--Only two of the seceded States--South Carolina and Georgia--were original members of the Confederacy.--The others came in the following order:--Louisiana, April 8, 1812; Mississippi, Dec. 10, 1817; Alabama, 14, 1819; Florida, March 3, 1845; Texas, Dec. 29, 1845.

--James C. Allen, one of the South Carolina troops at Fort Moultrie, was killed on Tuesday last, by running against the bayonet of a companion. Allen was running at great speed, and the point of the weapon entered his eye, causing instant death.

--During the nine months ending the first of February the servant girls of Cincinnati sent to their parents and friends in Europe the sum of $64,900. The remittances vary in size, ranging from $3 to $25.

--The President has issued a proclamation calling an extra session of the Senate, to be convened on the 4th of March, at 12 M.