<orgName n="Southern Historical Society" type="society">Southern Historical Society</orgName> Papers

<orgName n="Southern Historical Society" type="society">Southern Historical Society</orgName> Papers Volume 3. Reverend J. William Jones Trustees of Tufts University Medford, MA Perseus Project

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Richmond, VA. 1877.

English Latin Greek French Italian Spanish Southern Historical Society papers. Vol. III. Richmond, Va., January, 1877. no. 1. The defence of Mobile in 1865. By General Dabney H. Maury.

[We deem it a valuable service to the cause of historic truth to be able to present from time to time careful reviews of books about the war. And our readers will consider us fortunate in having secured the following review of General Andrews' book from the pen of the able soldier who made the gallant defence of Mobile against such overwhelming odds.]

History of the campaign of <placeName reg="Mobile, Mobile, Alabama" key="tgn,7017444" authname="tgn,7017444">Mobile</placeName>. by brevet Major-General C. C. Andrews. D. Van Nostrand, publisher, &c.

This is an octavo volume of more than 250 pages, prepared in 1865-6, and entirely devoted to the campaign of Mobile.

The author manifests extreme pride in the success accomplished by the Federal army, in which he held high command. He has avowedly endeavored to set forth fairly the facts of the history he has undertaken to record, but has shown how difficult was the task when the passions of the recent strife were so fresh.

The first and second chapters are devoted to the capture by Farragut of Forts Morgan and Gaines and Powell. Though they are not very accurate, we let them pass.

Chapter four is very short, but it contains as many errors as can well be found in any other chapter not longer.

It vindicates, as the author thinks, Canby's selection of his base of operations, which was made upon the eastern shore of Mobile bay, and from which he operated against detached outworks of comparatively little importance.

We were infinitely relieved when we found the attack would be there — but never knew why; and until General Andrews told us in this chapter why General Steele's column moved from Pensacola up to Pollard, we had been at a loss to account for that movement. He says it was to prevent us from escaping Canby's army on the eastern shore and making our way to Montgomery I Such a route of escape had never been contemplated by us. We always feared lest he might intercept us on the Mobile and Ohio railroad, by which we ultimately moved away unmolested.

Had Canby landed on Dog river, west of Mobile, and invested the city, he would have found his work shorter and easier, and might have captured my whole army. The city was level and exposed throughout the whole extent to fire from any direction. There were near 40,00 non-combatants within its lines of defence, whose sufferings under a seige would soon have paralyzed the defence by a garrison so small as ours was; and the early evacuation would have been inevitable, while it would have been exceedingly difficult of accomplishment. Had Canby not made the indefensible blunder of landing his army at Fish river to attack Mobile, the sending of Steele's corps towards Pollard would not have been a blunder, for then I might have been forced to try to bring out my garrison on that side, and to lead it to Montgomery, and have had to drive Steele from my path or surrender to him.

On page 41 we have an illustration of the Puritan origin of our author, in the following:

Such of the soldiers as were disposed assembled in religious meetings when circumstances permitted. One pleasant evening, in Gilbert's brigade 1,000 men were assembled and * * * * * * poured forth their fervent prayers and joined their voices in sacred hymns. Nor will those who remember such heroes as Havelock deny that piety is a help to valor.

A little reflection on its illogical results would, perhaps, have caused General Andrews to spare us this appeal to the cant-loving community for whom he writes, and adopt the more simple style becoming a military historian of his opportunities.

Canby was moving with 60,000 soldiers and Farragut's fleet to attack 8,000 ill-appointed Confederates, and to capture them. And after our little army had withstood his great armament and armada for three weeks, and had then bravely made good its retreat, Gen. Andrews calls upon his readers to admire the great valor, supplemented by the piety, of the attacking army, because one pleasant night they had prayers and sang hymns in their bivouac in the piney woods.

He tells us Canby's base on Fish river was only twenty miles below Spanish Fort; that he occupied nine days in marching that distance; that his wing entrenched itself every night — all in a strain of grandiloquence conformable with his illustration of its piety, and rendered especially absurd to us, who knew that there was no force in Canby's front except about five hundred cavlary under Colonel Spence.

It is true, Spence handled his men with excellent skill and courage, and no doubt had even praying in a quiet way every night; for he made 40,000 Federals move very circumspectly every day, and entrench themselves every night against him; and here I will say Colonel Spence was one of the most efficient and comfortable out-post commanders I ever had to deal with. He always took what was given to him and made the most of it. He was devoted, active, brave and modest, and did his whole duty to the very last day of our existence as an army.

In my comments on the allusion of General Andrews to praying in his camp, I do not mean to dissent from the well understood fact that valor and piety often go together, and we do not, above all things, wish to incur the suspicion of irreverence. The simple, unpretending piety which prevailed in the Confederate camps has always been the subject of our genuine respect. There has never been in any army of modern times a soldiery so sober, so continent, so religious or so reliant, as was to be found in the armies of the Southern Confederacy; from our great commander down to the youngest privates in the ranks, in all might have been observed one high purpose — to stand by the right — and to maintain that the support and aid of the God of Battles was daily invoked; and that it was not invoked in vain, let the unsurpassed achievements of the Confederate troops bear witness. There was never a day from the begining to the end of the war that the chaplains of our regiments did not discharge their duty, and as a class there were none in our armies who held and who still retain more of the confidence, the respect and the affection of the Confederate soldiers than the Confederate chaplains. No matter what was his sect — whether Roman Catholic or Protestant — every soldier knew he had in his chaplain a friend, and for many weary weeks after the time General Andrews commemorates, he might, had he been with us, have daily attended mass performed by the brave priests in the camps of our Louisianians, or joined in the simpler devotions which were led by the devoted ministers of the regiments of Ector's fierce Texans.

The piety and the valor which went hand in hand through our armies, were not working for naught — and it may yet be, even in the lifetime of General Andrews, that Providence, who works in a misterious way, may manifest how surely the right will triumph in the end — and that he will live to see and understand that the principles we fought to uphold are essential to civil liberty in its highest perfection, and the time seems near at hand when all the world will know it.

Page 44, the statement of the strength of the garrison of Mobile is very inaccurate. Including 1,500 cavalry and all the available fighting men for defence of Mobile, and all its outposts, batteries and dependencies, my force did not exceed 9,000 men of all arms!

The cavalry constituted no part of the defensive force of the places attacked, and all of our infantry and a large part of our artillery was sent away from Mobile to Spanish Fort and Blakely. During the fighting on the eastern shore, the city of Mobile and all the works and forts immediately around it were garrisoned by scarce 3,000 artillerists! And by a bold dash, the place could have been carried any night during the operations against Spanish Fort.

Page 48, the author is mistaken in saying we had Parrott guns in Spanish Fort. The only Parrott gun we had at that time about Mobile was a thirty-pounder Parrott, named Lady Richardson. We had captured her at Corinth in October, 1862, my Division Chief of Artillery, Colonel William E. Burnett, brought her off, and added her to our park of field artillery, and we had kept her ever since.

Bat we had some cannon better than any Parrott had ever made. They were the Brooke guns, made at Selma in the Confederate, naval works, of the iron from Briarsfield, Alabama--the best iron for making cannon in the world.

Our Brooke guns at Mobile were rifles, of 11-inch, 10-inch, 7-inch and 64/10-inch callibres. They out-ranged the Parrotts, and, though subjected to extraordinary service, not one of them was ever bursted or even strained.

The mistakes into which General Andrews has fallen are natural and almost inevitable. His real desire to write fairly is evinced by the handsome compliments he pays to Confederate officers on several occasions, as in case of Lieutenant Sibley, who, with six men, boldly attacked the wagon train of Canby's army, brought off his spoils, and created a little flutter of alarm all throughout the post.

General Andrews persists in his mistake as to the numbers of the garrisons of the respective places, and he counts the same forces twice in the same place. Thus, when the boy brigade was relieved in Spanish Fort by the Alabama brigade, the boys were sent away to Blakely; but the author continues to count them as if still forming part of Spanish Fort garrison.

But despite the defects of the work, some of which we have endeavored to illustrate, it is a valuable addition to the history of the times, and will probably be the accepted authority on that side about the essential history of the last great battle of the war between the States, as it is not probable that anybody else will have the painstaking industry and, at the same time, the direct personal interest in the subject to embody in a form so permanent the events of a campaign so brief and so bootless — a campaign which was begun when scarce a hope was left of that independence for which we had fought four years and was ended after Lee's surrender at Appomattox had enshrowded in the pall of utter despair every heart that could feel a patriot's glow throughout all our stricken land.

Because it was my honor to command that Confederate army at Mobile, and my privilege to share its fortunes to the very end, it is my duty to record its story. I cannot do so more briefly than in the narrative I now reproduce, which was originally written by me soon after Mr. Davis, our late honored President, was released from arrest on account of his participation in the war of secession.

He had entrusted me with the command of the Department of the Gulf and the defence of Mobile. I felt a soldier's natural desire to inform him how that trust had been executed.

General Andrews' book and excellent maps, in connection with the report and comments herein given, will afford to the military reader all that is essential to a proper understanding of the last great battle which has yet been fought to uphold the rights of the States against the encroachments of the Federal power.

Dabney H. Maury, Major-General late Confederate Army.

New Orleans, Louisiana, December 25, 1871. To Hon. Jefferson Davis, Late President Southern Confederacy:

My dear sir — I avail myself of your permission to narrate to you the history of the last great military operation between the troops of the Confederate States and the troops of the United States.

Immediately after the battle of Nashville, preparations were commenced for the reduction of Mobile. Two corps which had been sent to reinforce Thomas at Nashville were promptly returned to Canby in New Orleans, and the collection of material and transportation for a regular siege of Mobile commenced. General Taylor agreed with me in the opinion that ten thousand men in Mobile would compel a siege by regular approaches, would occupy the Federal troops in the Southwest for a long time, and would be as much as the Confederacy could spare for such objects. He thought he could send me such a force; and believed that the cavalry under Forrest would be able to defeat Wilson and succor me, and prevent the successful siege of the place if I could hold out for seven days. The general orders given me by General Beauregard and General Taylor were to save my garrison, after having defended my position as long as was consistent with the ultimate safety of my troops, and to burn all the cotton in the city, except that which had been guaranteed protection against such burning by the Confederate authorities.

Canby organized his forces in Mobile bay and at Pensacola. Two army corps rendezvoused on Fish river under the immediate command of Canby; another army corps assembled at Pensacola under General Steele. The whole expeditionary force against Mobile consisted of fifty thousand infantry, seven thousand cavalry, a very large train of field and siege artillery, a fleet of more than twenty men-of-war, and about fifty transports, mostly steamers. The preparations having commenced in December, the attack began on the 25th of March.

My total effective force was seven thousand seven hundred excellent infantry and artillery, fifteen hundred cavalry, and about three hundred field and siege guns. A naval force of four small gunboats co-operated with my troops.

The column under Canby marched from Fish river against the position of Spanish Fort. On March 25th information received through the advanced cavalry induced me to believe that the column from Fish river was not more than twelve thousand strong; and expecting it would march by the river road with its left covered by the fleet, I organized a force of four thousand five hundred infantry and ten guns, and resolved to give battle to Canby at the crossing of D'Olive creek, about two miles distant from the works of Spanish Fort. The troops ordered for this service were the Missouri brigade of Cockrell, Gibson's Louisiana brigade, Ector's Texas and North Carolina brigade, and Thomas' brigade of Alabama boy-reserves, the third Missouri battery and Culpeper's battery. I felt confident then, and the light of experience justifies the confidence, that had Canby marched upon us with only twelve thousand troops, we should have beaten him in the field; but he moved by a road which turned our position far to the left, and his force was near forty thousand men. I therefore moved the troops into Spanish Fort and Blakely, and awaited his attack in them. I assigned General St. John Liddell to the immediate command of Blakely, and General Randall Gibson to the immediate command of Spanish Fort. They were both gentlemen of birth and breeding, soldiers of good education and experience, and entirely devoted to their duty. Spanish Fort was garrisoned by Gibson s Louisiana brigade, the brigade of Alabama boy-reserves, part of the twenty-second Louisiana regiment (heavy artillerists), Slocomb's battery of light artillery, Massenberg's (Georgia) light artillery company, and a few others not now remembered.

The works of Spanish Fort consisted of a heavy battery of six guns on a bluff of the left bank of the Apalachie river, three thousand yards below Battery Huger. This was strongly enclosed in the rear. On commanding eminences five hundred to six hundred yards to its rear were erected three other redoubts, which were connected by light rifle-pits with each other. The whole crest of the line of defence was about two thousand five hundred yards, and swept around old Spanish Fort as a centre, with the right flank resting on Apalachie river, the left flank resting on Bayou Minette. At first the garrison consisted of about two thousand five hundred effectives, but I reduced its numbers by transferring the brigade of boy-reserves to Blakely, and replacing it by veterans of Ector's brigade and Holtzelaw's Alabama brigade. After this change was made (about the fourth day of the siege) the position was held by fifteen hundred muskets and less than three hundred artillerists.

On the twenty-sixth of March, Canby invested the position with a force of one corps and two divisions of infantry, and a large siege train; another division of infantry invested Blakely on the same day. The siege of Spanish Fort was at once commenced by regular approaches, and was prosecuted with great industry and caution. The defence was active, bold and defiant. The garrison fought all day and worked all night, until the night of April 8th, when the enemy effected a lodgment on the left flank which threatened to close the route of evacuation for the garrison. I had caused a plank road or bridge about one mile long to be made on trestles from the left flank of the lines of Spanish Fort, over the Bayou Minette and the marshes, to a point opposite Battery Huger; and General Gibson's orders were to save his garrison, when the siege had been protracted as long as possible without losing his troops, by marching out over this bridge. On the eighth of April I ordered Gibson to commence the evacuation that night, by sending over to Mobile all surplus stores, etc., for which purpose I sent him some of the blockade steamers. They arrived in good time to save his garrison, for at 10 P. M. Gibson, finding the enemy too firmly established on his left to be dislodged, in obedience to his orders marched his garrison out on the plank roak, and abandoned the position of Spanish Fort and its material to the enemy. He lost some pickets and about thirty-five cannon and mortars. I moved the troops to Mobile, anticipating an early attack on the city. I consider the defence of Spanish Fort by General Gibson and the gentlemen of his command one of the most spirited defences of the war.

Blakely was attacked by regular siege on the 1st of April. Steele's corps came down from the direction of Pollard, and with the divisions that had been lying before Blakely since the 26th, broke ground very cautiously against the place. The position of Blakely was better for defence than that of Spanish Fort. The works consisted of nine lunettes connected by good rifle-pits, and covered in front by a double line of abatis, and of an advanced line of rifle-pits. The crest was about three thousand yards long. Both flanks rested on Apalachie river, on the marsh. No part of the line was exposed to enfilade fire. The garrison was the noble brigade of Missourians, Elisha Gates commanding, the survivors of more than twenty battles, and the finest troops I have ever seen; the Alabama boy-reserve brigade under General Thomas, part of Holtzelaw's brigade, Barry's Mississippi brigade, the First Mississippi light artillery armed as infantry, several light batteries with about thirty-five pieces of field and siege artillery, besides Cohorn and siege mortars. The whole effective force was about 2,700 men under General St. John Liddell. The gallant General Cockrell of Missouri was next in command.

During Sunday, the day after the evacuation of Spanish Fort, the enemy was continually moving troops from below towards Blakely, and Sunday evening about five o'clock he assaulted the centre of the line with a heavy column of eleven brigades (about 22,000 men in three lines of battle) and carried the position, capturing all of the material and of the troops, except about 150 men, who escaped over the marshes and river by swimming. On the loss of Blakely I resolved to evacuate Mobile. My effective force was now reduced to less than 5,000 men, and the supply of ammunition had been nearly exhausted in the siege of the two positions which the enemy had taken from me. Mobile contained nearly forty thousand non-combatants. The city and its population were entirely exposed to the fire which would be directed against its defences. With the means now left me an obstinate or protracted defence would have been impossible, while the consequences of its being stormed by a combined force of Federal and negro troops would have been shocking — my orders were to save my troops, after having made as much time as possible — therefore I decided to evacuate Mobile at once. Blakely was carried on Sunday evening at 5 o'clock; I completed the evacuation of Mobile on Wednesday morning, having dismantled the works, removed the stores best suited for troops in the field, transferred the commissary stores to the Mayor for the use of the people, and marched out with 4,500 infantry and artillery, twenty-seven light cannon, and brought off all the land and water transportation.

During the night of Tuesday I remained in the city with the rear guard of 300 Louisiana infantry, commanded by Colonel Robert Lindsay, and marched out on Wednesday morning with them at sunrise. I left General Gibson to see to the withdrawal of the cavalry pickets and the burning of the cotton. At 11 o'clock, the whole business of evacuation being completed, General Gibson sent a white flag to the fleet to inform the enemy that he might take quiet possession of Mobile, since there was no Confederate force to oppose him. Soon after midday Canby marched in. Six thousand cavalry had been sent up the country from Pensacola to prevent my escape; but they could not get across the Alabama and Tombigbee rivers, which with their bottoms were flooded, and I reached Meridian with my army unopposed. No active pursuit was made. By General Taylor's orders, I moved the troops to Cuba station, refitted the transportation and field batteries, and made ready to march across and join General Joseph E. Johnston in Carolina. The tidings of Lee's surrender soon came, then of the capture of the President of the Confederacy. But under all these sad and depressing trials, the little army of Mobile remained steadfastly together, and in perfect order and discipline awaited the final issue of events.

On the 8th of May we marched back to Meridian to surrender, and on the 13th of May we had completed the turning in of arms (to our own ordnance officers), and the last of us departed for his home a paroled prisoner of war.

Nothing in the history of those anxious days appears to me more touching and devoted than the conduct of the garrison of Mobile. Representatives of every State in the Southern Confederacy, veterans of every army and of scores of battles, they resisted an army of ten-fold their numbers, until near half their force was destroyed, and then made good their retreat in good order. After reaching their encampment near Cuba, they preserved the dignity of brave and devoted men who had staked all and lost all save honor. Every night they assembled around the camp-fires of their generals and called for tidings from the army of the Confederacy and from their President. After receiving all of the information we could impart, they would give us three cheers and return to their bivouacs. I think there was no day on which they would not have attacked and beaten a superior force of the enemy.

During the fourteen days of siege of Spanish Fort, the daily loss of the garrison in killed and wounded ranged from fifteen to twenty. During the eight days of the siege of Blakely, the losses were from twenty to twenty-five daily. The only officer of rank killed was my Chief of Artillery, Colonel W. E. Burnett, son of the venerable ex-President of Texas. He was a man of rare attainments, of extraordinary military capacity, of unshrinking courage, and pure character. On the morning of April 4th I took him with me to Spanish Fort to establish a new battery: a sharpshooter shot him in the forehead, and he died in a few hours.

There were many instances of fine conduct during these operations. You may remember there were two little batteries constructed on the right bank of the Apalachie river, several miles below Blakely, called Huger and Tracey ; they were to defend that river. They had but little over two hundred rounds of ammunition to each gun; therefore I made them hold their fire during the whole siege. The garrisons of these batteries were 300 men of the Twenty-second Louisiana, under the command of Colonel Patton, of Virginia. Early in the action the enemy opened some Parrott batteries on these forts, and for more than ten days they silently received the fire which they might not reply to. After Blakely fell, these two little outposts remained close to the centre of the army of the enemy (50,000 men), who were continually opening new guns upon them and increasing their fire; still they replied not. On their right lay the great Federal fleet; ten miles to their rear was their nearest support — in Mobile — and a waste of marshes and water lay between. At last came to them the long looked for order: Open all your guns upon the enemy, keep up an active fire, and hold your position until you receive orders to retire. And so they did, until late on Tuesday night I sent Major Cummins, of my staff, to inform them the evacuation of Mobile was complete, their whole duty was performed, and they might retire. The first steamer I sent for them grounded, and I had (about 2 A. M.) to dispatch another. Every man was brought safely off, with his small arms and ammunition — they dismantled their batteries before they abandoned them — and it was nine o'clock Wednesday morning before they left the wharf of Mobile for Demopolis.

These garrisons fired the last cannon in the last great battle of the war for the freedom of the Southern States. I believe the enemy's loss during all these operations was not less than 7,000 killed and wounded. Two of his ironclads were sunk on Apalachie bar by torpedoes; four other armed vessels and five transports were sunk during and after the siege — making, with the Tecumseh, twelve hostile vessels destroyed in Mobile bay by the torpedoes.

Our own little fleet did all they could to aid the defence, but there was little opportunity for them. On the morning of the evacuation, the two floating batteries were sunk in the river by their own crews. The other vessels were moved up the Tombigbee river to Demopolis, in convoy of the fleet of transports.

I reflect with satisfaction that it was my privilege to command Confederate troops in our last great battle, and that those troops behaved to the last with so much courage and dignity.

With highest respect, I remain truly yours,

Dabney H. Maury, Major-General late Confederate Army, Prisoner of War on Parole.

Remarks, etc.

During the siege of Spanish Fort the expenditure of small-arm ammunition was very great. The garrison at first fired 36,000 rounds per day; the young reserves spent it freely. The old Texans and veterans from North Carolina and Alabama, who replaced the brigade of boys, were more deliberate and careful of their ammunition, and we reduced its expenditure to 12,000 rounds per day.

The torpedoes were the most striking and effective of the new contrivance for defence which were used during these operations. Every avenue of approach to the outworks or to the city of Mobile was guarded by submarine torpedoes, so that it was impossible for any vessel drawing three feet of water to get within effective cannon range of any part of our defences. Two ironclads attempted to get near enough to Spanish Fort to take part in the bombardment. They both suddenly struck the bottom on Apalachie bar, and thenceforwad the fleet made no further attempt to encounter the almost certain destruction which they saw awaited any vessel which might attempt to enter our torpedo-guarded waters. But many were sunk when least expecting it. Some went down long after the Confederate forces had evacuated Mobile. The Tecumseh was probably sunk on her own torpedo. While steaming in lead of Farragut's fleet she carried a torpedo affixed to a spar which projected some twenty feet from her bows; she proposed to use this torpedo against the Tennessee, our only formidable ship; but while passing Fort Morgan a shot from that fort cut away the stays by which the Tecumseh's torpedo was secured; it then doubled under her, and exploding fairly under the bottom of the ill-fated ship, she careened and sunk instantly in ten fathoms of water. Only six or eight of her crew of one hundred and fifty officers and men were saved — the others still lie in their iron coffin at the bottom of the bay. Besides the Tecumseh, eleven other Federal vessels, men-of-war and transports, were sunk by torpedoes in Mobile bay; and their effectiveness as a means of defence of harbors was clearly established by the results of this siege. Had we understood their power in the beginning of the war as we came to do before its end, we could have effectually defended every harbor, channel or river throughout the Confederate States against all sorts of naval attacks. It is noteworthy that the Confederate ironclad Virginia, by her fearful destruction of the Federal war-ships in Hampton Roads early in the war, caused all the maritime powers of the world to remodel their navies and build ironclads at enormous expense, only to learn by the Confederate lessons of Mobile that ironclads cannot avail against torpedoes; for, as the Federal naval captain who had been engaged in clearing Mobile bay of the torpedoes and of the wrecks they had made, after the close of the war remarked to the writer: It makes no difference whether a ship is of wood, or is tin-clad, or is iron-clad, if she gets over a torpedo it blows the same size hole in the bottom of all alike, which I found on an average to be just twelve feet by eight square. He furthermore stated that he had ascertained that in every instance but one of the wrecks in Mobile bay, the vessel had been sunk while backing — only one exploded a torpedo while going ahead.

During the fight in Spanish Fort our cannoniers found effectual protection from the extraordinarily heavy fire of sharpshooters in mantlets or screens, made by plates of steel about two feet by three square, and about half-inch thick; they were so secured to the inner faces of the embrasures that they were quickly lowered and raised as the gun ran into battery or recoiled. General Beauregard, before the battle began, gave me the model of a capital sort of wooden embrasure, to be used by our own sharpshooters; they were to be covered over by sand-bags as soon as the rifleman should establish himself in his pit. The old veterans of the Army of Tennessee at once acknowledged their superiority over head logs, or any other contrivance for covering sharpshooters, and the demand for them was soon greater than I could supply.

The Brooke guns, of which I had a large number, of calibres ranging from six and four-tenths up to eleven inches, were more formidable and serviceable than any which the Federals used against me. These guns were cast at Selma of the iron about Briarfield in North Alabama. It must be the best gun-metal in the world. Some of our Brooke guns were subjected to extraordinarily severe tests, yet not one of them burst or was in any degree injured; at the same time they out-ranged the enemy's best and heaviest Parrotts, which not unfrequently burst by overcharging and over-elevation.

By a capital invention of Colonel William E. Burnett, of Texas, our gun-carriages were much simplified; we were enabled to dispense with eccentrics entirely, and our heaviest cannon could be run into battery with one hand.

In every part of this narrative I have been thinking of the staff officers who were with me throughout the whole of those trying times — friends who have always been true and soldiers who were tried by every test. Whatever efficiency attended the operations entrusted to my conduct throughout the war, was due to their intelligence, courage and devotion. Three of them sleep in their soldier's graves, and were in mercy spared the miseries of the subjugation against which they fought so nobly. John Maury, my Aide-de-Camp, gave up his young life at Vicksburg, in 1863; Columbus Jackson, Inspector-General, soon followed him, and William E. Burnett, Chief of Artillery, fell in Spanish Fort, and was almost the last officer killed during the war.

D. W. Flowewee, Adjutant-General; John Gillespie, Ordnance Officer; Edmund Cummings, Inspector-General; Sylvester Nideleh, Surgeon; Dick Holland and John Mason, Aides-de-Camp, survived the dangers of those arduous campaigns, and are still manfully combatting the evils we fought together to avert from our people. They were gallant soldiers in war, and have shown themselves good citizens in the peace vouchsafed to us.

D. H. M.

The following farewell order was published to the troops who remained with me after the battle of Mobile:

headquarters Maury's division, Camp six miles east of Meridian, Mississippi, May 7, 1865.

Soldiers — Our last march is almost ended. To-morrow we shall lay down the arms we have borne for four years to defend our rights, to win our liberties.

We know that we have borne them with honor; and we only now surrender to the overwhelming power of the enemy, which has rendered further resistance hopeless and mischievous to our own people and cause. But we shall never forget the noble comrades who have stood shoulder to shoulder with us until now; the noble dead who have been martyred; the noble Southern women who have been wronged and are unavenged; or the noble principles for which we have fought. Conscious that we have played our part like men, confident of the righteousness of our cause, without regret for our past action, and without despair of the future, let us to-morrow, with the dignity of the veterans who are the last to surrender, perform the sad duty which has been assigned to us.

Your friend and comrade,

Dabney H. Maury, Major-General Confederate Army.

Detailed Minutiae of soldier life in the army of Northern Virginia. By Carlton McCarthy, Private Second Company Richmond Howitzers, Cutshaw's Battalion. Paper no. 3--on the March.

It is a common mistake of those who write on subjects familiar to themselves, to omit that particularity of description and detailed mention which,to one not so conversant with the matters discussed, is necessary to a clear appreciation of the meaning of the writer. This mistake is all the more fatal when the writer lives and writes in one age and his readers live in another.

And so a soldier, writing for the information of the citizen, should forget his familiarity with the every-day scenes of soldier life and strive to record even those things which seem to him too common to mention. Who does not know all about the marching of soldiers? Those who have never marched with them and some who have. The varied experience of thousands would not tell the whole story of the march. Every man must be heard before the story is told, and even then the part of those who fell by the way is wanting.

Orders to move! Where? when? what for?--are the eager questions of the men as they begin their preparations to march. Generally nobody can answer, and the journey is commenced in utter ignorance of where it is to end. But shrewd guesses are made, and scraps of information will be picked up on the way. The main thought must be to get ready to move. The orderly sergeant is shouting fall in, and there is no time to lose. The probability is that before you get your blanket rolled up, find your frying pan, haversack, axe, &c., and fall in, the roll-call will be over, and some extra duty provided.

No wonder there is bustle in the camp. Rapid decisions are to be made between the various conveniences which have accumulated, for some must be left. One fellow picks up the skillet, holds it awhile, mentally determining how much it weighs, and what will be the weight of it after carrying it five miles, and reluctantly, with a half-ashamed, sly look, drops it and takes his place in ranks. Another having added to his store of blankets too freely, now has to decide which of the two or three he will leave. The old water-bucket looks large and heavy, but one stout-hearted, strong-armed man has taken it affectionately to his care.

This is the time to say farewell to the bread-tray, farewell to the little piles of clean straw laid between two logs, where it was so easy to sleep; farewell to those piles of wood, cut with so much labor; farewell to the girls in the neighborhood; farewell to the spring, farewell to our tree and our fire, good-bye to the fellows who are not going, and a general good-bye to the very hills and valleys.

Soldiers commonly threw away the most valuable articles they possessed. Blankets, overcoats, shoes, bread and meat,--all gave way to the necessities of the march; and what one man threw away would frequently be the very article another wanted and would immediately pick up. So there was not much lost after all.

The first hour or so of the march was generally quite orderly — the men preserving their places in ranks and marching with a good show of order; but soon some lively fellow whistles an air, somebody else starts a song, the whole column breaks out with roars of laughter, route step takes the place of order, and the jolly singing, laughing, talking and joking that follows none could describe.

Now let any young officer dare to pass along who sports a new hat, coat, saddle, or anything new, or odd, or fine, and how nicely he is attended to.

The expressions of good-natured fun, or contempt, which one regiment of infantry was capable of uttering in a day for the benefit of passers by, would fill a volume. As one thing or another in the dress of the subject of their remarks attracted attention they would shout, Come out of that hat!!--you can't hide in thar! Come out of that coat, come out — there's a man it it!! Come out of them boots!! The infantry seemed to know exactly what to say to torment cavalry and artillery.

If any one on the roadside was simple enough to recognize and address by name a man in the ranks, the whole column would kindly respond, and add all sorts of pleasant remarks, such as, Halloa, John, here's your brother! Bill!! Oh bill!!!I here's your ma! Glad to see you!--how's your grandma? Howdye do I Come out of that biled shirt !

Troops on the march were generally so cheerful and gay that an outsider looking on them as they marched would hardly imagine how they suffered. In summer time, the dust, combined with the heat, caused great suffering. The nostrils of the men, filled with dust, became dry and feverish,and even the throat did not escape. The grit was felt between the teeth, and the eyes were rendered almost useless. There was dust in eyes, mouth, ears and hair. The shoes were full of sand, and penetrating the clothes, and getting in at the neck, wrists and ankles, the dust, mixed with perspiration, produced an irritant almost as active as cantharides. The heat was at times terrific, but the men became greatly accustomed to it, and endured it with wonderful ease. Their heavy woollen clothes were a great annoyance. Tough linen or cotton clothes would have been a great relief; indeed, there are many objections to woollen clothing for soldiers even in winter. The sun produced great changes in the appearance of the men. Their skins were tanned to a dark brown or red, their hands black almost, and, added to this the long, uncut beard and hair, they too burned to a strange color, made them barely recognizable to the homefolks.

If the dust and the heat were not on hand to annoy, their very able substitutes were. Mud, cold, rain, snow, hail and wind took their places. Rain was the greatest discomfort a soldier could have. It was more uncomfortable than the severest cold with clear weather. Wet clothes, shoes and blankets; wet meat and bread; wet feet and wet ground; wet wood to burn, or, rather, not to burn; wet arms and ammunition; wet ground to sleep on, mud to wade through, swollen creeks to ford, muddy springs, and a thousand other discomforts attended the rain. There was no comfort on a rainy day or night except in bed --that is, under your blanket and oilcloth. Cold winds, blowing the rain in the faces of the men, increased the discomfort. Mud was often so deep as to submerge the horses and mules, and at times it was necessary for one man or more to extricate another from the mud holes in the road.

Marching at night, when very dark, was attended with additional discomforts and dangers, such as falling off bridges, stumbling into ditches, tearing the face and injuring the eyes against the bushes and projecting limbs of trees, and getting separated from your own company and hopelessly lost in the multitude.

Of course, a man lost had no sympathy. If he dared to ask a question, every man in hearing would answer, each differently, and then the whole multitude would roar with laughter at the lost man, and ask him if his mother knew he was out?

Very few men had comfortable or fitting shoes, and less had socks, and, as a consequence, the suffering from bruised and inflamed feet was terrible. It was a common practice, on long marches, for the men to take off their shoes and carry them in their hands or swung over their shoulder.

When large bodies of troops were moving on the same road the alternate halt and forward was very harassing. Every obstacle produced a halt and caused the men at once to sit and lie down on the road-side where shade or grass tempted them, and about the time they got fixed they would hear the word forward! and then have to move at increased speed to close up the gap in the column.

Sitting down for a few minutes on a long march is pleasant, but it does not always pay. When the march is resumed the limbs are stiff and sore, and the man rather worsted by the rest.

About noon on a hot day, some fellow with the water instinct would determine in his own mind that a well was not far ahead, and start off in a trot to reach it before the column. Of course another followed and another, till a stream of men were hurrying to the well, which was soon completely surrounded by a thirsty mob, yelling and pushing and pulling to get to the bucket as the windlass brought it again and again to the surface. Impatience and haste soon overturn the windlass, spatter the water all around the well till the whole crowd is wading in mud, and now the rope is broken and the bucket falls to the bottom. But there is a substitute for rope and bucket. The men hasten away and get long, slim poles, and on them tie, by their straps, a number of canteens, which they lower into the well and fill, and, unless, as was frequently the case, the whole lot slipped off and fell to the bottom, drew them to the top and distributed them to their owners, who at once threw their heads back, inserted the nozzles in their mouths and drank the last drop, hastening at once to rejoin the marching column, leaving behind them a dismantled and dry well. It was in vain the officers tried to stop the stream making for the water, and equally vain to attempt to move the crowd while a drop remained accessible. Many who were thoughtful carried full canteens to comrades in the column who had not been able to get to the well, and no one who has not had experience of it knows the thrill of gratification and delight which those fellows knew when the cool stream gurgled from the battered canteen down their parched throats.

In very hot weather, when the necessities of the service allowed it, there was a halt about noon, of an hour or so, to rest the men and give them a chance to cool off and get the sand and gravel out of their shoes. This time was spent by some in absolute repose — but the lively boys told many a yarn, cracked many a joke, and sung many a song between halt and column forward! Some took the opportunity, if water was near, to bathe their feet, hands and face, and nothing could be more enjoyable.

The passage of a cider cart (a barrel on wheels) was a rare and exciting occurrence. The rapidity with which a barrel of sweet cider was consumed would astonish any one who saw it for the first time, and generally the owner had cause to wonder at the small return in cash. Sometimes a desperately enterprising darkey would approach the column with a cart load of pies so called. It would be impossible to describe accurately the taste or appearance of these pies. They were generally similar in appearance, size and thickness to a pale specimen of Old Virginia buckwheat cakes, and had a taste which resembled a combination of rancid lard and crab apples. It was generally supposed that they contained dried apples, and the sellers were careful to state that they had sugar in ‘em, and was mighty nice. It was rarely the case that any trace of sugar was found, but they filled up a hungry man wonderfully.

Men of sense, and there were many such in the ranks, were necessarily desirous of knowing where or how far they were to march, and suffered greatly from a feeling of helpless ignorance of where they were and whither bound — whether to battle or camp. Frequently, when anticipating the quiet and rest of an ideal camp, they were thrown, weary and exhausted, into the face of a waiting enemy, and at times, after anticipating a sharp fight, having formed line of battle and braced themselves for the coming danger, suffered all the apprehension and gotten themselves in good fighting trim, they would be marched off in the dryest and prosiest sort of style and ordered into camp, where, in all probability, they had to wait for the wagon, and for the bread and meat therein, until the proverb, Patient waiting is no loss, lost all its force and beauty.

Occasionally, when the column extended for a mile or more, and the road was one dense moving mass of men, a cheer would be heard away ahead and increasing in volume as it approached until there was one universal shout. Then some general favorite officer would dash by, followed by his staff, and explain the cause.

At other times, the same cheering and enthusiasm would result from the passage down the column of some obscure and despised officer, who knew it was all a joke, and looked mean and sheepish accordingly.

The men would generally help each other in real distress, but their delight was to torment any one who was unfortunate in a ridiculous way. If, for instance, a piece of artillery was fast in the mud, the infantry and cavalry passing around the obstruction would rack their brains for words and phrases applicable to the situation and most calculated to worry the cannoniers who, waist deep in the mud, are tugging at the wheels.

Brass bands, at first quite numerous and good, became very rare and the music very poor in the latter years of the war. It was a fine thing to see the fellows trying to keep the music going as they waded through the mud. But poor as the music was, it helped the footsore and weary to make another mile, and encouraged a cheer and a brisker step from the lagging and tired column.

As the men became tired, there was less and less talking, until the whole mass became quiet and serious. Each man was occupied with his own thoughts. For miles nothing could be heard but the steady tramp of the men, the rattling and jingling of canteens and accoutrements, and the occasional close up, men,--close up! of the officers.

As evening came on, questioning of the officers was in order, and for an hour it would be, Captain, when are we going into camp? I say, lieutenant! are we going to------or to blank? Seen anything of our wagon? How long are we to stay here? --Where's the spring? Sometimes these questions were meant simply to tease, but generally they betrayed anxiety of some sort, and a close observer would easily detect the seriousness of the man who asked after our wagon, because he spoke feelingly as one who wanted his supper and was in doubt as to whether or not he would get it.

Many a poor fellow dropped in the road and breathed his last in the corner of a fence, with no one to hear his last fond mention of his loved ones. And many whose ambition it was to share every danger and discomfort with their comrades, overcome by the heat or worn out with disease, were compelled to leave the ranks, and while friend and brother marched to battle, drag their weak and staggering frames to the rear, perhaps to die, pitiably alone, in some hospital, and be buried as one more Unknown.

An accomplished straggler could assume more misery, look more horribly emaciated, tell more dismal stories of distress, eat more and march further (to the rear), than any ten ordinary men. Most stragglers were real sufferers, but many of them were ingenious liars, energetic foragers, plunder hunters and gormandizers. Thousands who kept their place in ranks to the very end were equally as tired, as sick, as hungry and as hopeless as these scamps, but too proud to tell it or use it as a means of escape from hardship.

Defence of Fort Gregg.

[The heroic defence of Fort Gregg showed the spirit of the remnant of our grand old army, and illumines the sad page of its history which tells of the closing scenes of the Defence of Petersburg. We have never seen in print any official account of the brilliant affair, and are glad to be able to present the following from the original Ms. report kindly furnished us by General James H. Lane.]

Brigadier-General Lane's official report.

Appomattox Courthouse, April 10, 1865. Major:

I have the honor to report that on the night of the 1st of April, four regiments of my brigade, with intervals between the men varying from six to ten paces, were stretched along the works between Battery Gregg and Hatcher's Run, in the following order from right to left: Twenty-eighth, Thirty-seventh, Eighteenth, Thirty-third--the right of the Twenty-eighth resting near the brown house in front of General McRae's winterquarters, and the left of the Thirty-third on the branch near Mrs. Banks'.

The enemy commenced shelling my line from several batteries about nine o'clock that night, and the picket lines in my front opened fire at a quarter to two o'clock the following morning. The skirmishers from McGowan's brigade, who covered the works held by my command, were driven in at a quarter to five o'clock, and my line was pierced by the enemy in strong force at the ravine in front of the right of the Thirty-seventh near General McGowan's headquarters. The Twenty-eighth, enfiladed on the left by this force, and on the right by the force that had previously broken the troops to our right, was forced to fall back to the Plank road. The enemy on its left took possession of this road and forced it to fall still further back to the Cox road, where it skirmished with the enemy and supported a battery of artillery, by order of Brigadier-General Pendleton. The other regiments fought the enemy between McGowan's winterquarters and those occupied by my brigade, and were driven back. They then made a stand in the winterquarters of the right regiment of my command, but were again broken, a part retreating along the works to the left, and the remainder going to the rear. These last, under Colonel Cowan, made a stand on the hill to the right of Mrs. Banks', but were forced back to the Plank road, along which they skirmished for some time, and then fell back to the Cox road, where they supported a battery of artillery, by order of Lieutenant-General Longstreet. That portion of my command which retreated along the works to the left, made two more unsuccessful attempts to resist the enemy, the last stand being made in the Church road leading to the Jones House. It then fell back to Battery Gregg and the battery to its left; but under Major Wooten, and assisted by a part of Thomas' brigade, it soon after charged the enemy, by order of Major-General Wilcox, and cleared the works as far as the branch on which the left of the Thirty-third rested the night previous. Here we were rejoined by Colonel Cowan, and we deployed as skirmishers to the left of the Church road and perpendicular to the works, but did not hold this position long, as we were attacked by a strong line of skirmishers, supported by two strong lines of battle. A part of us retreated to Battery Gregg, and the rest to the new line of works near the Dam. Battery Gregg was subsequently attacked by an immense force, and fell after the most gallant and desperate defence. Our men bayonetted many of the enemy as they mounted the parapet. After the fall of this battery, the rest of my command along the new line was attacked in front and flank and driven back to the old line of works running northwest from Battery 45, where it remained until the evacuation of Petersburg. We were here rejoined by the Twenty-eighth, under Captain Linebarger.

On the afternoon of the 3d, we crossed the Appomattox at Goode's bridge, bivouaced at Amelia Courthouse on the 4th, and on the 5th formed line of battle between Amelia Courthouse and Jetersville, where our sharpshooters, under Major Wooten, became engaged. Next day, while resting in Farmville, we were ordered back to a fortified hill to support our cavalry, which was hard pressed, but before reaching the hill the order was countermanded. We moved rapidly through Farmville, and sustained some loss from the artillery fire while crossing the river near that place. That afternoon we formed line of battle, facing to the rear, between one and two miles from Farmville, and my sharpshooters were attacked by the enemy. During the night we resumed our march, and on the 9th, while forming line of battle, we were ordered back and directed to stack our arms, as the Army of Northern Virginia had been surrendered.

My officers and men behaved well throughout this trying campaign, and superiority of numbers alone enabled the enemy to drive us from the works near Petersburg. Colonel Cowan, though indisposed, was constantly with his command, and displayed his usual gallantry, while Major Wooten nobly sustained his enviable reputation as an officer.

We have to mourn the loss of Captains Nicholson, Faine, McAulay and Long, and other gallant officers.

Captain E. J. Hale, Jr., A. A. G., and First Lieutenant E. B. Meade, A. D. C., were constantly at their posts, displaying great bravery and giving additional evidence of their efficiency as staff officers.

I am unable to give our exact loss at Petersburg. I surrendered at this point fifty-six (56) officers and four hundred and eighty-four (484) men — many of the latter being detailed, non-arms-bearing men, who were sent back to be surrendered with their brigade.

The Seventh, the other regiment of my command, is absent in North Carolina on detached service.

I am, Major, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

James H. Lane, Brigadier-General. Major Joseph A. Engelhard, A. A. General.

Extract from a letter written by General Lane to General Wilcox.

Concord, N. C., May 20th, 1867. Dear General:

I received a letter from Major Engelhard not long since, in which he says you wish me to furnish you, as far as I can, the names of officers killed and wounded in my brigade, and the number of men killed and wounded in the different battles from the Wilderness to the surrender, as General Lee had desired a report of you.

I beg also to call your special attention to the defence of Fort Gregg, as you may not be aware that Harris' brigade has been given in print all the credit of that gallant affair. Relative to that, I send you a letter recently received from Lieutenant George H. Snow, of the Thirty-third North Carolina regiment, who commanded the detachment from my brigade which was in the fort at the time of its fall. Harris' brigade formed on our right after Thomas and I had cleared the works of the enemy as far as Mrs. Banks', and when we were driven back that brigade retired to the fort above Fort Gregg--I think it was called Fort Anderson--while mine retired along the new line of works to the Dam, a sufficient number, however, being sent to Fort Gregg (with the supernumeraries of Walker's artillery armed as infantry) to man the entire work. You may perhaps recollect my calling your attention to this, and that after looking into the fort, you approved of my turning back other men of my command, though you had previously ordered my whole brigade into that fort. There were, I think, eight or nine commissioned officers of my command in the same fort.

The honor of the gallant defence of Fort Gregg is due to my brigade, Chew's battery and Walker's supernumerary artillerists, armed as infantry, and not to Harris' brigade, which abandoned Fort Anderson and retired to the old or inner line of works before Fort Gregg was attacked in force. Unsupported, I saw our noble fellows repulse three assaults in force in front and one from the rear; and the enemy did not succeed in mounting the work until the fire of the fort had ceased, which, as Lieutenant Snow says, was due to want of ammunition. The enemy, after crowding the parapet, amid the wildest cheering and waiving of numerous flags, fired down upon our men inside of the works.

Chew's battery behaved splendidly; even before I left the work, two or three men were shot down in rapid succession while attempting to discharge a single gun. My men were on the right and centre, the supernumerary artillerists on the left, and Chew's battery was in the centre, so as to give the pieces the widest possible range of fire.

Yours, very respectfully,

James H. Lane.

Letter from Lieutenant George H. Snow, Thirty-third North Carolina regiment.

Raleigh, May 13th, 1867. General James H. Lane:

Dear sir — Your letter I received some time ago, and would have answered it earlier, but was prevented by unforseen circumstances.

You desire to know the details of the fight at Fort Gregg. I think it due to the men of that noble old brigade, which stood the contest from Newberne to the surrender, that some true lover of patriotism and valor should espouse their cause, and place them second to none among the true defenders of that memorable fort. History does not reveal names more deserving of honor and praise than those of that detachment which I had the honor to command, and my mind painfully reverts to the agonizing adieu of each hero as he closed his eyes in death.

I cannot speak positively when I attempt to give the number of men belonging to your brigade or the miscellaneous commands in the fort, but I speak confidently when I say that at least three-fourths were of your brigade. I think I had between seventy-five and eighty men all told, with Lieutenants Craige and Howard, and two or three other officers whose names I do not recollect. I saw only two officers of Harris' brigade in the fort fighting bravely, but the number of their command I cannot exactly give, but think that ten will cover the whole. The artillerists fought bravely, resorting to small arms after being unable to. use their cannon, and appeared to me as if commanding themselves: they were of Captain Chew's battery. Our stubborn resistance is due to your foresight in supplying the fort with cartridges.

The enemy charged us three times, and after having expended all our ammunition, rocks were used successfully for over half an hour in resisting their repeated attempts to rush over us. While I would most willingly accord to each man within the fort his just and proper credit, yet I do not think that Harris' brigade should be mentioned in connection with its defence. I cannot point out a single instance where one of Lane's brigade failed to perform his duty on that day. The position we occupied (the right wing and centre) were the only parts attacked without one moment's interval of peace, and we repulsed with great loss an attack in the rear which would have otherwise necessitated our surrender. The credit of that bloody fight is due to your men, and I sincerely hope you may correct so foul a statement as that which appears as history.

With my best wishes for your welfare and success,

I remain as ever, yours most sincerely,

George H. Snow.

Letter from Lieutenant F. B. Craig, Thirty-third North Carolina regiment.

Williamsport, Tennessee, June 4th, 1867. General James H. Lane:

Dear sir — Yours of the 27th ultimo was remailed to me at Sailsbury, and received to-day. I am happy to know that you intend making an effort to give our old brigade some of the honor due her, which has more than once been given others to whom it does not belong.

I will give you as correct an account of the defence of Fort Gregg as my recollection will permit. There were but two six-pound guns in the fort, conducted by a few Marylanders or Virginians, under command of Captain Chew, and a few Louisianians from the Washington artillery, under Lieutenant Mackelroy. The whole number of artillerists did not exceed twenty-five. Lieutenant-Colonel Duncan and his adjutant, of Harris' brigade, both of whom were wounded in the head and acted with conspicuous gallantry, had with them not more than twenty men. The remainder of the troops in the fort belonged to your brigade, numbering between one hundred and fifty, and one hundred and seventy-five. The only other officer present of our brigade, whose name you did not mention in your letter, was Lieutenant Rigler, of the Thirty-seventh regiment. I do not know whether there were any of General Thomas' command with us or not. Captain Norwood, of Thomas' staff, was captured the same morning that I was, but I don't remember whether on the skirmish line or in the fort. We repulsed the enemy three times in front and once from the rear. After our ammuniton was exhausted, the men used their bayonets and clubbed their guns until the whole wall was covered with blue-coats, who continued a heavy fire upon us for several moments after they had entered.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

F. B. Craige.

Letter from Lieutenant A. B. Howard, Thirty-third North Carolina regiment.

Statesville, N. C., June 3d, 1867. General Lane:

Dear sir — Yours of the 27th instant is at hand, and contents duly noticed. I take pleasure in giving you all the information I can in reference to the gallant defence of Fort Gregg. I am fully confident that three-fourths of the men in the fort, if not more, were from your brigade.

I am glad, indeed, to know that you will give a full and true statement of the affair to General Lee, and that the gallant men of the Old North State, and especially those of Lane's brigade, may have all the honor and credit that they so nobly won.

I fully concur with Lieutenant Snow in his statement concerning the number of men from Harris' brigade. I am pretty certain that there was only one officer instead of two from that brigade: his name was Duncan. He said he was lieutenant-colonel, but there were no stars or bars about him to designate his rank.

The three pieces of artillery belonged to Chew's battery. He was captured and taken with us to Johnson's island. I am sorry that I am not able to recall the names of the officers from your command. I don't remember the names of any except those mentioned by yourself. I know there were others besides from our brigade in the Thirty-seventh regiment, &c., but as I was not well acquainted with them, their names have escaped my recollection.

We kept the enemy back for some time after our ammunition was exhausted with bayonets and brickbats. 'Tis true, that when they rushed into the fort upon us, they were yelling, cursing and shooting with all the frenzy and rage of a hode of merciless barbarians.

I could give you a full account of the whole engagement from beginning to end, but I suppose you have all the particulars from Captain Hale and Lieutenant Snow.

I remain yours, very truly, &c.,

A. B. Howard.

Letter from Lieutenant D. M. Rigler, Thirty-seventh North Carolina regiment.

Charlotte, N. C., June 17th, 1867. General James H. Lane:

Dear sir — Yours of the 14th instant is received, and I hasten to reply. You wish me to give all the information I can in regard to the defence of Fort Gregg. As it has been so long since it occurred, I do not know that I can give all the particulars, but as far as I can I will.

After the enemy drove us from the works, a portion of the brigade fell back in rear of General Mahone's quarters, and was there until you ordered us to the fort. 'Twas near Mahone's quarters that General A. P. Hill was killed. When we came to the fort you were there with some of the brigade. You then ordered all of us to charge the enemy. We held the Jones road about fifteen minutes. Harris' Mississippi brigade came up; the enemy fired on them, and they retreated. Captain Hale then ordered us up to the fort. General Wilcox and some of his staff were there: he remained there until they opened on the fort with artillery. Captain Hale called myself, Snow and Craige out in the rear of the fort, and asked how many men we had of the brigade and how much ammunition. He then told us to send some reliable man after ammunition. By this time the Yanks had got the range of the fort, and were doing some damage.

Captain Hale then asked who was the senior officer, and as Snow was, he put him in command and told him to hold the fort. We formed the men around, and had about fifty or sixty. Harris' men came in with a lieutenant-colonel, and about fifteen men more of our brigade came in, and made in all about seventy-five of our brigade.

About ten o'clock the enemy commenced charging with four or five lines. We did not fire until they were within forty yards, and then we gave them one volley; they wavered, and the first line gave way; the second came forward, and came within thirty yards of the fort. We yelled and fired — they stood a few seconds and then broke. The third retreated also, but the fourth and fifth came to the ditch around the fort. While this fighting was in the front, one line came in the rear and almost got inside the fort through the door. About twenty men charged them, and drove them back. About eleven o'clock they scaled the walls of the fort, and for several minutes we had a hand to hand fight. We used the bayonet, and killed almost all of them that came on the top.

About half-past 11 they attempted to scale the walls again. We met them with the bayonet, and for several minutes it was the most desperate struggle I ever witnessed; but it did not last long. Soon they were all killed or knocked back, and then a deafening shout arose from our boys. Near twelve, they tried to force their way through the door in rear of the fort, and succeeded in getting almost in, but we met them with the bayonet and drove them back. By this time the ammunition was almost out, and our men threw bats and rocks at them in the ditch. No ammunition could we get, and after a short struggle, they took the fort, and some few did fire on us after they got possession, but their officers tried to stop them.

I think there were twenty-five of Harris' Mississippi brigade, with a lieutenant-colonel; do not think there were any more. The lieutenant-colonel was wounded.

There were only two pieces of artillery, and I think they were six-pound rifle pieces, and they did not have more than twenty-five rounds of ammunition. Most of the men were wounded and killed while the enemy were charging. They fought bravely. I do not know whose battery it was.

There were about seventy-five or eighty men of our brigade, and five officers, namely: Lieutenants Snow, Craige and Howard, of the Thirty-third North Carolina regiment; Orman and myself, of the Thirty-seventh regiment. There were about twenty of Thomas' Georgia brigade, with Thomas' adjutant-general, or a captain acting as such, and two lieutenants.

I think there were in the fort, including all, about one hundred and fifty, or one hundred and seventy-five men — about seventy-five or eighty of our brigade, about twenty-five of Harris' and about twenty of Thomas', and twenty-five or thirty of the artillery. Out of that number at least one-half were killed and wounded.

The adjutant-general or captain of Thomas' brigade was near me when the fighting commenced, and he said it was ten o'clock, and that it was twelve when they got the fort.

The above, general, I think is nearly correct. It is certain our brigade did the most of the fighting, and I think they deserve the praise. I am glad that you are going to defend it.

Wishing you success, I am very respectfully, yours,

D. M. Rigler.

Extract from a letter from Colonel Cowan, of Thirty-third North Carolina regiment.

Statesville, N. C., June 22, 1876. Dear General:

* * * * Lieutenant Howard has doubtless given you all the particulars more fully than I can, as most of my information was obtained from him.

Color Bearer James Atkinson made his escape from Fort Gregg after the enemy had entered it, and brought the colors away safely.

* * * * * * * *

With much respect, your friend,

R. V. Cowan.

I was an eye witness to the above. Atkinson ran from the fort when the enemy mounted the parapet, and with the colors of the Thirty-third North Carolina regiment flying, he made his escape without being struck, though he was a marked target for the enemy. His exploit was greeted with cheers upon cheers from the men in the main line of works.

James H. Lane.

Address on the character of General R. E. Lee, delivered in Richmond on Wednesday, January 19th, 1876, the anniversary of General Lee's birth Captain John Hampden Chamberlayne.

[We were urged at the time of its delivery by a number of gentlemen who heard it to publish this admirable address, and have always purposed doing so. It may be well, however, that is has been postponed, so as to appear on the eve of another anniversary of the birth of our great chieftain.]

fellow citizens:

I shall not obtrude upon you apologies or explanations, as if I had the orator's established fame to lose, or looked that future fame to win. You are not come to hear of my small hopes or fears. Yet, to you and to the gravity of the occasion, it is due to say that I appear before you on sudden order, to my sense of duty hardly less imperative than those famous commands under which we have so often marched at early dawn.

By telegraph, on last Saturday night, this duty was laid upon me, and I come with little of preparation, and less of ability, to attempt a theme that might task the powers of Bossuet or exhaust an Everett's rhetoric.

It can scarcely be needful to rehearse before you the facts of our commander's life. They have become, from least to greatest, parts of history, and an ever-growing number of books record that he was born in 1807, at Stratford, in Westmoreland county, of a family ancient and honorable in the mother country, in the Old Dominion, and in the State of Virginia; that he was appointed a cadet at the United States Military Academy in 1825, and was graduated first in his class, and commissioned lieutenant of engineers; that he served upon the staff of General Scott through the brilliant campaign from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, was thrice breveted for gallant and meritorious conduct, and was declared by General Scott to have borne a chief part in the counsels and the battles which ended with the triumph of our arms; that he was promoted lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, and served for years upon the Southwestern frontier; that he was in 1861 called to Washington as one of a board to revise the army regulations, and that on the 20th day of April, 1861, four days after the withdrawal of Virginia from the Union, he resigned his commission in the United States army, and that he became commander-in-chief of Virginia's forces, and thereafter accepted the commission of general in the army of the Confederate States.

Still more familiar to you than these facts are the events of which you and I had personal knowledge: how Lee organized, patiently and skilfully, the raw resources of Virginia; how he directed the coast defences of the South Atlantic States, and how he labored against a thousand difficulties in the mountains of West Virginia, serenely accepting without a murmur the popular verdict on what ignorant presumption adjudged a failure. In June of 1862 he was at length placed in a command to meet whose vast responsibility his life had been the preparation, and at once his name became forever linked with that Army of Northern Virginia which met and mastered army after army, baffled McClellan, and destroyed successively Pope, Burnside and Hooker; which twice invaded the enemy's country, and which, when at last against it was thrown all the resources of the United States, Grant in its front and Sherman in its rear, Europe for their recruiting ground, and a boundless credit for their military chest, still stood for eleven months defiantly at bay, concentrated on itself the whole resources of the United States, and surrendered at Appomattox eight thousand starving men to the combined force of two great armies whose chiefs had long despaired to conquer it by skill or daring, and had worn it away by weight of numbers and brutal exchange of many lives for one. We all know, too, how the famous soldier sheathed his sword, and without a word of repining, without a look to show the grief that was breaking his heart and sapping the springs of his noble life, accepted the duty that came to him, and bent to his new task, as guide and teacher of boys, the powers which had wielded the strength of armies and almost redressed the balances of unequal fate.

Lee and Washington.

Such are the leading facts, in barest outline, of the great life that began sixty-nine years ago, to-day. Well known as they are, it is wise to recall them when we gather as we have gathered here. In these hurrying days men pass swiftly away from human sight, the multitude of smaller figures vanishing behind the curtain of forgetfulness, the few mighty ones soon wrapt in the hazy atmosphere of the heroic heights, enlarged, it may be, but oft-times dim and distorted, always afar off, unfamiliar, not human, but superhuman, demigods rather than men; our wonder and our despair, who should be our reverence and our inspiration.

Thus has it already been with him who lies at Mount Vernon. Let it be our care, men of this generation, that it be not so in our day with him who lies at Lexington; let it be our care to show him often to those who rise around us to take our place, to show him not only in his great deeds and his famous victories, but also as citizen and as man.

The task is hard to divide what is essentially one, and Lee so bore himself in his great office as that the man was never lost in the soldier. Never of him could it be said that he was like the dyer's hand, subdued to what he worked in: always the sweet human quality tempered his stoic virtue, always beneath the soldier's breast beat the tender, loving heart.

Most of us here have seen and known him, if not in his splendid youth, fit at once to charm the eye of the Athenian multitude and to awe a Roman Senate, yet in his maturer years, when time and care had worn his body but to show more glorious the lofty soul within. Amongst us and ours his life was led, so blameless as might become a Saint, so tender as might become a woman, so simple as might become the little children of whom is the kingdom of Heaven. So consistent was that life, so devoted to duty, without a glance to right or left, so fixed on the golden rule, adopted once and forever, that his biographer, even now in a time of passion and distorted truth, hesitates what to choose for his highest praise — lingering in turn over Lee the son, Lee the husband, Lee the father, Lee the friend. Idle then it were for me to picture him in all the relations he bore to those around him, and worse than idle were I to follow what is much the fashion nowadays and make a study of Lee the Christian, pry with curious glance into the sacred chamber wherein man kneels to his God, or dare to touch the awful veil which fools are swift to rend.

But, says the critic, private virtue is not for public use; a Torquemada may be gentle in his home, and a Stuart seek to enslave his people, yet lead a life of chastity.

'Tis true, but still our great commander shines flawless and perfect, at once in the quiet beams of the household hearth and in the fierce light that beats upon the throne of him born to be king of men.

Let one great example show it. None but those who know the power of lofty ambition can tell what vast temptation beset our leader; none can know the heroism of the decision in the dark days of 1861. He was the favorite soldier of all who followed Scott; he was the picked and chosen man for high command in the armies of the United States. He was besought almost with tears by him he reverenced as a second father; to him was tendered the baton of general-in-chief. Who can tell what visions trooped upon his sight: of power, that dearest boon to the powerful, of fame world wide, of triumph, not easy but certain. And who can tell but fairer dreams than these assailed him; hope, nay, almost belief, that he and he alone might play the noble part of pacificator and redintegrator patriae, that he might heal the wounds of civil strife, and be hailed by North and South as worthy the oaken garland.

He had been more or less than human, had not these thoughts, or such as these, arisen when he strove through days and bitter nights to find his duty.

He, we must remember, was wedded to no theory; his mind grasped concrete truth rather than abstractions. His horizon was bounded by no lines of neighborhood or of States. He knew the men of the North, as well as of the South; he had maturely weighed the wealth of the one and the poverty of the other. Few knew so well as he, none better, the devotion we could offer to any cause, but he knew, likewise, the stubborn, deep-resting strength of the Northern will that we took for a passing whim. He had all his life obeyed and respected the organized, concentrated form of the Union, and he, the pupil of Scott, the follower of Washington, the son of Light Horse Harry, might and should and did pause long. Paused long, to decide forever — to decide with never a look backward, with never a regret, even when the end had come, darker than his fears had pictured.

Cast away all, to obey the voice of Virginia, his country; to defend Virginia, his mother. Scarcely twice since the world began has mortal man been called to make such choice.

Will not history consent, will not mankind applaud, when we still uphold our principles as right, our cause as just, our country to be honored, when those principles had for disciple, that cause for defender, that country for son, Robert Lee?

The day has by no means come to fix with absolute precision the rank of Lee among the world's great soldiers. But the day will come, and it is ours to gather and preserve and certify the facts to be the record before the dread tribunal of time.

Turning, then, to the soldiership of Lee; from first to last, we see his labor and exactness, giving always the power to gain from every means its utmost result. Thus, he so pursued the sciences which underlie the soldier's art, that he entered the army fully equipped with all that theory could teach, and whilst yet a subaltern was more than once entrusted with tasks of the engineers' bureau which had baffled the skill of men far older and more experienced. The same qualities were shown when he first saw actual war. To us who look back across the field of a gigantic strife, of a struggle where not brigades nor divisions but great armies were the units, where States were fortified camps and a continent the battle ground; to us that march on Mexico seems as small as it is, in fact, far off in time and space. But small and great are relative, and the little army of Scott which gathered on the sands of Vera Cruz was little in much the same sense as that other army, of Cortez, whose footsteps it followed, and whose prowess it rivaled. In that campaign

Lee's soldiership

first found fit field. It was he whose skill gave us the quick foothold of Vera Cruz. At Cerro Gordo and Contreras his was no mean part of the plan and its accomplishment. At the City of Mexico it was his soldier's eye and soldier's heart which saw and dared what Cortez had seen and dared before, to turn the enemy's strongest position, and assault as well by the San Cosme as by the Belen gateway, a movement greatly hazardous, but, once executed, decisive. In the endless roll of wars that campaign of Mexico must always remain to the judicious critic masterly in conception and superb in execution. But to us it is memorable chiefly as the training school whose pupils were to ply their art on a wider scale to ends more terrible, and Wingfield Scott selected from them all Robert E. Lee as the chosen soldier.

The time was soon to come when he should try conclusions with many of that brilliant band, and prove himself the master of each in turn, of McClellan, of Burnside, of Hooker, of Pope, of Meade, of Grant, of whomsoever could be found to lead them by the millions he confronted. When the war of secession began, you all remember how for a time Lee held subordinate place, and how, when what seemed chance gave him command of the forces defending Richmond from the hundred thousand men who could hear, if they would, the bells of our churches and almost the hum of our streets — you all remember how the home-staying critic found fault with him, how he was described as a closet-soldier and a handler of spade and mattock, rather than of gun and bayonet. Sudden and swift was the surprise when the great plan disclosed itself, and the guns at the Meadow Bridges of the Chickahominy cleared the way for the first of those mighty blows which sent McClellan in hopeless rout to the shelter of his shipping, thence to hurry as he might to the rescue of Pope's bewildered divisions, and to organize home guards in the defences of Washington. That single

Campaign of the seven days

is itself fame. To amuse an army outnumbering his own by fifty thousand; to watch with a large detachment lest that army should make a junction with the divisions at Fredericksburg; to bring Jackson's skill and Jackson's devoted men to his aid; to cross a marshy and often impracticable stream; to attack McClellan on his flank and to roll up his army like a scroll, whilst, at each step gained, his enemy should be weaker and himself be stronger and in stronger position, yet at the same time to guard lest his enemy should break his centre as Napoleon pierced the Russians on Austerlitz field — such was the problem. You know, all the world knows, its execution. Despite the errors of subordinates; despite the skill of his opponent, a soldier truly great in defence; despite the rawness of many of his troops; despite the lack in the general officers of the skill necessary to movements so delicate, and despite the inferiority of his force, Lee succeeded fully in his main object, relieved Richmond, inflicted on his enemy losses materially immense and morally infinite; in seven days absolutely undid what McClellan took six months to do, and by a single combination threw back his enemy from the hills in sight of Richmond to a defensive line in Washington's suburbs. This campaign, for its audacity, its wide combination, its insight into the opponent's character, its self-reliance, its vigor of execution, and its astonishing results, may be safely compared with the best campaigns of the greatest masters in the art of war — with Frederick's Leuthen, to which it bears as much likeness as a campaign of days can bear to a battle of hours, or with that greater feat, the amazing concentration by Washington of contingents from New York and from North Carolina, of new levies from the Virginia Valley, and of a French fleet from the West Indies to besiege and to capture the army of Cornwallis.

It is argued that Lee was strong only in defence, and was averse to taking the offensive. Nothing could be more false. He was to prove in the last year of the war his fertility of defensive resource and his unrivaled tenacity of resistance. But his genius was aggressive. Witness the bold transfer of his army from Richmond to the Rapidan, whilst McClellan's troops still rested on the James river. Witness the audacity of detaching Jackson from the Rappahannock line to seize Manassas Junction and the road to Washington in Pope's rear. Witness the magnificent swoop on Harper's Ferry, of which accident gave to McClellan the knowledge and by which timidity forbade him to profit. Witness that crowning glory of his audacity, the change of front to attack Hooker, and that march around what Hooker called the best position in America, held by the best army on the planet. Witness his invasion of Pennsylvania, a campaign whose only fault was the generous fault of over confidence in an army whose great deeds might, if anything, excuse it; an over confidence, as we ourselves know, felt by every man he led, and which made us reckless of all difficulties, ready to think that to us nothing was impossible. He was a commander who had met no equal; we were an army who saw in half the guns of our train the spoil of the enemy, who bore upon our flags the blazon of consistent victory. If he and we confided in our daring and trusted to downright fighting for what strategy might have safely won, who shall blame us and which shall blame the other? It was a fault, if fault there were, such as in a soldier leans to virtue's side; it was the fault of Marlbrook at Malplaquet, of Great Frederic at Torgau, of Napoleon at Borodino. It is the famous fault of the column of Fontenoy, and the generous haste that led Hampden to his death.

Lee chose no defensive of his own will. None knew better than he that axiom of the military art which finds the logical end of defence in surrender. None knew better than he that Fabius had never earned his fame by the policy some attribute to him, nor saved his country by retreats, however regular, or the skill, however great, to choose positions only to abandon them. The defensive was not his chosen field, but he was fated to conduct a defensive campaign rivaled by few, and surpassed by none in history. Of that wonderful work the details are yet to be gathered, but the outlines are known the world over. The tremendous onset of Lee in the tangled Wilderness upon an enemy three times his force, who fancied him retreating; the grim wrestle of Spotsylvania; the terrible repulse of Cold Harbor, from which the veteran commanders of Grant shrank back aghast. These great actions will be known so long as war shall be studied, and future generations will read with admiration of that battle-field of seventy miles, where Lee with 51,000 men confronted Grant with his 190,000--attacked him wherever he showed uncovered front, killed, wounded and captured more men than his own army numbered, and in a campaign of thirty-five days, forced the most tenacious soldier of the Union armies to abandon utterly his line of attack, to take a new position always open to him but never chosen, and to exchange the warfare of the open field for the slow and safe approach of the earthwork and the siege.

They will read, too, that in the midst of this campaign, Lee was bold to spare from his little army force enough to take once more the offensive, to traverse once more the familiar Valley, to break once more through the gate of the Potomac, and to insult with the fires of his bivouacs the capital city of his enemy. Reading these things, they will refuse to believe, what we know, that men were found here and now to call this marvelous campaign a retreat.

The truth is that Lee took a real defensive, if at all, only in the

Trenches of Petersburg;

was driven to that defensive not by one army nor by many armies in succession, but by the combined force of the armies in his front and in his rear. Vicksburg it was, not Cemetery Hill, which baffled the army of Northern Virginia; at Nashville and Atlanta, not from the lines of Petersburg came the deadly blows; and the ragged remnant of Appomattox surrendered not to the valor or skill of the men they had so often met and overcome, but to the men they had never seen, and yielded neither to stubborn Grant nor braggart Sheridan, but to the triumphant hosts of Rosecrans, of Thomas and of Sherman.

It is not hard then, my friends, to see that history will hold Lee to be a great soldier, wise in counsel, patient in preparation, swift in decision, terrible in onset, tenacious of hold, sullen in retreat, a true son of that Berserker race that rushed from the bosom of Europe's darkest age, furious to fight, lovers of battle, destined to sweep away the old world and to mould the modern.

Rightly to estimate his power as commander is not and may never be possible. There is no second term of comparison. He was in a position as novel as were the conditions of a war where the railroad existed, but the highway was not; where telegraphs conveyed orders, yet primeval forests still stood to conceal armies; where concentration was possible at a speed unknown to war before, but where concentration might easily starve itself before it could strike its enemy.

Strange as the material, were the moral conditions of Lee's command. He was hampered by political considerations; he was trammelled by the supreme importance of one city; and, above all, on him was complete responsibility, but never commensurate power. To the integrity of his army — to the morale of half his force — the successful defence of the South and Southwest was essential, and on operations in which he had no voice turned the issue of his campaigns.

Of these things account will yet be taken, let us be sure of that; for though in barbarous ages conquered peoples write no histories, yet, as the world grows older,history grows more and mote a judge, less and less a witness and advocate; more and more to every cause that appeal lies open, which Francis Bacon, of Verulam, made to future ages and other countries.

Fit is it that we trust to that great verdict, seeing that nothing less than the tribunal of mankind can judge this man, who was born not for a period, but for all time; not for a country, but for the world; not for a people, but for the human race.

Not for him shall the Arch of Triumph rise; not for him Columns of Victory, telling through monumental bronze the hideous tale of tears and blood that grins from the skull pyramids of Dahomey. Not to his honor shall extorted tributes carve the shaft or mould the statue; but this day a grateful people give of their poverty gladly, that in pure marble, or time-defying bronze, future generations may see the counterfeit presentment of this man — the ideal and bright consummate flower of our civilization; not an Alexander, it may be; nor Napoleon, nor Timour, nor Churchill — greater far than they, thank heaven — the brother and the equal of Sidney and of Falkland, of Hampden and of Washington.

Defence of Fort Morgan--reports of General R. L. Page.

[We are glad to be able to present the following original Ms. reports of General R. L. Page, which have never been in print, and which give a clear statement of the gallant defence of Fort Morgan. They would have appeared most appropriately in immediate connection with General Maury's report of the defence of Mobile, but as they were not received in time for that, they are given here.]

headquarters Third brigade, D. G., Fort Morgan, August 6th, 1864. General D. H. Maury, Commanding, &c., Mobile:

General — I have the honor to report that at 6 o'clock yesterday morning the enemy's fleet, consisting of twenty-three men-of-war, of which four were monitors, moved up in line to pass this fort — the monitors leading, the wooden vessels, lashed together in twos, following; the sloops-of-war and larger craft on the inshore side protecting their consorts, which could convey them in should they be seriously damaged.

The first monitor, Tecumseh, single turreted, was sunk under our guns, immediately abreast the fort. She went down rapidly; only a few, who were picked up by a boat from the enemy, and four who swam ashore and are now in our hands, were saved from her crew.

The wooden gunboat Phillippi, attempting to pass the fort alone after the fleet, was sunk by the second shot, and being run ashore was deserted by her crew, and afterwards burnt by a boat from the Confederate States gunboat Morgan. One man was found on her, whose legs had been so shattered that he died while the officer was on board. He was thrown overboard.

The spirit displayed by this garrison was fine, the guns admirably served, and all did their duty nobly; and though subjected to a fire which for the time was probably as severe as any known in the annals of this war, our casualties were slight. I enclose a list.

Four of the enemy's fleet turned from the fire they would have to encounter in passing, and assisted other vessels in an enfilading fire from the Gulf side during the action. As to the damage inflicted on those which succeeded in passing, I cannot speak definitely; shot after shot was distinctly seen to enter the wooden ships, but, as was evident, their machinery being protected by chains no vital blow could be given them there. Their loss in men, I am assured, was very great.

Four hundred and ninety-one projectiles were delivered from this fort during the passage of the fleet.

Our naval forces under Admiral Buchanan fought most gallantly, against odds before unknown to history.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. L. Page, Brigadier-General Commanding. New Orleans, La., 30th August, 1864. Major-General D. H. Maury, Commanding Mobile, Alabama:

General — The report of the evacuation of Fort Powell and the surrender of Fort Gaines I had the honor of addressing you from Fort Morgan, on the 8th instant. It embraced the military operations to that date.

After the reduction of Gaines, I felt confident that the whole naval and land force of the enemy would be brought against Morgan, and was assiduous in preparing my fort for as good a defence as possible. For the state of the work I beg leave to refer you to Chief Engineer Sheliha's letter to Headquarters' Department, of July 9th, from which time no material change or addition was made; and further to state, that it had been demonstrated by the fire from the enemy that the enceinte of the fort (in which was its main strength) protected the scarp of the main wall only about one-half its height from curbated shot; that it was now in the power of the enemy to open fire from every point of the compass, and consequently none of the casemates, without heavy traverses in their front, would be safe; that it was manifest, by this concentration of fire, my heavy guns could soon be dismounted; and my making a protracted resistance depended on my ability to protect my men from the heavy fire, and hold the fort from the flank casemates against an assault. With these views, I employed my men day and night, most of the time under fire, in erecting traverses to protect my guns on the main wall as long as possible, to render the casemate selected for the sick and wounded secure, and to provide safe quarters for themselves in their rest from the arduous duties they would have to endure. It was necessary also to put a large traverse at the Sally Port, which was entirely exposed.

Thus absolutely to prevent the probability of Fort Morgan's being reduced at the first test and onset by the heavy batteries of the enemy, it was necessary for my limited garrisoned (of some 400 effective) to labor to effect a work equal almost in extent to building a new fort.

On early morning of the 9th the enemy proceeded with monitors and transports, and disembarked troops at navy cove, commencing at once their first work of investment by land.

The new redoubt (2,700 yards from the fort) from which the guns had been withdrawn, and the work formerly known as Battery Bragg, were destroyed as far as possible by burning the wood work. The buildings around the fort, hospitals, quarters, stables, &c., were also at the same time fired and cleared away as much as possible.

Two monitors, three sloops-of-war and several gunboats engaged the fort for two or three hours--the wooden vessels at rather long range — with no material damage apparent to either side. Soon thereafter a flag of truce was reported from the fleet, and communicated to this effect:

Brigadier-General R. L. Page, Commanding Fort Morgan:

Sir — To prevent the unnecessary sacrifice of human life which must follow the opening of our batteries, we. demand the unconditional surrender of Fort Morgan and its dependencies.

We are very respectfully, your obedient servants,

D. G. Farragut, Rear Admiral. Gordon Granger, Major-General.

To which my reply said:

Rear Admiral D. G. Farragut, Gordon Granger, Major-General:

Sirs — I am prepared to sacrifice life, and will only surrender when I have no means of defence. I do not understand that while being communicated with under flag of truce, the Tennessee should be towed within range of my guns.

Respectfully, &c.,

R. L. Page, Brigadier-General C. S. A.

From this time to the 15th, day and night, we were engaged by the fleet, sometimes in a brisk fight of several hours duration, at other in a desultory firing — without any very effective damage being done to our fort, save a demonstration of the fact that our brick walls were easily penetrable to the heavy missiles of the enemy, and that a systematic, concentrated fire would soon breach them.

On the 15th, three of the 15-inch shells striking the right-fllank face of Bastion No. 4 breached the wall, and disabled the howitzers therein.

During this time a pretty continuous fire was kept up on the fort from the Parrott guns in several batteries erected by the enemy; and in the intervals of serving the guns my men were engaged in the work before mentioned, for their protection, in the anticipation of a vigorous bombardment.

The sharpshooters in our front had become very numerous and active, and with these encircling us on the land, and the fire delivered from the fleet on the flanks, our guns had to be served with much care and under great difficulty.

The land forces of the enemy completed their first approach (see accompanying sketch) on the 9th and 10th across the peninsula; the second through the 11th and 12th; the third, a bayou, near and parallel to gulf shore, 13th and 14th; their first parallel 500 and 700 yards distant, 15th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th; approaches on 20th and 21st to within 200 yards of our glacis.

Such guns as I could use on this force I annoyed them with, especially at night, and to the extent possible retarded their work; though nothing very effective could be accomplished in this way, as their working parties were well concealed in the sand hills, and when our fire was concentrated on any one point they would merely, unseen, remove to some other.

To the morning of the 22d, our efforts were with the heavy guns that bore on them to interfere with the investing approaches of the enemy. The topography of our front, however, was to their advantage, and they made a steady advance, covering it somewhat with an irregular fire from the batteries already in position, and lining their works already completed with sharpshooters to pick off our gunners.

At dayligth the fleet was reported moving up to encircle us, and shortly its batteries (in conjunction with those on land which numbered thirty-six (36) guns and mortars) opened a furious fire, which came from almost every point of the compass, and continued unabated throughout the day, culminating in increased force at sundown; after which the heavy calibres and mortars kept it up during the night.

This fire disabled all the heavy guns, save two, which did not bear on the land approach, partially breached the walls in several places, and cut up the fort to such extent as to make the whole work a mere mass of debris. Their mortar practice was accurate.

Apprehensive from the great effect already had on the walls, that my magazines, containing now 80,000 pounds, were in danger in continuation of the bombardment in the night, with great care and under continuous fire I had the powder brought out and flooded.

The guns in the Water and Lunette batteries, now unserviceable and in jeopardy from the enemy, I ordered spiked and otherwise effectually damaged; and all the guns on the main rampart dismounted by the fire from the enemy were likewise destroyed, as of no further avail in defence. Early in the night the woodwork of the citadel was fired by the mortar shells, and burned furiously for some hours; the enemy during the conflagration pouring in his missiles with increased vigor. With great efforts the fire was arrested, and prevented extending around near the magazines, which would have been in imminent danger of explosion. In the gallant endeavor to prevent this disaster, I would especially mention Privates Murphy, Bembough and Stevens, First Tennessee regiment, for great courage and daring displayed.

At daylight on the 23d (all my powder had then been destroyed), the citadel was again set on fire in several places by shells, and burned until it was consumed.

The report made to me now was that the casemates which had been rendered as safe as possible for the men, some had been breached, others partially (Captains Johnston, Fisher and Hughes informed me that another shot on them would bring down the walls of their company quarters), so that a resumption of the severe fire from the enemy would in all likelihood inflict great loss of life, there being no bombproof in the fort. The enemy's approach was very near the glacis. My guns and powder had all been destroyed; my means of defence gone; the citadel, nearly the entire quartermaster store and a portion of the commissariat burnt by the enemy's shells. It was evident the fort could hold out but a few hours longer under a renewed bombardment. The only question was, hold it for this time, gain the eclat and sustain the loss of life from the falling of the walls, or save life and capitulate?

I capitulated to the enemy at 2 o'clock P. M., and though they refused to insert it in the terms there was a full understanding, and I was assured that my sick and wounded should be sent at once to Mobile by a flag of truce. This was not done. Considering the great exposure to which the men were subjected, and the fact that shells frequently burst among them when in the casemates, the casualties were unusually small. I enclose a list.

The garrison in this severe test behaved well, and I would make little distinction.

Captain J. Gallimard, engineer in charge, performed his duties to my satisfaction. To the officers of the First Alabama battalion artillery, Major J. T. Gee commanding, and of Captain Cothran's company, Twenty-first Alabama, I give my thanks for their promptness and alacrity in every duty; and to Colonel A. J. Jackson, commanding First Tennessee, and Captains Johnston and Fisher and their brave companies of that regiment, for very efficient service.

To Captain C. H. Smith, A. A. G., and Captain R. T. Thom, A. I. G., for prompt performance of all their duties, I am under obligations; and to my aide-de-camp, Lieutenant J. C. Taylor, I owe much for his promptness and energy, and for his active and gallant assistance throughout the operations.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. L. Page, Brigadier-General.

Diary of Captain Robert E. Park, Twelfth Alabama regiment. [continued from December No.]

February 5th, 1865 (Sunday）

My sleep was a very cold and uncomfortable one last night, and I rose early to warm myself by the single stove in the division. The pen, as our quarters are called, embraces an area of near two acres. The building, a mere shell, unceiled and unplastered, is on three sides, with a high, close plank fence on the fourth side, separating us from the privates' barracks. The long side of the building (barracks, as it is called), parallel with the fence, is about 300 feet in length, running east and west, and the other two sides or ends are each about 150 feet long. The campus or exercise ground is low and flat,wet and muddy. There are narrow plank walks, intersecting each other, and near the building, which are thronged with passing crowds this wet weather. The bunks or berths in each division are six feet long and about four feet apart, extending entirely across the room. Each division is heated by one large upright stove, which the prisoners keep very hot when sufficient coal can be obtained. The room is so open and cold, however, that a half-dozen or more stoves would be required to heat it. Several poor fellows, who have no bunk-mates and a scarcity of covering, sit up around the stoves and nod all night. The mess-room is next to 22 and near the rear. It is a long, dark room, having a long pine table, on which the food is placed in separate piles, either on a tin plate or on the uncovered, greasy table, at meal hours, twice a day. No knives nor forks, nor spoons are furnished. Captain Browne kindly brought my meals to me. The fare consists of a slice of baker's bread, very often stale, with weak coffee, for breakfast, and a slice of bread and piece of salt pork or salt beef, sometimes, alternating with boiled fresh beef and bean soup, for dinner. The beef is often tough and hard to masticate. It is said to be thrown, bloody and unwashed, in huge pots, filled with water of doubtful cleanliness, and boiled. Many prisoners club together and form messes, and with such money as they receive from Northern friends, or as they can make by their own ingenious work, buy such eatables as can be obtained from the sutler. The prison allowance is poor and scant indeed, and I eagerly consume all I receive. Being on crutches I am unable to run and scuffle for a place at the mess-room table, where all stand to eat, after pushing and crowding in. Many bring their rations to their bunks, and eat there. All eat as if hungry and ill-fed. Tubs, made of barrels, are placed at night in front of the doors, and used as urinals. These are emptied by details of prisoners early every morning. Each division has its daily details to make fires, sweep up, etc. I spent much of the day writing to friends, informing them of my change of base from the Old Capitol to Fort Delaware.

February 6th and 7th

Captain W. M. Dwight, A. A. G., of South Carolina, is chief of 22. His duties are to keep a roll of the inmates, make all details, look after the sweeping and cleaning of the room, report names of the sick, preserve order in the division, preside over meetings, etc. Captain D. is an active, gentlemanly officer, and quite popular. I have met Captain E. J. Dean, Colonel P. A. McMichael, Lieutenant James Campbell and Adjutant G. E. Manigault, of South Carolina; Adjutant John Law, of Tennessee; Colonel Isaac Hardeman, Captain W. H. Bennett, Captain E. W. Crocker, Captain C. S. Virgin, Adjutant G. C. Conner, of Georgia, and others, but saw them only a few minutes. They are polite and intelligent gentlemen, excellent representatives of their respective States. The majority of the prisoners are worn and feeble by sickness, want of necessary food, wounds, scurvy, personal care, anxiety and privation. Many are sadly depressed on account of long confinement and cruel delay in exchanges. Some are in complete despair. Others make Dixie and home themes of constant thought and conversation. They dream and sigh, and talk and long for home and its loved ones. A few constitutional cowards, who have a mortal horror of the battle field, seem contented here. They prefer to risk the annoyances, inconveniences, hunger, insults and diseases of prison to the lesser, but more dreaded dangers of the field of battle. This class of persons is very limited. Over 2,000 officers and 7,000 non-commissioned officers and privates are in the two prison pens. Brigadier-General A. Schoeff, a Hungarian, is in command, and has two very unpopular and insolent officers, Captain G. W. Ahl and Lieutenant Woolf, as his adjutants. These uniformed plebeians delight in exercising petty tyranny over their superiors in the prison. They are rude, coarse men, with no conception of sentiments of generosity and magnanimity. Woolf is generally drunk, boastful and boisterous. Ahl is more genteel in speech and manner, but less obliging, and more deceitful and cruel. General Schoeff is disposed to be lenient and kind, but is terribly afraid of his superior officers, especially Secretary Stanton. He is a moral coward, and as false and faithless as the notorious French liar and revolutionist, Barere. General Schoeff, the Hungarian, and General Meagher, the Irishman, surely forget the oppressions they pretend to lament in their native lands, while assisting our enemies to enslave and destroy ours. Consistency is a jewel they do not prize. Mercenary motives control them.

February 8th

With Captain Browne and Lieutenant Arrington, I left 22, and found somewhat better quarters in division 28. Here we have to climb over two bunks to the uppermost one. Putting my crutches on the bunks above as I ascend, I climb with difficulty, by means of my hands and knees to my bunk, leaving it as seldom as possible. This division is called The gambling Hell, and games of faro, keno, poker, euchre, vingt et un, seven-up, chuck-a-luck, etc., are played incessantly, day and night. Gamblers from all the divisions resort to 28. The fascination for games of chance is wonderful, and the utter recklessness with which some men will venture their last check is really painful to behold. Many penniless fellows, dead broke from repeated fights with the tiger, stand near and eagerly watch the games for hours in succession. The faro-bankers, two officers from West Virginia, seem to be flourishing, have plenty of money, and live well from the sutler's. Lieutenant C. C. Carr, of Uniontown, Alabama, bunks next to me. He is in the Fourty-fourth Virginia regiment. Carris an Alabamian in a Virginia command, while I am a Georgian in an Alabama regiment. Lieutenant George R. Waldman, also of the Forty-fourth Virginia, from Baltimore, Maryland, is the popular and accommodating postmaster of the division. He carries off our letters for inspection and mailing, and delivers those received, after the authorities have opened and read them. He also attends money calls, and brings sutler's checks in lieu of the greenbacks sent to prisoners. It is an interesting sight to see the crowds gather around him, as he calls out the names of those receiving letters. The eyes of the fortunate recipients sparkle with pleasure, and smiles light up their countenances, while the disappointed turn reluctantly and sadly away, with sighs of regret, when the roll has been finished, and their names not called. Some poor fellows never join these expectant crowds, as they have no acquaintances North, and never receive any letters; they are to be pitied. It is a great consolation to know you are not forgotten, though a prisoner. We find it difficult to sleep at night in our new quarters, so many noisy men remain awake, gambling, talking, swearing and walking about. Loud bursts of laughter and horried oaths sometimes arouse and startle us. Such confusion should be stopped after 10 o'clock. Prayers are held by some of the officers in each division at 9 o'clock at night. Wicked 28 is not neglected, and its occupants are usually very quiet and respectful during the exercises, but gambling is actively resumed as soon as amen is pronounced. Captain E. A. Jeffress, Twenty-first Virginia regiment, from Clarkesville, Virginia, is one of the few inmates of our room who will lead in prayer. Officers from other divisions assist him.

February 9th

A few officers were paroled to day for exchange. Why am I not among the number? Very few here are more helpless than I, and the fortunate parties are strong and well. It is difficult to be patient and calm under such treatment. The paroled officers are buoyant and happy, while those who have to remain are correspondingly depressed and wretched. The anxious increasing desire to be exchanged is positively painful. Nostalgia or homesickness is alarmingly prevalent, and its effects, combined with poor food and rough treatment, are often fatal. Sometimes a paragraph from an eagerly scanned newspaper, or a grape vine telegram, having no foundation whatever, makes all hopeful and jubilant, but soon a counter report fills them with gloom and despair. Many declare they would prefer to fight in battle every day to remaining longer in their wretched quarters. Gaming occupies the minds of many. Some read novels and histories, others study ancient and modern languages and mathematics, and thus divert, for the time, their minds from the painful, desperate, hopeless surroundings. A few are actually losing their memories, and are in danger of either becoming gibbering idiots or dangerous madmen. A speedy change to home life is the only salvation for them.

Editorial paragraphs.

As we enter with this issue upon the second year of the publication of our Papers, we warmly congratulate the Society on the success of the past year, and the prospects for the future.

Despite hard times our enterprise has met with a success which encourages us to hope that we shall be able to increase our circulation during the coming year, and advance all of the interests of the Society.

But we beg our friends to remember that we need their continued sympathy and active help, in order that our expectations may be realized.

Renewals have been coming in with some degree of briskness; but many have yet failed to renew, and we beg that they will do so at once. We send this number to all old subscribers who have not notified us to discontinue their subscriptions, in the hope that they will find it convenient to renew. But we again call attention to our terms, which are strictly cash in advance.

Lists of names and the postoffice address of those who might probably subscribe to our Papers would be very useful. Some of our friends have sent us such lists and we beg that others will do so. But a still better list, of course, would be lists of subscribers with money. A little effort on the part of our friends would swell our list and increase our power to be useful in the great work in which we are engaged.

Any failures to receive our Papers by our subscribers will be promptly corrected, so far as we are able to do so, when reported to this office. The Secretary is accustomed to give his personal attention to the making up of our mail, and is satisfied that few failures have occurred through any fault of our office. But we beg that if subscribers fail to receive their numbers they will report to us promptly, that we may seek to rectify it, and not wait until the close of the year to make their complaints.

Back numbers for 1876 we can furnish only in two bound volumes, which we mail at $2.00, $2.25 or $2.50 per volume, according to style of binding.

A Confederate view of the treatment of prisoners (being our numbers for March and April, 1876, neatly bound), we can still mail for $1.25, $1.50 or 1.75, according to binding. And we again suggest that our friends would do a valuable work by placing this little volume (as well as our other publications) on the shelves of every public library in the land.

Contributions to our archives are as acceptable as ever, and continue to come in from time to time. Since our last acknowledgment we have received among others the following:

From W. H. H. Terrell, Adjutant-General of Indiana (the author), <placeName reg="Indiana" key="tgn,7007252" authname="tgn,7007252">Indiana</placeName> in the <rs>War</rs> of the <rs>Rebellion</rs>, being the official report of the part borne by Indiana in the War between the States. Life and Public Services of Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana.

From H. C. Wall (the author), The <placeName reg="Pee Dee, Anson, North Carolina" key="tgn,2573919" authname="tgn,2573919">Pee Dee</placeName> guards (Company D, Twenty-third North Carolina Regiment), from 1861 to 1865.

From the Vermont Historical Society, History of the <rs>Saint Albans</rs> raid, by Hon. Edward A. Sowles.

From the author, (Napier Bartlett), Military annals of <placeName reg="Louisiana" key="tgn,7007256" authname="tgn,7007256">Louisiana</placeName> during the late war.

From the author (Dr. R. Randolph Stevenson), The Southern side, or <placeName reg="Andersonville prison">Andersonville prison</placeName>.

From the author (Rev. Joseph H. Martin, of Atlanta, Georgia), The <rs n="Declaration of Independence" type="document">declaration of independence</rs>--a Centennial poem.

From Robert Clark & Co., Cincinnati, C. W. Moulton's reply to Boynton's Review of Sherman's Memoirs.

From John McCrae, Esq., Camden, South Carolina, a complete file of Charleston Daily Mercury, from the 8th of July, 1859, to the 10th of February, 1865, and from the 19th of November, 1866, to the 16th of November, 1868. The Charleston Daily News, from June, 1866, to 5th of April, 1873. Charleston News and Courier, from April 7th, 1873, to November 27th, 1875. Daily South Carolinian, from 1855 to October, 1864, and Daily Columbia Guardian, from November 14th, 1864, to February 15th, 1865. The Southern Presbyterian, from September 11th, 1858, to December 29th, 1865, and from May 7th, 1869, to December 30th, 1875.

These, added to the valuable files received from Mr. McCrae some months ago, constitute a most important addition to our collection, and place the Society under obligations to Mr. McCrae, which are only increased by the courteous manner in which he has made the donations, and the real pleasure which it seems to have afforded him.

From Mrs. C. A. Hamilton, Beaufort, South Carolina, a large collection of war issues of the Charleston and other papers. (The Society is anxious to secure even odd numbers of papers published during the war, as they help to complete our files, and are valuable as duplicates.)

From Major H. B. McClellan, Lexington, Kentucky (formerly of General Stuart's staff), a package of Mss. containing the following: General J. E. B. Stuart's report of operations of his cavalry, from October 30th, 1862, to November 6th, 1862. An original letter from Major-General John Pope to Major-General Banks, dated July 21st, 1862, enclosing dispatch from Brigadier-General Rufus King, at Falmouth (giving account of his raid on Beaver Dam depot), and ordering Banks to send General Hatch at once to make cavalry raid on Gordonsville, Charlottesville, &c. (This letter was probably found when Stuart captured Pope's headquarters).

Southern Historical Society papers, Vol. III. Richmond, Va., February, 1877. no. 2. General B. H. Anderson's report of the battle of Gettysburg.

[Carrying out our purpose of giving preference in our publications to original Mss. reports, which have never been published, we have the pleasure of adding to the reports of the battle of Gettysburg, which we have already published, that of General R. H. Anderson, who commanded a division in Hill's corps.]

headquarters Anderson's division, Third army corps, Orange Courthouse, Va., August 7th, 1863.

Major — I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of my division from its departure from Fredericksburg to its return to Culpeper Courthouse, Virginia, during the months of June and July, 1863:

Pursuant to instructions received from Lieutenant-General A. P. Hill, commanding the Third Army corps, my command, composed of Wilcox's, Mahone's, Wright's, Perry's and Posey's brigades, and Lane's battalion of artillery, moved on the afternoon of the 14th of June from the position which it had been occupying in line of battle near Fredericksburg for ten days previously, and followed the march of the First and Second corps towards Culpeper Courthouse. The night of the fourteenth it lay near Chancellorsville. On the fifteenth it moved to within four miles of Stevensburg, having been detained two hours at the Rapidan, clearing away obstructions from the road approaching the ford.

On the sixteenth it arrived at Culpeper Courthouse. On the seventeenth it moved to Hazel river, forded it and encamped on its left bank. On the eighteenth to Flint Hill, and on the nineteenth to Front Royal, at which place it halted early in the day and encamped, in obedience to the directions of the Lieutenant-General commanding. At four o'clock in the afternoon orders were received to resume the march, and during that night the troops and part of the wagon train crossed the two branches of the Shenandoah — rain and darkness preventing the greater part of the wagons from crossing until the following morning. As soon as all the wagons had crossed on the morning of the twentieth, the march was continued, and in the afternoon the command halted two miles beyond White Post. Moved on the twenty-first to Berryville, on the twenty-second to Roper's farm, on the road to Charlestown, and on the twenty-third to Shepherdstown.

On the twenty-fourth it crossed the Potomac, and moved to Boonsboroa, on the twenty-fifth to Hagerstown, on the twenty-sixth two miles beyond Greencastle, and on the twenty-seventh through Chambersburg to Fayetteville, at which place it halted until the first of July.

Soon after daylight on the first of July, in accordance with the commands of the Lieutenant-General, the division moved from Fayetteville in the direction of Cashtown — arrived at the latter place early in the afternoon, and halted for further orders.

Shortly before our arrival at Cashtown, the sound of brisk cannonading near Gettysburg announced an engagement in our front. After waiting about an hour at Cashtown, orders were received from General Hill to move forward to Gettysburg. Upon approaching Gettysburg, I was directed to occupy the position in line of battle which had just been vacated by Pender's division, and to place one brigade and a battery of artillery a mile or more on the right of the line, in a direction at right angles with it and facing to the right. Wilcox's brigade and Captain Ross' battery of Lane's battalion were posted in the detached position, whilst the other brigades occupied the ground from which Pender's division had just been moved. We continued in this position until the morning of the second, when I received orders to take up a new line of battle, on the right of Pender's division, about a mile and a half farther forward.

Lane's battalion of artillery was detached from my command this morning and did not rejoin it.

In taking the new position, the Tenth Alabama regiment, Wilcox's brigade, had a sharp skirmish with a body of the enemy, who had occupied a wooded hill on the extreme right of my line. The enemy was soon driven from the wood, and the line of battle was formed with the brigades in the following order: Wilcox's, Perry's (commanded by Colonel David Lang), Wright's, Posey's and Mahone's.

The enemy's line was plainly in view, about twelve hundred yards in our front, extending along an opposite ridge somewhat more elevated than that which we occupied, the intervening ground being slightly undulating, enclosed by rail and plank fences and under cultivation.

Our skirmishers soon became engaged with those of the enemy, and kept up an irregular fire upon one another. Shortly after the line had been formed, I received notice that Lieutenant-General Longstreet would occupy the ground on the right — that his line would be in a direction nearly at right angles with mine — that he would assault the extreme left of the enemy and drive him towards Gettysburg, and I was at the same time ordered to put the troops of my division into action by brigades, as soon as those of General Longstreet's corps had progressed so far in their assault as to be connected with my right flank. About two o'clock in the afternoon the engagement between the artillery of the enemy and that of the First Army corps commenced, and was soon followed by furious and sustained musketry, but it was not until half-past 5 o'clock in the evening that McLaws' division (by which the movement of my division was to be regulated) had advanced so far as to call for the movement of my troops.

The advance of McLaws' division was immediately followed in the manner directed by the brigades of mine.

Never did troops go into action with greater spirit or more determined courage. The ground afforded them but little shelter, and for nearly three-quarters of a mile they were compelled to face a storm of shot and shell and bullets, but there was no hesitation nor faltering. They drove the enemy from his first line and possessed themselves of the ridge and of much of the artillery with which it had been crowned, but the situation discovered the enemy in possession of a second line, with artillery bearing upon both our front and flanks. From this position he poured a destructive fire of grape upon our troops — strong reinforcements pressed upon our right flank, which had become detached from McLaws' left, and the ridge was untenable. The brigades were compelled to retire. They fell back in the same succession in which they had advanced — Wilcox's, Perry's, Wright's and Posey's. They regained their position in the line of battle. The enemy did not follow. Pickets were again thrown to the front, and the troops lay upon their arms.

In Wilcox's, Perry's and Wright's brigades the loss was very heavy.

On the third of July nothing of consequence occurred along that portion of the line occupied by my division until the afternoon, when at half-past 3 o'clock a great number of pieces of our artillery, massed against the enemy's centre, opened upon it and were replied to with equal force and fury.

After about an hour's continuance of this conflict, the enemy's fire seemed to subside, and troops of General Longstreet's corps were advanced to the assault of the enemy's centre. I received orders to hold my division in readiness to move up in support if it should become necessary. The same success at first and the same repulse attended this assault as that made by my division on the preceding evening. The troops advanced gallantly, under a galling and destructive storm of missles of every description, gained the first ridge, were unable to hold it, gave way and fell back — their support giving way at the same time.

Wilcox's and Perry's brigades had been moved forward so as to be in position to render assistance or to take advantage of any success gained by the assaulting column, and at what I supposed to be the proper time, I was about to move forward Wright's and Posey's brigades, when General Longstreet directed me to stop the movement, adding that it was useless and would only involve unnecessary loss, the assault having failed.

I then caused the troops to resume their places in line, to afford a rallying point to those retiring, and to oppose the enemy should he follow our retreating forces. No attempt at pursuit was made, and our troops resumed their line of battle.

Some loss was sustained by each of the brigades of the division from the cannonading — Wilcox's, which was supporting Alexander's artillery, suffering the most seriously.

There was nothing done on the fourth of July. Late in the evening I received orders to draw off the division as soon as it became dark, and take the road towards Fairfield. On the fifth I was directed to hold the gap in the mountains between Fairfield and Waynesborough. In the evening I moved to a place called Frogtown, at the base of the mountain.

At six o'clock P. M. on the sixth moved towards Hagerstown — halted on the morning of the seventh about two miles from the town, and remained in camp until the tenth of July.

On the afternoon of the tenth moved about three miles beyond Hagerstown, in the direction of Williamsport, and on the morning of the eleventh moved two miles and took a position in line of battle with the right resting on the Boonsboroa and Williamsport turnpike — the general direction of the line being at right angles to that road.

The enemy was in view on the hills in our front — skirmishers were advanced at once, and the troops were diligently employed in strengthening the position.

We lay in this line until the night of the thirteenth, when we marched just after dark towards the Potomac, which we crossed the following day (the fourteenth) at Falling Waters. On the fifteenth moved to Bunker Hill, at which place we remained until the twenty-first, when the march was resumed, and the division encamped on that night two miles south of Winchester.

On the twenty-second crossed the Shenandoah and halted for the night at Front Royal. On the twenty-third the division marched at daylight — Wright's brigade, under command of Colonel Walker, being detached to relieve a brigade of the First corps on duty at Manassas Gap.

This brigade had a very sharp encounter with a greatly superior force of the enemy at Manassas Gap, and behaved with its accustomed gallantry.

Colonel Walker was severely but not dangerously wounded in the beginning of the fight, when the command devolved upon Captain McCurry, who, being incapacitated by ill health and feebleness, subsequently relinquished it to Captain Andrews.

The division encamped on the night of the twenty-third at Flint Hill. On the twenty-fourth, whilst pursuing the march, and when near Thornton river, some skirmishing occurred between the leading division (Heth's) and the enemy. Mahone's brigade relieved Walker's (Heth's division), which had been posted to support the artillery and cover the road, and continued in that position until the rear of the corps had passed, when he followed and rejoined the division on the south of Hazel river. On the twenty-fifth of July the command arrived at Culpeper Courthouse.

The total loss sustained by the division in the battle of Gettysburg, the fight at Manassas Gap and in minor affairs, is two thousand two hundred and sixty-six.

The reports of the commanders of brigades, including Captain Andrews' report of the fight at Manassas Gap, are herewith submitted. The members of my staff, Majors T. S. Mills and R. P. Duncan, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector-General, Lieutenants Wm. McWillie and S. D. Shannon, Aides-de-Camp, and Messrs. R. D. Spann and J. G. Spann, volunteer Aides-de-Camp, by their active and zealous attention to their duties, rendered valuable service at all times and upon all occasions. The conduct of the troops under my command was in the highest degree praiseworthy and commendable throughout the campaign. Obedient to the orders of the Commanding General they refrained from taking into their own hands retaliation upon the enemy for the inhuman wrongs and outrages inflicted upon them in the wanton destruction of their property and homes. Peaceable inhabitants suffered no molestation. In a land of plenty they often suffered hunger and want. One-fourth of their number marched ragged and barefooted through towns in which it was well ascertained that the merchants had concealed supplies of clothing. In battle.they lacked none of that courage and spirit which has ever distinguished the soldiers of the Army of Northern Virginia; and if complete success did not attend their efforts, their failure cannot be laid upon their shortcoming, but must be recognized and accepted as the will and decree of the Almighty Disposer of human affairs.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. H. Anderson, Major-General Commanding Division. Major W. H. Palmer, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector-General and Chief of Staff Third Army Corps.

Diary of Captain Robert E. Park, Twelfth Alabama regiment. [continued from January No.]

February 10th, 11th and 12th, 1865

There is a tent of sutler's supplies near the mess hall, kept by an avaricious Yankee, named Emery, who is believed to be a partner of General Schoeff. Tobacco, matches, oil for cooking lamps, stationery, baker's bread, pies, cakes, apples, onions, etc., all of very poor quality, are kept for sale, and from 500 per cent. to 1,000 per cent. profit is charged. Emery's position is a paying, if not a very dignified one. Jolly Sam Brewer, the clever Twelfth Alabama sutler, would have rejoiced at a quarter of Emery's huge profits. There is very often an eager, clamorous throng crowded around his tent, checks in hand, and held aloft, eager to buy the inferior articles, sold at prices so far above their value. Emery and his clerks are vulgar, impertinent, grasping Yankees, and elegant Southern gentlemen are frequently compelled to submit to disagreeable familiarties from these ill bred men. The extortioners are openly denounced and unsparingly criticised and ridiculed by the impatient, hungry and poverty-stricken Rebels, as they anxiously await their time to be served. The enormous prices for very poor articles on sale are very candidly and freely complained of and objected to by the needy customers. But while they grumble, stern necessity forces them to buy. In clear weather the prisoners-promenade in the open area and exercise by running, jumping, pitching quoits, etc.

February 13th, 14th, 15th and 16th

The privy is on the beach, where the tide comes in, 150 feet or more distant from the nearest division. It is open and exposed in front, and is in sight of Delaware city. The seats are very filthy, and cannot be occupied without being defiled. The sea water proves no disinfectant, and the constant frequenters of the place are sickened by the offensive odors which are wafted to their sensitive olfactories. Diarrhoea and dysentery are so prevalent, and the pen is so crowded, that parties are very often compelled to wait an hour or longer before they can be relieved. The floor and seats are too filthy and nauseating for description; yet very many who suffer from the diseases mentioned visit the foul place dozens of times, day and night, in rain, wind, hail, sleet and snow, and in spite of the most intense cold and blackest, most impenetrable darkness, pollution is scarcely avoidable on such occasions.

February 17th, 18th and 19th

Plenty of grape, i. e., rumors afloat of a speedy general exchange. I have written home by my old college-mate, Capt. Zeke Crocker, who is on the exchange list. Much of my time is spent writing to my lady friends in the Valley of Virginia and Baltimore, and to relatives South. No letters from home, however, reached me by flag of truce boat, though I know they have been written. The authorities are intentionally negligent about forwarding and delivering our letters from Dixie to us. Have read MacARIAria, by Miss Evans; The <rs>Caxtons</rs>, by Bulwer, and am reviewing arithmetic and algebra. A number of valuable books have been sent us by the ever thoughtful and attentive Baltimore ladies. They will never know how much they have done, in various kindly ways, to ameliorate our unhappy condition and relieve the dull tedium of our monotonous life. God bless the noble women of Baltimore! They are angels of mercy to us. The supply of drinking water has been scarce and insufficient lately, and those who have been too nice to use the filthy ditch water, so unpleasant to sight and smell, for bathing purposes, have been forbidden to use the fresh water in the hogsheads. The drinking water is brought over from Brandywine creek, and is dipped out of the hogsheads by means of tin cups, coffee pots, buckets, etc. It cannot be clean, but is greatly to be preferred to the brackish ditch water. It is to be hoped we will not have a water famine. Many pleasant acquaintances have been formed recently.

February 20th

Mr. Bennett, of Baltimore, sent me one dollar and a supply of paper, envelopes and stamps. Ahl and Wolf are, like many other civilians, clothed in a little brief authority over their fellow men, very arrogant and offensive. They seem to delight in harassing and annoying the defenseless victims under their care and control. They evidently regret the prospect of resumption of exchange. When we leave, their occupation as turnkeys will be gone, and the dreaded front stares them in the face. Their coward hearts quail at the thought. Wolf gave up watches and Confederate money to most of the prisoners. This is a good indication of approaching exchange. I am satisfied that President Davis and the Confederate Government have been ready for it at any time. No blame is attached to our leaders. Colonel Robert Ould has labored zealously in our behalf. My hopes of release have revived.

February 21st, 22d, 23d and 24th

A movement has been on foot to stop the gambling and noise after ten o'clock, and many of the leading gamblers have approved the idea. Colonel Wm. J. Clark, Twenty-fourth North Carolina troops, has been elected chief of the division, and made a short speech, announcing that, by vote, it was agreed that all lights should be put out and quiet observed after the usual nine o'clock prayers. My friends Arrington and Browne aided me actively in canvassing in favor of this excellent change. Colonel Clark is an old army officer. Midshipman Howell, a relative of Mr. Davis, is an inmate of 28. Lieutenant E. H. Crawley, Twenty-sixth Georgia; Captain J. H. Field, Eighth Georgia; Lieutenant Q. D. Finley, Eighteenth Mississippi, and Adjutant Alex. S. Webb, of Forty-fourth North Carolina troops, are among the inmates also.

The newspaper accounts of Sherman's march from Georgia through South Carolina are heartrending. An extract from one of them says: Sherman burnt Columbia on the seventeenth instant. He had burnt six out of seven farm houses on the route of his march. Before he reached Columbia, he had burned Blackville, Graham, Bamburg, Buford's bridge and Lexington, and had not spared the humblest hamlet. After he left Columbia, he gave to the flames the villages of Allston, Pomaria, Winnsboroa, Blackstock, Society Hill, and the towns of Camden and Cheraw. Would that the prisoners at Fort Delaware could be exchanged and sent to confront this ruthless, heartless destroyer of the homes. and subsistence of helpless women and children. We would teach him a wholesome lesson. The paragraph quoted reminds me of a letter written by General Sheridan. After the battle of Fisher's Hill, he wrote from Strasburg as follows: Lieutenant J. R. Meigs, my engineer officer, was murdered beyond Harrisburg, near Dayton. For this atrocious act, all the houses within an area of five miles were burned. In moving back to this point, the whole country, from the Blue Ridge to the North Mountain, has been made entirely untenable for a rebel army. I have destroyed over 2,000 barns, filled with wheat, hay and farming implements, over 70 mills, filled with flour and wheat; have driven in front of the army over 4,000 head of stock, and have killed and issued to the troops not less than 3,000 sheep. This destruction embraces the Luray Valley and the Little Fort Valley, as well as the Main Valley. These two vandals fight with the torch better than the sword, and seem to glory in their own infamy. The South Carolina prisoners are greatly troubled by the terrible accounts of Sherman's destructive march through their native State.

February 25th and 26th

The terrible reports of Sherman's cruelty during the burning of Columbla, and of his subsequent march into North Carolina, are appalling and disheartening to us all. The Carolinians are specially grieved and indignant. Sherman's whole course in the South is in bold and dishonorable contrast with the gentle and generous conduct of Lee and his veterans in Maryland and Pennsylvania. I well remember that memorable march into the enemy's territory, far more daring and heroic than the unapposed marches of the brutal Sherman through Georgia and Carolina. I was with Lee when he invaded Pennsylvania, and was wounded at Gettysburg, just before our brigade entered the town, July first, 1863. General Lee's famous order, dated June 27th, 1863, at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, is brought forcibly to my mind. The following immortal words, extracted from that renowned order, ought to be repeated daily in the ears of the inhuman Sherman:

The Commanding General considers that no greater disgrace could befall the army, and through it our whole people, than the perpetration of the barbarous outrages upon the innocent and defenceless, and the wanton destruction of private property, that have marked the course of the enemy in our own country. Such proceedings not only disgrace the perpetrators and all connected with them, but are subversive of the discipline and efficiency of our army. The yet unsullied reputation of our army, and the duties exacted of us by civilization and Christianity, are not less obligatory in the country of the enemy than in our own. It must be remembered that we make war only upon armed men, and that we cannot take vengeance for the wrongs our people have suffered, without lowering ourselves in the eyes of all whose abhorrence has been excited by the atrocities of our enemy, and offending against Him to whom vengeance belongeth, and without whose favor and support our efforts must all prove in vain. The Commanding General, therefore, earnestly exhorts the troops to abstain, with most scrupulous care, from unnecessary or wanton injury to private property; and he enjoins upon all officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who shall, in any way, offend against the orders on this subject.

R. E. Lee, General.

This Christian and humane effort to mitigate the horrors of war confers greater glory on Lee than all the villages, towns, cities and private residences burnt by Sherman and his cruel followers can ever reflect upon his dishonored name. Many of Lee's soldiers had suffered great mental anguish and immense pecuniary losses by the cruel devastation and cowardly atrocities of their enemies, but when they, exultant and victorious, invaded the country of their inhuman enemy, they nobly restrained their angry passions and kept pure and bright their unsullied reputations. They heroically resisted the alluring temptation to inflict merited retaliation, and like brave, Christian soldiers and gallant gentlemen, scrupulously obeyed the humane orders of their beloved chieftain. But this sublime lesson of generosity and magnanimity was lost upon the vandal enemy. In base return for Lee's noble, Christian conduct they despoiled and desecrated his own home at Arlington, and the cherished homes of his brave followers in Virginia, Georgia and South Carolina. Sherman's base course, his wicked crimes, have forever stained his name and cause, dishonored his country and disgraced his triumph. The grand, glorious and humane Lee and his chivalrous officers and brave men disdained to retaliate by imitating the cruel deeds of the malignant Sherman, Sheridan and Grant and their hordes of reckless ruffians. We have just reason to be proud of the magnanimous conduct of our peerless leader, while the Yankees must hang their heads in shame at the evil deeds perpetrated by their chosen commanders. In Southern parlance, the terms soldier and gentleman are synonymous, and our officers and men pride themselves upon that chastity of honor, which, as Edmund Burke expressed it, feels a stain like a wound.

February 27th

A party of ninety or one hundred officers and a few hundred privates were paroled and left for Richmond. Some of the officers bribed Ahl and Wolf with gold watches and greenbacks to put their names on the paroled list. Influential Northern friends aided others, and a few sold their places and remained behind.

February 28th

One hundred and three officers, of those earliest captured, were paroled to-day for exchange. We are growing hopeful of a speedy return to our homes and all are in fine spirits. The despondent are becoming cheerful and happy at the exhilarating prospect of release from durance vile.

March 1st and 2d

Lieutenant Waldman, our division postmaster, surprised and delighted me by handing me the following letter this morning after letter call :

Baltimore, February 22d, 1865. Captain R. E. Park:

Dear sir — I have lately learned that you are a prisoner at the Old Capitol, and too delicate to make known your wants. Now let me beg, as a great favor, that you will write me immediately, and call on me for whatever you may need. I shall attend promptly and with the greatest pleasure to your commands. You don't know how highly we ladies feel ourselves honored to be able to add in any way to your comfort. The longer your list the better I'll be pleased.

Very respectfully,

Miss Eliza Jamison,

43 Calvert street

, Baltimore, Md.

This charming, elegantly expressed letter had been reforwarded from Washington, and its kind, cordial words gave me unqualified pleasure. The generous writer is one of those earthly angels from that glorious city of angelic women, Baltimore. My astonishment was profound, for I had never heard of Miss Eliza Jamison before, and could not divine how she had heard of me. I promptly and gratefully responded to her highly valued note, telling her candidly that my greatest want was a few greenbacks, adding that a cheerful young lady correspondent, who would help to revive my spirits and drive away unwelcome thoughts of my depressing surroundings, would prove very acceptable.

March 3d to 6th

The parapet between our pen and that of the privates, on which the sentinels walk, had several ladies and gentlemen walking upon it a day or two ago, and they looked kindly and compassionately upon the emaciated, ragged, suffering Rebels in the two pens. One of the ladies carried her handkerchief to her eyes to wipe away the generous tears, as she gazed pityingly upon the abject misery and wretchedness before her. I hear they were Delaware ladies, and that Senator Saulsbury was one of the gentlemen in the party. If these sympathizing people could spend a few hours inside the pens, among the prisoners, and witness the distressing evidences of hunger to be constantly seen there, they would have pitied us with truest pity, and not blamed the darring, starving men for oft-repeated attemps to escape by swimming, under friendly cover of night, across the bay to the Delaware shore. Hunger seems to have dissipated the pride and self-respect of many of the prisoners. They will perform the most menial services for the most trivial gift or smallest articles of food. When the bunks and floors are swept, pieces of bread crusts and crumbs and stale scraps of food are sought for and eagerly gathered up by hungry officers, who have no means to purchase from the sutler, and for whom the rations issued are entirely insufficient. It is a painful spectacle to see them snatch the dirty scraps and quickly devour them, or hastily thrust them in their jackets, and stand ready for another grab. A number gather promptly every morning around these piles, and contend for the spoils. Their hunger must be torturing to thus humiliate and degrade themselves in the effort to secure such insufficient and filthy cast away scraps of stale bread. These poor fellows eat rats and mice whenever they can catch them. How miserable their good mothers and loving wives would be if they knew to what wretched straits their imprisoned sons and husbands were reduced. Surely the powerful Government ought to feed these poor, suffering, starving men. In Southern prisons the prisoners are issued the same rations as their guards, both in quantity and quality. How glad we would be if we were fed as our guards are. Many work hard all day, unloading vessels, rolling hogsheads and barrels, etc., and receive an extra ration only as pay. Three crackers ( hard tack, as it is called) and a cup of coffee for breakfast, and a small piece of beef, cup of soup and a third of a loaf of bread for dinner, are now our daily rations. These are for stout and small, sick and well, and are not enough for a hearty well man. Many eat the rations from dire necessity, as the only alternative is to starve. Some men require more food than others, and the small amount given is not enough to satisfy the least hungry. Guttapercha rings, breastpins, fans, buttons and canes are made by ingenious prisoners as a means to raise money. The patterns are numerous, and many are unique and beautiful. A few are set in gold, but most are ornamented with silver, tin or lead, fastened with rivets. These materials are bought at a high price from the sutler and secretly from the guards. The articles are bought by visitors occasionally, and by prisoners as prison relics. I have secured some rings for Sister L. Curiously carved pipes, and tasteful chains and necklaces, all of guttapercha and ivy root, are to be found for sale in most of the divisions. They have very few tools, and work ten or twelve hours sometimes for a mere pittance as a reward. Barbers can be found, too, and hair cut or face shaved for only five cents. Captain H., of the Thirteenth Georgia, is my barber.

Battle of Atchafalaya river-letter from General Thomas Green.

[The following letter, from one of the most gallant and successful Generals, of the Trans-Mississippi Department, gives, with all the freedom of private correspondence, a vivid description of a hotly contested fight. We are anxious to obtain more material from the Trans-Mississippi Department, and are taking steps to secure it.]

headquarters forces on Atchafalaya, October 1, 1863. my Dear wife:

I am yet in the land of the living, after another brilliant victory near the banks of the Mississippi. I crossed the Atchafalaya during the night of the 28th September, and moved upon the enemy on the 29th in three columns--one column of infantry, 1,400 strong, consisting of Mouton's and Speight's brigades. I moved on a trail through the swamps and took position behind the enemy. My own brigade, dismounted, with Wallen's and Rountree's battalions of cavalry, moved upon the enemy in front. I sent one of Majou's regiments of cavalry upon the left flank of the enemy, crossing the Atchafalaya twenty miles below my position. At about twelve o'clock M. I closed in upon the enemy on all sides. Speight's brigade of 600 men and Major Boon's cavalry of 200 were the only troops closely engaged. The fight was a very hot one for a half or three-quarters of an hour. Boon charged the enemy's cavalry and dispersed them. Colonel Harrison of Speight's brigade charged the enemy's infantry in rear during the very heat of the action. Major Boon having dispersed the cavalry of the enemy, I ordered him to go to the assistance of Harrison, and charge the enemy in front, which he did in the most dashing and gallant manner. Nothing could be imagined more terrible on the same scale. Boon dashed through and through the entire encampment of the enemy, sabering

Major Boon, mentioned in the foregoing letter, informs me that the writer erred in this statement, and that the sabre was not used in the engagement by the combatants on either side.

V. O. King. Austin, Texas, October 6, 1876. and shooting, and trampling the living, wounded and dead under the feet of his horses. The whole affair was a most brilliant success, and has added another victory to our long list. It has cheered the hearts of our soldiers, and cast a gloom over the enemy. I have five hundred prisoners, many of whom are officers (say thirty or forty), two colonels, and many captains and lieutenants.

We have again given the enemy a wholesome lesson, and I have so far been exceedingly fortunate as commander, beginning with Val Verde. The last four battles fought in Louisiana have been under my command, three of which are splendid victories, and the other one of the most desperate fights on record, for the numbers engaged, and one where there was more fruitless courage displayed than any other, perhaps, during the war. We did not achieve this last victory without loss. About thirty of Speight's brigade were. killed dead, and sixty or seventy wounded. My own brigade suffered in the death of Lieutenant Spivey and three or four others of my cavalry; but the loss which was greater to me than all the others put together, was the desperate wounding of the best cavalry officer in the army--Major Boon of my brigade. The Major's right arm was torn to atoms, and amputated in the socket of the shoulder. His left hand was also torn up and two-thirds of it amputated, leaving him only his little finger and one next to it, having lost the thumb and two fingers of that hand and over half the hand itself. I am again encamped at my old headquarters, Morgan's ferry, on Atchafalaya. The Yankees are to-day making demonstrations as though they intended to advance upon us; but if they do, it will be after very heavy reinforcement, as we gave those now here such a terrible basting day before yesterday that they will not again voluntarily engage us.

There has been a torrent of rain. It poured down all day the day we were fighting, and rained without intermission twenty-four hours after that day. The mud in these swamps is over the tops of our highest boots — in fact, the roads now are next to impassable. I have had a dumb chill to-day — the first one I have had in Louisiana. I fear we will have serious sickness as the winter approaches. There have been very few deaths so far. If I had a little good brandy or whisky, or even (Louisiana lightning) rum, I could break my dumb chill in a minute; but there is nothing of that kind in the wilderness of the Atchafalaya. I will try very hard to get a furlough, unless I find that active operations are again close at hand. Major and Leigh were with me in the fight on the 29th, and are well.

The messenger is waiting for this.

Yours devotedly,

(Signed)

Thomas Green.

Lieutenant-General S. D. Lee's report of the Tennessee campaign, beginning September 29th, 1864.

[Pursuing our policy of giving the preference to reports from original Mss., we publish the following from an autograph Ms. of the accomplished soldier who prepared it. So far as we are aware, it has never before been published in any form, and it will be, therefore, an important addition to the material of military students, as well as of deep interest to all desiring to see some account of that campaign.]

Columbus, Mississippi, January 30th, 1865.

Colonel — I have the honor to offer the following as my official Report of the operations of my corps during the offensive movement commencing at Palmetto station, Georgia, September 29th, 1864. It is impracticable now, in consequence of the movement of troops and my temporary absence from the army, to obtain detailed reports from my division commanders.

As a corps commander, I regarded the morale of the army greatly impaired after the fall of Atlanta, and in fact before its fall the troops were not by any means in good spirits. It was my observation and belief that the majority of the officers and men were so impressed with the idea of their inability to carry even temporary breastworks, that when orders were given for attack, and there was a probability of encountering works, they regarded it as recklessness in the extreme. Beingimpressed with these convictions, they did not generally move to the attack with that spirit which nearly always insures success. Whenever the enemy changed his position, temporary works could be improvised in less than two hours, and he could never be caught without them. In making these observations, it is due to many gallant officers and commands to state that there were noticeable exceptions, but the feeling was so General that anything like a general attack was paralyzed by it. The army having constantly yielded to the flank movements of The enemy, which he could make with but little difficulty, by reason of his vastly superior numbers, and having failed in the offensive movements prior to the fall of Atlanta, its efficiency for further retarding the progress of the enemy was much impaired; and, besides, the advantages in the topography of the country south of Atlanta were much more favorable to the enemy for the movements of his superior numbers than the rough and mountainous country already yielded to him. In view of these facts, it was my opinion that the army should take up the offensive, with the hope that favorable opportunities would be offered for striking the enemy successfully, thus insuring the efficiency of the army for future operations. These opinions were freely expressed to the Commanding General.

My corps crossed the Chattahoochee river on September 29th, and on October 3d took position near Lost mountain, to cover the movement of Stewart's corps, on the railroad, at Big Shanty and Altoona. On October 6th, I left my position near Lost mountain, marching via Dallas and Cedartown, crossing the Coosa river at Coosaville October 10th, and moved on Resaca, partially investing the place by four P. M. on October 12th. The surrender of the place was demanded in a written communication, which was in my possession, signed by General Hood. The commanding officer refused to surrender, as he could have easily escaped from the forts with his forces and crossed the Oustenaula river. I did not deem it prudent to assault the works, which were strong and well manned, believing that our loss would have been severe. The main object of appearing before Resaca being accomplished, and finding that Sherman's main army was moving from the direction of Rome and Adairsville towards Resaca, I withdrew from before the place to Snake Creek gap about midday on the 13th. The enemy made his appearance at the gap on the 14th in large force, and on the 15th it was evident that his force amounted several corps. Several severe skirmishes took place on the 15th, in which Deas' and Brantley's brigades of Johnson's division were principally engaged. This gap was held by my command till the balance of the army had passed through Matex's gap, when I followed with the corps through the latter. The army moved to Gadsden, where my corps arrived on October 21st. At this point clothing was issued to the troops, and the army commenced its march towards Tennessee. My corps reached the vicinity of Leighten, in the Tennessee Valley, October 29th. Stewart's and Cheatham's corps were then in front of Decatur. On the night of the 29th I received orders to cross the Tennessee river at Florence, Alabama. By means of the pontoon boats two brigades of Johnson's division were thrown across the river two and a half miles above south Florence, and Gibson's brigade of Clayton's division was crossed at south Florence. The enemy occupied Florence with about 1,000 cavalry, and had a strong picket at the railroad bridge. The crossing at this point was handsomely executed and with much spirit by Gibson, under the direction of General Clayton, under cover of several batteries of artillery. The distance across the river was about one thousand yards. The troops landed, and, after forming, charged the enemy and drove him from Florence. The crossing was spirited, and reflected much credit on all engaged in it. Major-General Edward Johnson experienced considerable difficulty in crossing his two brigades, because of the extreme difficulty of managing the boats in the shoals. He moved from the north bank of the river late in the evening with one brigade, Sharp's Mississippi, and encountered the enemy on the Florence and Huntsville road about dark. A spirited affair took place, in which the enemy were defeated with a loss of about forty killed, wounded and prisoners. The enemy retreated during the night to Shoal creek, about nine miles distant. The remainder of Johnson's and Clayton's divisions were crossed on the night of the 30th and on the morning of the 31st. Stevenson's division was crossed on November 2d. My corps remained in Florence till November 20th, when the army commenced moving for Tennessee, my command leading the advance and marching in the direction of Columbia via Henryville and Mount Pleasant. I arrived in front of Columbia on the 26th, relieving Forest's cavalry then in position there, which had followed the enemy from Pulaski.

The force of the enemy occupying Columbia was two corps. They confined themselves to the main works around the city, and their outposts and skirmishers were readily driven in. On the night of the 27th the enemy evacuated Columbia and crossed Duck river. Stevenson's division of my corps entered the town before daylight. After crossing, the enemy took a strong position on the opposite side of the river and entrenched, his skirmishers occupying rifle pits 250 yards from the river. There was considerable skirmishing across the river during the day, and some artillery firing, resulting in nothing of importance.

On the morning of the 29th Johnson's division of my corps was detached and ordered to report to the General Commanding. I was directed to occupy and engage the enemy near Columbia, while the other two corps and Johnson's division would be crossed above and moved to the rear of the enemy in the direction of Spring Hill. The entire force of the enemy was in front of Columbia till about midday on the 29th, when one corps commenced moving off — the other remaining in position as long as they could be seen by us, or till dark. I had several batteries of artillery put in position, to drive the skirmishers of the enemy from the. vicinity of the river bank, and made a display of pontoons — running several of them down to the river, under a heavy artillery and musketry fire. Having succeeded in putting a boat in the river, Pettus' brigade of Stevenson's division was thrown across, under the immediate direction of Major-General Stevenson, and made a most gallant charge on the rifle pits of the enemy, driving a much superior force and capturing the pits. The bridge was at once laid down and the crossing commenced. During the affair around Columbia the gallant and accomplished soldier, Colonel R. F. Beckham, commanding the artillery regiment of my corps, was mortally wounded while industriously and fearlessly directing the artillery firing against the enemy. He was one of the truest and best officers in the service.

The enemy left my front about 2.30 A. M. on the morning of the 30th, and the pursuit was made as rapidly as was prudent in the night time. The advance of Clayton's division arrived at Spring Hill about 9 A. M., when it was discovered that the enemy had made his escape, passing around that portion of the army in that vicinity. My corps, including Johnson's division, followed immediately after Cheatham's corps towards Franklin. I arrived near Franklin about 4 P. M. The Commanding General was just about attacking the enemy with Stewart's and Cheatham's corps, and he directed me to place Johnson's, and afterwards Clayton's, division in position to support the attack. Johnson moved in rear of Cheatham's corps. Finding that the battle was stubborn, General Hood directed me to move forward in person, to communicate with General Cheatham, and, if necessary, to put Johnson's division in the fight. I met General Cheatham about dark, and was informed by him that assistance was needed at once. Johnson was immediately moved forward to the attack, but owing to the darkness and want of information as to the locality, his attack was not felt by the enemy till about one hour after dark. This division moved against the enemy's breastworks under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry, gallantly driving the enemy from portions of his line. The brigades of Sharp and Brantly (Mississippians), and of Deas (Alabamians), particularly, distinguished themselves. Their dead were mostly in the trenches and in the works of the enemy, where they fell in a desperate hand to hand conflict. Sharp captured three stand of colors. Brantly was exposed to a severe enfilade fire. These noble brigades never faltered in this terrible night struggle. Brigadier-General Manigault, commanding a brigade of Alabamians and South Carolinians, was severely wounded in this engagement, while gallantly leading his troops to the fight; and his two successors in command, Colonel Shaw was killed and Colonel Davis wounded. I have never seen greater evidences of gallantry than was displayed by this division, under command of that admirable and gallant soldier, Major-General Ed. Johnson. The enemy fought gallantly and obstinately at Franklin, and the position he held was for infantry defence one of the best I had ever seen. The enemy evacuated Franklin hastily during the night of the 30th. My corps commenced the pursuit about 1 P. M. on December 1st, and arrived near Nashville about 2 P. M. December 2d. The enemy had occupied the works around the city. My command was the centre of the army in front of Nashville; Cheatham's corps being on my right and Stewart's on my left. Nothing of importance occurred till the 15th. The army was engaged in entrenching and strengthening its position. On the 15th the enemy moved out on our left, and a severe engagement was soon commenced. In my immediate front the enemy still kept up his skirmish line, though it was evident that his main force had moved. My line was much extended, the greater part of my command being in single rank. About 12 M. I was instructed to assist Lieutenant-General Stewart, and I commenced withdrawing troops from my line to send to his support. I sent him Johnson's entire division, each brigade starting as it was disengaged from the works. A short time before sunset the enemy succeeded in turning General Stewart's position, and a part of my line was necessarily changed to conform to his new line. During the night Cheatham's corps was withdrawn from my right and moved to the extreme left of the army. The army then took position about one mile in rear of its original line. My corps being on the extreme right, I was instructed by the Commanding General to cover and hold the Franklin pike. Clayton's division occupied my right, Stevenson's my centre, and Johnson's my left. It was evident soon after daylight that a large force of the enemy was being concentrated in my front on the Franklin pike. About 9 A. M. on the 16th the enemy, having placed a large number of guns in position, opened a terrible artillery fire on my line, principally on the Franklin pike. This lasted about two hours, when the enemy moved to the assault. They came up in several lines of battle.

My men reserved their fire till they were within easy range and then delivered it with terrible effect. The assault was easily repulsed. It was renewed, however, with spirit several times, but only to meet each time with a like result. They approached to within thirty yards of our line, and their loss was very severe. Their last assault was made about 3 1/2 P. M., when they were driven back in great disorder. The assaults were made principally in front of Holtzclaw's Alabama, Gibson's Louisiana and Stovall's Georgia brigades of Clayton's division, and Pettus' Alabama brigade of Stevenson's division, and too much credit cannot be awarded Major-General Clayton and these gallant troops for their conspicuous and soldierly conduct. The enemy made a considerable display of force on my extreme right during the day, evidently with the intention of attempting to turn our right flank. He made, however, but one feeble effort to use this force, when it was readily repulsed by Stovall's Georgia and Brantley's Mississippi brigades, which latter two had been moved to the right. Smith's division of Cheatham's corps reported to me about 2 P. M., to meet any attempt of the enemy to turn our right flank; it was put in position, but was not needed, and, by order of the Commanding General, it started to Brentwood about 3 1/2 P. M. The artillery fire of the enemy during the entire day was heavy, and right nobly did the artillery of my corps, under Lieutenant-Colonel Hoxton, perform their duty. Courtney's battalion, under Captain Douglas, was in Johnson's front, Johnson's battalion was in Stevenson's front, and Eldridge's battalion, under Captain Fenner, was in Clayton's front. The officers and men of the artillery behaved admirably, and too much praise cannot be bestowed upon this efficient arm of the service in the Army of Tennessee. The troops of my entire line were in fine spirits and confident of success (so much so that. the men could scarcely be prevented from leaving their trenches to follow the enemy on and near the Franklin pike). But suddenly all eyes were turned to the centre of our line of battle near the Gracey White pike, where it was evident the enemy had made an entrance, although but little firing had been heard in that direction. Our men were flying to the rear in the wildest confusion and the enemy following with enthusiastic cheers. The enemy at once closed towards the gap in our line and commenced charging on the left division — Johnson's — of my corps, but were handsomely driven back. The enemy soon gained our rear and were moving on my left flank when our line gradually gave away. My troops left their lines in some disorder, but were soon rallied and presented a good front to the enemy. It was a fortunate circumstance that the enemy was too much crippled to pursue us on the Franklin pike. The only pursuit made at that time was by a small force coming from the Gracey White pike. Having been informed by an aide of the General Commanding, that the enemy were near Brentwood, and that it was necessary to get beyond that point at once, everything was hastened to the rear. When Brentwood was passed, the enemy was only half a mile from the Franklin pike, where Chalmer's cavalry was fighting them. Being charged with covering the retreat of the army, I remained in rear with Clayton's and part of Stevenson's divisions, and halted the rear guard about seven miles north of Franklin about 10 P. M. on the 16th. Early on the morning of the 17th our cavalry was driven in in confusion by the enemy, who at once commenced a most vigorous pursuit, his cavalry charging at every opportunity and in the most daring manner. It was apparant that they were determined to make the retreat a rout if possible. Their boldness was soon checked by many of them being killed and captured by Pettus' Alabama and Stovall's Georgia brigades and Bledsoe's battery under Major-General Clayton. Several guidons were captured in one of their charges. I was soon compelled to withdraw rapidly towards Franklin, as the enemy was throwing a force in my rear from both the right and left of the pike on roads coming into the pike near Franklin and five miles in my rear. This force was checked by Brigader-General Gibson, with his brigade and a regiment of Buford's cavalry under Colonel Shacklett. The resistance which the enemy had met with early in the morning, and which materially checked his movements, enabled us to reach Franklin with but little difficulty. Here the enemy appeared in considerable force and exhibited great boldness, but he was repulsed and the crossing of the Harpeth river effected. I found that there was in the town of Franklin a large number of our own and of the enemy's wounded, and not wishing to subject them and the town to the fire of the enemy's artillery, the town was yielded with but little resistance. Some four or five hours were gained by checking the enemy about 1 1/2 half miles south of Franklin and by the destruction of the trestle bridge over the Harpeth, which was effected by Captain Coleman, the engineer officer on my staff, and a party of pioneers, under a heavy fire of the enemy's sharpshooters. About 4 P. M., the enemy, having crossed a considerable force, commenced a bold and vigorous attack, charging with his cavalry on our flanks and pushing forward his lines in the front. A more persistent effort was never made to rout the rear guard of a retiring column. This desperate attack was kept up till long after dark, but gallantly did the rear guard, consisting of Pettus' Alabama and Cummings' Georgia brigades (the latter commanded by Colonel Watkins) of Stevenson's division, and under that gallant and meritorious officer Major-General C. L. Stevenson, repulse every attack. Brigadier-General Chalmers, with his division of cavalry, covered our flanks. The cavalry of the enemy succeeded in getting in Stevenson's rear and attacked Major-General Clayton's division about dark, but they were handsomely repulsed; Gibson's and Stovall's brigades being principally engaged. Some four or five guidons were captured from the enemy during the evening.

About 1 P. M. I was wounded while with the rear guard, but did not relinquish command of my corps till dark. Most of the details in conducting the retreat from that time were arranged and executed by Major-General Stevenson, to whom the army is much indebted for his skill and gallant conduct during the day. I cannot close this report without alluding particularly to the artillery of my corps. On the 16th, sixteen guns were lost on the lines — the greater portion of them were without horses — they having been disabled during the day; many of the carriages were disabled also. The noble gunners, reluctant to leave their guns, fought the enemy in many instances, till they were almost within reach of the guns. Major-General Ed. Johnson was captured on the 16th; being on foot, he was unable to make his escape from the enemy in consequence of an old wound. He held his line as long as it was practicable to do so. The Army of Tennessee has sustained no greater loss than that of this gallant and accomplished soldier. To all my disvision commanders, Stevenson, Johnson and Clayton, I am indebted for the most valuable services; they were always zealous in the discharge of their duties.

Although it is my desire to do so, I cannot now allude to the many conspicuous acts of gallantry exhibited by general, field and company officers, and by the different commands. It is my intention to do so in future, when detailed reports are received. To the officers of my personal staff and also of the corps staff, I am indebted for valuable services; they were always at their posts and ready to respond to the call of duty.

I have the honor to be, yours respectfully,

S. D. Lee, Lieutenant-General. Colonel A. P. Mason, A. A. G.

General J. E. B. Stuart's report of his cavalry expedition into Pennsylvania in October, 1862.

[The following report, which we print from an original Ms. in General Stuart's own handwriting, does not appear in the Army of Northern Virginia reports, published by the Confederate Congress, and has, we believe, never been in print. Like everything from the great cavalry chieftain, it will attract attention and be read with interest.]

headquarters cavalry division, October 14th, 1862. Colonel R. H. Chilton, A. A. General Army of Northern Virginia:

Colonel — I have the honor to report that on the 9th instant, in compliance with instructions from the Commanding General Army of Northern Virginia, I proceeded on an expedition into Pennsylvania with a cavalry force of 1,800 and four pieces of horse artillery, under command of Brigadier-General Hampton and Colonels W. H. F. Lee and Jones. This force rendezvoused at Darksville at 12 M., and marched thence to the vicinity of Hedgesville, where it camped for the night. At daylight next morning (October 10th) I crossed the Potomac at McCoy's (between Williamsport and Hancock) with some little opposition, capturing two or three horses of the enemy's pickets. We were told here by citizens that a large force had camped the night before at Clear Spring, and were supposed to be en route to Cumberland. We proceeded northward until we reached the turnpike leading from Hagerstown to Hancock (known as the National road). Here a signal station on the mountain and most of the party with their flags and apparatus were surprised and captured, and also eight or ten prisoners of war, from whom, as well as from citizens, I found that the large force alluded to had crossed but an hour ahead of me towards Cumberland, and consisted of six regiments of Ohio troops and two batteries, under General Cox, and were en route via Cumberland for the Kanawha. I sent back this intelligence at once to the Commanding General. Striking directly across the National road, I proceeded in the direction of Mercersburg, Pennsylvania, which point was reached about 12 M. I was extremely anxious to reach Hagerstown, where large supplies were stored, but was satisfied from reliable information that the notice the enemy had of my approach, and the proximity of his forces, would enable him to prevent my capturing it. I therefore turned towards Chambersburg. I did not reach this point until after dark in a rain. I did not deem it safe to defer the attack till morning, nor was it proper to attack a place full of women and children without summoning it first to surrender. I accordingly sent in a flag of truce, and found no military or civil authority in the place, but some prominent citizens who met the officer were notified that the place would be occupied, and if any resistance were made the place would be shelled in three minutes. Brigadier-General Wade Hampton's command, being in advance, took possession of the place, and I appointed him military governor of the city. No incidents occurred during the night, during which it rained continuously. The officials all fled the town on our approach, and no one could be found who would admit that he held office in the place. About 275 sick and wounded in the hospital were paroled. During the day a large number of horses of citizens were seized and brought along. The wires were cut and railroad obstructed, and Colonel Jones' command was sent up the railroad toward Harrisburg to destroy a trestlework a few miles off. He however reported that it was constructed of iron, and he could not destroy it. Next morning it was ascertained that a large number of small arms and munitions of war were stored about the railroad buildings, all of which that could not be easily brought away were destoyed, consisting of about 5,000 new muskets, pistols, sabres and amunition; also a large assortment of army clothing. The extensive machine shops and depot buildings of the railroad and several trains of loaded cars were entirely destroyed. From Chambersburg, I decided after mature consideration to strike for the vicinity of Leesburg as the best route of return, particularly as Cox's command would have rendered the direction of Cumberland, full of mountain gorges, particularly hazardous. The route selected was through an open country. Of course I left nothing undone to prevent the inhabitants from detecting my real route and object. I started directly towards Gettysburg, but having passed the Blue Ridge, turned back towards Hagerstown for six or eight miles, and then crossed to Maryland by Emmettsburg, where as we passed we were hailed by the inhabitants with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of joy. A scouting party of 150 lancers had just passed towards Gettysburg, and I regretted exceedingly that my march did not admit of the delay necessary to catch them. Taking the road towards Frederick, we intercepted dispatches from Colonel Rush (lancers) to the commander of the scout, which satisfied me that our where-abouts was still a problem to the enemy. Before reaching Frederick I crossed the Monocacy, and continued the march through the night via Liberty, New Market and Monrovia, on Baltimore and Ohio railroad, where we cut the telegraph wires and obstructed the railroad. We reached at daylight Hyattstown, on McClellan's line of wagon communication with Washington; but we found only a few wagons to capture, and pushed on to Barnsville, which we found just vacated by a company of the enemy's cavalry. We had here corroborated what we had heard before — that Stoneman had between four and five thousand troops about Poolesville, and guarding the river fords. I started directly for Poolesville, but instead of marching upon that point I avoided it by a march through the woods, leaving it two or three miles to my left, and getting into the road from Poolesville to the mouth of the Monocacy. Guarding well my flanks and rear, I pushed boldly forward, meeting the head of the enemy's column going toward Poolesville. I ordered the charge, which was responded to in handsome style by the advance squadron (Irving's) of Lee's brigade, which drove back the enemy's cavalry upon the column of infantry advancing to occupy the crest from which the cavalry were driven. Quick as thought Lee's sharpshooters sprang to the ground, and engaging the infantry skirmishers, held them in check till the artillery in advance came up, which, under the gallant Pelham, drove back the enemy's force upon his batteries beyond the Monocacy, between which and our solitary gun quite a spirited fire continued for some time. This answered, in connection with the high crest occupied by our piece, to screen entirely my real movement quickly to the left, making a bold and rapid strike for White's ford to force my way across before the enemy at Poolesville and Monocacy could be aware of my design.

Although delayed somewhat by about 200 infantry, strongly posted in the cliffs over the ford; yet they yielded to the moral effect of a few shells before engaging our sharpshooters, and the crossing of the canal, now dry, and river was effected with all the precision of passing a defile on drill — a section of artillery being sent with the advance and placed in position on the Loudoun side, another piece on the Maryland height, while Pelham continued to occupy the attention of the enemy with the other, withdrawing from position to position until his piece was ordered to cross. The enemy was marching from Poolesville in the meantime, but came up in line of battle on the Maryland bank only to receive a thundering salutation, with evident effect, from our guns on this side. I lost not a man killed on the expedition, and only a few slight wounds. The enemy's loss is not known, but Pelham's one gun compelled the enemy's battery to change its position three times.

The remainder of the march was destitute of interest. The conduct of the command and their behavior towards the inhabitants is worthy of the highest praise; a few individual cases only were exceptions in this particular. Brigadier-General Hampton and Colonels Lee, Jones, Wickham and Butler, and the officers and men under their command are entitled to my lasting gratitude for their coolness in danger and cheerful obedience to orders. Unoffending persons were treated with civility, and the inhabitants were generous in proffers of provisions on the march. We seized and brought over a large number of horses, the property of citizens of the United States. The valuable information obtained in this reconnoissance as to the distribution of the enemy's force was communicated orally to the Commanding General, and need not be here repeated. A number of public functionaries and prominent citizens were taken captives and brought over as hostages for our own unoffending citizens whom the enemy has torn from their homes and confined in dungeons in the North. One or two of my men lost their way, and are probably in the hands of the enemy.

I marched from Chambersburg to Leesburg (90 miles）, with only an hour's halt, in thirty-six hours, including a forced passage of the Potomac — a march without a parallel in history.

The results of this expedition in a moral and political point of view can hardly be estimated, and the consternation among property holders in Pennsylvania beggars description.

I am specially indebted to Captain B. S. White (Confederate States cavalry), and to Messrs. Hugh Logan and Harbaugh, whose skillful guidance was of immense service to me. My staff are entitled to my thanks for untiring energy in the discharge of their duties.

I enclose a map of the expedition drawn by Captain W. W. Blackford to accompany this report; also a copy of orders enforced during the march.

Believing that the hand of God was clearly manifested in the signal deliverance of my command from danger, and the crowning success attending it, I ascribe to Him the praise, the honor and the glory. I have the honor to be, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. E. B. Stuart, Major-General Commanding Cavalry.

[The following letters from General Lee will be appropriate addenda to General Stuart's report.] headquarters Department of Northern Virginia, camp near Winchester, October 20, 1862. Major-General J. E. B. Stuart, Commanding Cavalry:

General — To show my appreciation of the conduct of yourself and your men in the recent expedition into Pennsylvania, I enclose a copy of my letter to General Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General, forwarding your report of the expedition.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

(Signed)

R. E. Lee, General. headquarters Department of Northern Virginia, October 18, 1862. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General:

General — In forwarding the report of Major-General Stuart of his expedition into Pennsylvania, I take occasion to express to the Department my sense of the boldness, judgment and prudence he displayed in its execution, and cordially join with him in his commendation of the conduct and endurance of the brave men he commanded.

To his skill and their fortitude, under the guidance of an overruling Providence, is their success due.

I have the honor to be, most respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

(Signed)

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, Major and Aide-de-Camp.

Letters on the treatment and exchange of prisoners.

[The following letters explain themselves, and shed additional light on a question which we propose to ventilate from time to time.]

Hdrs. Department South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, Charleston, S. C., July 1, 1864.

General — I send with this a letter addressed by five General officers of the United States army, now prisoners of war in this city, to Brigadier-General L. Thomas, Adjutant-General United States army, recommending and asking an exchange of prisoners of war.

I fully concur in opinion with the officers who have signed the letter, that there should be an exchange of prisoners; and though I am not instructed by my Government to enter into negotiations for that purpose, I have no doubt that it is willing and desirous now, as it has ever been, to exchange prisoners of war with your Government on just and honorable terms.

One difficulty in the way of carrying out the cartel of exchange agreed on between the two Governments would not exist, that I am aware of, if the exchange were conducted between you and myself. If, therefore, you think proper to communicate with your Government on the subject, I will without delay communicate with mine, and it may be that we can enter into an agreement, subject to the approval of our respective Governments, by which the prisoners of war now languishing in confinement may be released.

I should be glad to aid in so humane a work; and, to the end that there may be no unnecessary delay on my part, I have directed an officer of my staff, Major J. F. Lay, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector-General, charged with the delivery of this, to wait a reasonable time in the vicinity of Port Royal ferry for your answer. He is fully informed of my views on the subject, and, if you desire it, will confer with you or any officer you may designate.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Sam. Jones, Major-General Commanding. To Major-General J. G. Foster, U. S. A., Commanding Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C.

[Unofficial.]Charleston, S. C., July 1, 1864.

General — The journals of this morning inform us for the first time, that five General officers of the Confederate service have arrived at Hilton Head, with a view to their being subjected to the same treatment that we are receiving here.

We think it but just to ask for these officers every kindness and courtesy that you can extend to them, in acknowledgment of the fact that we at this time are as pleasantly and comfortably situated as is possible for prisoners of war, receiving from the Confederate authorities every privilege that we could desire or expect; nor are we unnecessarily exposed to fire.

Respectfully, General, your obedient servants,

(Signed)

R. W. Wessels, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers, (Signed) T. Seymour, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers, (Signed) E. P. Scammon, Brigadier-General, (Signed) C. A. Heckman, Brigadier-General Volunteers, (Signed) Alexander Shaler, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers, Prisoners of War. To Major-General J. G. Foster, Commanding Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C. Charleston, S. C., July 1, 1864. Brigadier-General L. Thomas, Adjutant-General United States Army, Washington, D. C.:

General — We desire respectfully to represent through you to our authorities, our firm belief that a prompt exchange of the prisoners of war in the hands of the Southern Confederacy, if exchanges are to be made, is called for by every consideration of humanity. There are many thousands confined at Southern points of the Confederacy, in a climate to which they are unaccustomed, deprived of much of the food, clothing and shelter they have habitually received, and it is not surprising that from these and other causes that need not be enumerated here much suffering, sickness and death should ensue. In this matter the statements of our own officers are confirmed by those of Southern journals. And while we cheerfully submit to any policy that may be decided upon by our Government, we would urge that the great evils that must result from any delay that is not desired should be obviated by the designation of some point in this vicinity at which exchanges might be made — a course, we are induced to believe, that would be acceded to by the Confederate authorities.

And we are, General, your most obedient servants,

(Signed)

H. W. Wessels, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers. (Signed) T. Seymour, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers. (Signed) E. P. Scammon, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers. (Signed) Alexander Shaler, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers. (Signed) C. A. Heckman, Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers Through Major-General J. G. Foster, U. S. V., Commanding Department of the South, Hilton Head, S. C. Hdrs. Department South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, Charleston, S. C., July 13, 1864.

General — I have received your letter of the 1st instant. Mine of the 13th and 22d ultimo indicate with all necessary precision the location of United States officers who are prisoners of war in this city. I cannot be more minute without pointing out the houses in which they are confined; and for reasons very easily understood, I am sure that this will not be expected. If my statements in my letter of the 22d ultimo are insufficient, the letter of the five General officers, dated the 1st instant, in which they assure you that they are as pleasantly and comfortably situated as is possible for prisoners of war, receiving from the Confederate authorities every privilege that we (they) could desire or expect; nor are we (they) unnecessarily exposed to fire, gives you all the information in regard to their treatment that you can reasonably desire.

In conclusion, let me add that I presumed, from a copy of your confidential order of the 29th ultimo, found on the battle field on John's Island on the 9th. instant, that you were commanding in person the troops operating against this city, and as you had particularly requested me to communicate with you only by way of Port Royal ferry, I felt bound to delay my reply until I was assured it would promptly reach you by the route you were pleased to indicate.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Sam. Jones, Major-General Commanding. To Major-General J. G. Foster, Commanding United States Forces, Hilton Head. Hdrs. Department South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, Charleston, July 13, 1864.

General — Your letter of the 4th in reply to mine of the 1st inst. has been received.

I am pleased to know that you reciprocate my desire for an exchange of prisoners of war, but regret that you should require as a condition precedent to any negotiation for this end that I should remove from their present location the United States prisoners of war now in this city. Such a course on my part would be an implied admission that those officers are unduly exposed and treated with unnecessary rigor, which they have themselves assured you in their letter of the 1st instant is not the case.

I regard the exchange of prisoners as demanded alike by the rules of civilized warfare and the dictates of common humanity. To require a change of location, which you have every reason to know that the prisoners themselves do not desire, is to throw an unnecessary obstacle in the way of accomplishing this end, and thus to retain prisoners of war in irksome confinement. The change I most prefer is to send them to your headquarters, and this may yet be done unless defeated by obstacles interposed by yourself or your Government.

I was notified of your request that I would send a staff officer to meet one of yours at Port Royal at 2 P. M. to-day, too late to comply therewith. I have, however, directed the officer of your staff to be informed that I would send an officer to meet him at 4 P. M. to-morrow, and I have accordingly directed Major J. F. Lay, Assistant Adjutant and Inspector-General, to take charge of this letter and deliver it at Port Royal ferry. I repeat that he is fully advised of my views, and, should you desire it, will confer with you, or any officer of your staff whom you may designate.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Sam. Jones, Major-General Commanding. To Major-General J. G. Foster, Commanding United States Forces, Hilton Head. Hdrs. Department South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, Charleston, S. C., August 2, 1864.

General — I received your letter of the 29th ultimo, informing me that the United States Secretary of War has authorized you to exchange any prisoners in your hands, rank for rank, or their equivalents, such exchange being a special one, and that you had sent Major Anderson of your staff to make arrangements as to time and place for the exchange. Major Lay of my staff, whose authority to act I had previously made known to you, and who met Major Anderson at Port Royal ferry, reports to me that he and Major Anderson had agreed to make the exchange to-morrow morning in the north channel leading to Charleston harbor. Having received authority from my Government to make the exchange, I will send five General and forty-five field officers of the United States service on a steamer for exchange at the time and place appointed. The details as to equivalents will be settled between Majors Lay and Anderson, or other officer to whom you may assign that duty, and any balance that may be found due you will be forwarded, in officers, by flag of truce as agreed upon.

On your assurance, conveyed in your letter of the 16th ultimo, that Assistant Surgeon Robinson, of the 104th Pennsylvania regiment, was not when captured reconnoitring, I will release and send him within your lines as soon as it can be done. He had been sent from here before I received your letter in regard to him

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

Sam. Jones, Major-General Commanding. To Major-General J. G. Foster, Commanding U. S. Forces, Department of the South, Hilton Head.

The defence of Fort Gregg.

Since publishing in our last number General Lane's account of the defence of Fort Gregg, we have received a letter from an officer of the Washington artillery, complaining that injustice was done that gallant command in Captain McCabe's note (page 301, December Number), by omitting all mention of the part borne by them. In General Lane's account the name of Lieutenant McElroy of the Washington artillery is mentioned. But in order that we may give all a fair hearing, we take pleasure in republishing, as requested, the following account from A Soldier's Story of the Late War, by Napier Bartlett. We may add the remark that in the peculiar circumstances which surrounded the heroic band from different commands who collected in Fort Gregg, it is perfectly natural that there should be honest differences of opinion as to the numbers, &c., of the several commands. But they were all Confederate soldiers, and they bore themselves worthily in the hour of trial. From A soldier's story of the <rs>War</rs>.

A dramatic interest attached to the defence of the forts, aside from the fact that here was to be the last stand for Petersburg. This was because of the necessity of here detaining the enemy, who were advancing, wave after wave around the works, until Longstreet could get across the James; secondly, the attack on Gregg was followed by a lull along other portions of the line, and the men rested upon their weapons to witness, as at a spectacle of great national interest, the struggle of Secessia, and the last angry glare of her guns on a formal field of battle. The number of men on the two sides, 214 in Fort Gregg, about the same in Whitworth, and 5,000 advancing against them, illustrated the comparative srrength of the combatants. Fort Gregg was the Confederate La Tourgue. When it falls, all of the old traditions and usages of the South fall with it; when the Federal standards wave over it, there is then to be centralization, negro government, and four times the ruin inflicted on the South as was put by Germany on France.

The two forts stand 250 yards in the rear of the captured line, and were built for precisely such an occasion as is suggested by the cheers of the advancing enemy — namely, for use as an inner defence when disaster should overtake the. Confederate line. Fronting Gregg is a little fort, the last built by Lee, and called by the men Fort Owen, after the Lieutenant-Colonel of that name from the Washington artillery, who was assigned to the command of Fort Gregg and the surrounding works. Lieutenant Battles, of the Washington artillery, is in Owen, with two guns, and Lieutenant McElroy, of the same battalion, has charge of a company of sixty-two artillerymen who have been doing duty here most of the winter.

The night had been strangely quiet upon this portion of the lines, but towards daybreak the silence gave place to a little touch of skirmishing to the right of Gregg — sufficient to cause the ordering of the infantry and artillerymen into Fort Owen, although it was then so dark that scarcely anything could be seen. Our infantry there could be barely detected moving in the trenches, towards what seemed to be the picket firing. As the men peered into the darkness in the direction of the flashes, solid shots commenced to plow up the earth — the infantry began quitting the trenches and taking to the fields, leaving the cannoniers under the impression that the troops were chasing small game of some sort.

Lieutenant-Colonel Owen in his report says he gave orders to withdraw to Fort Gregg, and hurried off to rally fugitives — a no easy matter — who had already been dispersed by the Federal attack. McElroy reached the latter with his men, but Battles not receiving his horses in time, found himself suddenly surrounded, and his command captured by the enemy. McElroy immediately opened fire from Fort Gregg with his artillery-infantry, drove them away, and then turning his infantry once more back to artillery, ran down into Fort Owen and opened fire with the recaptured pieces on the enemy, two hundred yards to his right. Horses having been procured, the pieces by order were moved forward a mile, where the guns fired thirty-five rounds each, and were then retired to Fort Gregg. Lieutenant McElroy says, in his report, there were two hundred men in the fort, who were, with the exception of his command, of Harris' Mississippi brigade, and that his loss was six killed, two wounded and thirty-two prisoners. Colonel Owen proceeds to say:

At the time McElroy was put in position in Gregg some guns were placed in Fort Whitworth, a detached work like Gregg and to its right and rear.

Major-General Wilcox, who was then in Gregg, seeing Harris' brigade in what he thought a dangerous position in front, sent his Aide to the General to recall his men to the two forts, Harris himself going into Whitworth, and Lieutenant-Colonel James H. Duncan, of the Nineteenth Mississippi, into Gregg.

As the enemy advanced, McElroy was cautioned to have his ammunition as handy as possible upon the platform for quick work. Under orders, Captain Walker hurriedly withdrew the guns from Fort Whitworth.

The enemy, a full corps of at least 5,000 men, advanced in three lines of battles. Three times the little garrison repulsed them. The fort seemed fringed with fire from the rifles of the Mississippians.

The cannoniers bravely and skilfully used their guns. The enemy fell on the clear field around the fort by scores.

The capture of the work was but a question of time. The blue coats finally jumped into the ditch surrounding the fort, and presently climbed over each others backs to gain the summit of the parapets. There was a weak point on the side of Gregg, where the ditch was incomplete, and over this a body of the enemy rushed. Presently six regimental standards were distinctly seen waving on the parapet.

* * * * * *

The part taken in the defence of Gregg, by the Mississippians, is thus described in the Vicksburg Times:

Fort Gregg was held by the Twelfth and Sixteenth Mississippi regiments, Harris' brigade, numbering about 150 muskets, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel James H. Duncan, of the Nineteenth Mississippi, who had been assigned by General Harris to the immediate command of that work. The artillery in the fort was a section of Third company Washington artillery, commanded by Lieutenant Frank McElroy. General Harris, with his two other regiments, Nineteenth and Forty-eighth Mississippi, occupied Fort Whitworth, distant about 100 yards, and between that work and the Southside railroad.

General Harris, in a letter designed to be an official report, says,

General Wilcox ordered me to take position in front of the enemy, and detain them as long as possible. With this object in view I advanced about 400 yards, and formed at right angles with the Boydton plank road. The ground being undulating, I threw both flanks behind the crest on which I formed, and exposed my centre, in order that I might induce the enemy to believe that there was a continuous line of battle behind the ridge. I then advanced a line of skirmishers well to the front. The enemy being misled by this device, made the most careful dispositions, two lines of battle, and advancing with the utmost caution, my position was held until the enemy was in close range, when a heavy fire was opened upon both sides.

The enemy pressing me heavily and out-reaching me on my flanks, I fell back upon Fort Gregg and Whitworth, the Twelfth and Sixteenth under Colonel Duncan, being ordered to Fort Gregg, and to hold it at all hazards.

The Nineteenth and Forty-eighth were placed in Whitworth. In Gregg there was a section of the Third company Washington artillery, commanded by Lieutenant Frank McElroy. Preparations were now made by the enemy for the assault, and this time Captain Walker, Adjutant and Inspector-General of General Walker, Chief of Artillery, came with orders to withdraw the artillery, and against this I most earnestly protested.

The four guns were withdrawn from Whitworth under protest; but the enemy were too close to permit the withdrawal of the guns from Gregg. Perceiving the guns of Whitworth leaving, the enemy moved forward to assault us in both works. He assaulted in columns of brigades, completely enveloping Gregg, and approaching Whitworth only in front. Gregg repulsed assault after assault; the two remnants of regiments, which had won glorious honor on so many fields, fighting this, their last battle, with most terrible enthusiasm, as if feeling this to be the last act in the drama for them; and the officers and men of the Washington artillery fighting their guns to the last, preserved untarnished the brilliancy of reputation acquired by their corps. Gregg raged like the crater of a volcano, emitting its flashes of deadly fires, enveloped in flame and cloud, wreathing our flag as well in honor as in the smoke of death. It was a glorious struggle. Louisiana represented by these noble artillerists, and Mississippi by her shattered bands, stood there side by side together, holding the last regularly fortified lines around Petersburg.

While Gregg and Whitworth were holding out, Longstreet was hastening with Field's division, from the north side of the James, to form an inner line for the purpose of covering General Lee's withdrawal that night. As soon as Harris heard of the formation of that line, he withdrew with his little band, cutting his way through.

At 12 o'clock that night the last man and the last gun of the brave army that had defended the lines of Petersburg for one year, passed over the pontoon bridges, and the march commenced, that ended at Appomattox courthouse. I have been induced to write the foregoing, of which I was eye witness, in the hope of correcting history. Many accounts have been published of the defence of Fort Gregg, but all that I have seen have been generally far from the truth. Pollard, who showed but little disposition to waste compliments on the troops from the Gulf States, says Captain Chew of the fourth Maryland battery of artillery was in command of the work, and his account is reiterated by many others. If he was, it is strange we did not know it. A battery of Marylanders had in reality been disbanded a short time before the fight, their time having expired, and they were awaiting their discharge papers to enable them to go to their homes. If Captain Chew was in the fort at all, he was simply there as a volunteer or a spectator.

We should give the honor to those who earned it in this fierce fight of three hours against such fearful odds. Swinton, in his <orgName n="Army of the Potomac" type="army">Army of the Potomac</orgName>, in his description of the breaking through the lines on this historic Sunday, says:

On reaching the lines immediately around Petersburg, a part of Ord's command under Gibbon began an assault directed against Fort Gregg and Whitworth, two strong enclosed works, the most salient and commanding south of Petersburg. The former of these redoubts was manned by Harris' Mississippi brigade, numbering two hundred and fifty men, and this handful of skilled marksmen conducted the defence with such intrepidity that Gibbons' force, surging repeatedly against it, was each time thrown back; at length a renewed charge carried the work, but not till its two hundred and fifty defenders had been reduced to thirty. * * Gibbons' loss was four hundred men.

Swinton does not mention the Washington artillery in the fort: he also errs in putting the number of Mississippians at 250. General Harris says there were 150. These, with the 64 artillerists, make a total of 214 men, and these men put hors du combat 500 of the enemy, or an average of more than two men each.

Dahlgren's ride into Fredericksburg.

This incident is scarcely of sufficient importance to demand a place in our papers, except as an illustration of how history is manufactured and a small affair magnified into a brilliant achievement by a sensational press.

In the Memoir of Ulric Dahlgren, by his father, Rear Admiral Dahlgren, there is quoted from the account of a newspaper correspondent the following vivid sketch of the affair:

I am sitting in Colonel Ashboth's tent, at General Sigel's headquarters, listening to a plain statement of what occurred, narrated by a modest, unassuming sergeant. I will give it briefly.

General Burnside had requested that a cavalry reconnoissance of Fredericksburg should be made. General Sigel selected his body-guard, commanded by Captain Dahlgren, with fifty-seven of the First Indiana cavalry. It was no light task to ride forty miles, keep the movement concealed from the enemy, cross the river and dash through the town, especially as it was known that the Rebels occupied it in force. It was an enterprise calculated to dampen the ardor of most men, but which was hailed almost as a holiday excursion by the Indianians. They left Gainesville Saturday morning, took a circuitous route, rode till night, rested awhile, and then, under the light of the full moon, rode rapidly over the worn-out fields of the Old Dominion, through by-roads, intending to dash into the town at daybreak. They arrived opposite the place at dawn, and found to their chagrin that one element in their calculation had been omitted — the tide.

The bridge had been burned when we evacuated the place last summer, and they had nothing to do but wait till the water ebbed. Concealing themselves in the woods, they waited impatiently. Meanwhile, two of the Indianians rode along the river bank below the town to the ferry. They hailed the ferryman, who was on the opposite shore, representing themselves to be Rebel officers. The ferryman pulled to the northern bank, and was detained till he gave information of the Rebel force, which he said numbered eight companies, five or six hundred men all told.

The tide ebbed, and Captain Dahlgren left his hiding place with his fifty-seven Indianians. They crossed the river in single file at a slow walk, the bottom being exceedingly rocky. Reaching the opposite shore, he started at a slow trot towards the town, hoping to take the enemy by surprise. But his advance had been discovered. The enemy was partly in saddle. There was a hurrying to and fro, mounting of steeds, confusion, and fright among the people. The Rebel cavalry were in every street. Captain Dahlgren resolved to fall upon them like a thunderbolt. Increasing his trot to a gallop, the fifty-seven dauntless men dashed into the town, cheering, with sabres glittering in the sun — riding recklessly upon the enemy, who waited but a moment in the main street, then ignominiously fled. Having cleared the main thoroughfare, Captain Dahlgren swept through a cross street upon another squadron with the same success. There was a trampling of hoofs, a clattering of scabbards, and the sharp ringing cut of the sabres, the pistol flash, the going down of horse and rider, the gory gashes of the sabre stroke, a cheering and hurrahing, and screaming of frightened women and children, a short, sharp, decisive contest, and the town was in the possession of the gallant men. Once the Rebels attempted to recover what they had lost, but a second impetuous charge drove them back again, and Captain Dahlgren gathered the fruits of the victory--thirty-one prisoners, horses, accoutrements, sabres — held possession of the town for three hours and retired, losing but one of his glorious band killed and two wounded; leaving a dozen of the enemy killed and wounded. I would like to give the names of these heroes if I had them. The one brave fellow who lost his life had fought through all the conflict, but seeing a large rebel flag waving from a building he secured it, wrapped it around his body, and was returning to his command, when a fatal shot was fired from a window, probably by a citizen. He was brought to the northern shore, and there buried by his fellow-soldiers beneath the forest pines.

It thrills one to look at it, to hear the story, to picture the encounter — the wild dash; the sweep like a whirlwind, the cheers, the rout of the enemy, their confusion, the victory. Victory, not for the personal glory, not for ambition, but for a beloved country; for that which is dearer than life — the thanks of the living, the gratitude of unnumbered millions yet to be. Brave sons of the West, this is your glory, this your reward! No exploit of the war equals it. It will go down to history as one of the bravest achievements on record.

The following letters from Judge Critcher and Major Kelly show how largely the correspondent drew upon his imagination in his account of this comparatively insignificant affair. But this romancing is a fair sample of the style in which many of the so-called histories of the day are manufactured.

The letters of Judge Critcher and Major Kelly were written after seeing the above account of one of the bravest achievements on record. General Fitzhugh Lee:

My Dear Sir — There is far more of romance than truth in the newspaper account of Dahlgren's ride into Fredericksburg. The contributors to the daily newspapers seem to be under the necessity of writing something, if possible, that is marvellous and sensational; and a father may well be pardoned for reproducing what is so flattering to his pride. But the facts:

There were four companies of cavalry, just mustered into service and armed with such guns as each man could provide, that had then their headquarters at Fredericksburg. But these companies were distributed by order of General Smith (then at Richmond) from West Point, on the York river, along the lower Rappahannock; at certain points on the Potomac, and on the upper Rappahannock at the various fords twenty-five or thirty miles above Fredericksburg, leaving at headquarters, besides the sick and such as had no arms, but few efficient men.

The evening before Dahlgren's raid Captain Simpson's company, from Norfolk, unexpectedly joined us, but having provided no quarters, they were distributed for the night in the most convenient houses. Next morning Dahlgren entered the town, conducted by a deserter from Stafford, who led his men over a ford near Falmouth which had not been used within the memory of man. Our pickets nearer town were deceived and captured. Our position in town and our weakness were well known to the surrounding country, and of course to the deserter. When the attack was made by Dahlgren on our camp, he found but a few sick and disabled men, with the usual employees of the quartermaster and commissary, and perhaps a few others. Captain Simpson placed himself at the head of a few of his men, attacked the rear guard of the enemy, pursued them at full speed through Fredericksburg to Falmouth, killing one and wounding two men. As soon as our scattered forces could effect a rendezvous on Marye's heights, we crossed the river and pursued the party five or six miles through Stafford-capturing, however, but two of their men. Captain Simpson lost one man killed. Exclusive of Simpson's company, which had not reported for duty, I question whether we had as many men in Fredericksburg at the time as Dahlgren, and of these several were sick and others without arms. So that, knowing our position and our weakness as he must have done, and as he could have learned from any one along the road or at Falmouth, the exploit of this youthful hero, though very creditable to him, seems not so distinguished by its boldness or success.

I append a letter from Major Kelly, from whom I hoped to obtain an accurate account of — the affair. He was then editor of the Fredericksburg Herald, in which paper a minute and accurate account of every incident of the day was published the next morning.

Most respectfully,

John Critcher, Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding at Fredericksburg in the autumn of 1862. Fredericksburg, April 19, 1872. Judge Critcher:

Dear Sir — I regret very much that I am unable to assist you materially in the review you propose of the article sent in regard to <persName n="Dahlgren,,,,," id="n0118.0016.00090.00802" reg="nearbymention:Dahlgren,Ulric,,," authname="dahlgren,ulric"><surname full="yes">Dahlgren</surname></persName>'s ride into <placeName reg="Fredericksburg, Fredericksburg, Virginia" key="tgn,7013943" authname="tgn,7013943">Fredericksburg</placeName>.

The files of the Herald during the war fell a prey to the ravages of the times, and I have not the slightest recollection of any facts that I may then have written.

The first intimation I had of the affair was a small colored boy's coming into the chamber (about 8 o'clock in the morning, or possibly 9) with the announcement, De Yankees is in town. It was Sunday morning, as you recollect. Directly thereafter I heard the clatter of horses' feet, and on going to the parlor window saw the head of the invading force. The horses were in a walk, and no dash whatever. I looked for some moments before I realized that they were indeed Federal soldiers. I saw the blue overcoats, but thought they belonged to Colonel Bell's company, he having arrived, as I understood, the evening before.

The invading party could learn at Falmouth all they wanted to know, and I have not a doubt that when they crossed the river they were under the impression that only one company of cavalry occupied the town. I do not suppose any one in Falmouth had heard of the arrival of Bell and his company — the latter, I believe, having been quartered below town or in its suburbs late the evening previous.

You know more accurately than I do as to the fruits of the victory, &c. The Munchausen story of prisoners, holding the town three hours, &c., is simply ludicrous.

The Federal cavalryman was killed by one of the Confederates, and not a citizen. The first was on the outside of a fence on a cross street and the other on the inside. There was no dash on his part after a Rebel flag, but those living in the vicinity said he was retreating and refused to surrender. This I learned a very brief period after he was killed, and whilst his body was still lying on the ground. His fellow-soldiers had something else to do than take his body to the northern shore and bury it. They were retreating for life. One or two of the Yankees were captured. I remember to have talked with one, and my impression is that he was not wounded.

I remember that you took some cavalrymen, crossed the river, and went in pursuit — overtook them, and had a brisk engagement. You told me afterwards of the gallantry of some of your men on that occasion.

Regretting that I cannot assist you in giving a narrative, such as I could if my memory was refreshed by the account I wrote at the time, I remain,

Very truly yours,

J. H. Kelly.

Editorial paragraphs.

The kind notices of the press have several times elicited our thanks, but we have not thought proper to publish in our papers any of the commendations of our editorial brethren. We will, however, venture to give our readers the following from the pen of our gallant friend, Captain J. Hampden Chamberlayne, the editor of the Richmond State:

We have several times had occasion to commend the work of this Society and the usefulness of its publications. The issue of the papers for the month just passed is one of unusual variety, and is, as all its predecessors, of a positive value to the historian and to all interested in reaching the truth of our recent war between the States.

Particularly welcome are the reports of General Maury of the operations of his department — headquarters at Mobile — and of General R. L. Page touching the defence of Fort Morgan. These papers are published for the first time, and fill an important gap in the story of the military life of the Confederacy. Captain Park's diary continues its minute and lifelike descriptions, and Mr. McCarthy's Soldier life is, as all his sketches, faithful and sparkling. The papers on the Fort Gregg defence help to throw light on affairs hitherto known but vaguely, and the memorial address on General Lee, confining itself for the most part to mere outline, yet attempts to set forth clearly the salient points of character and achievement exhibited by our great commander.

This issue is, we repeat, of positive value as well as not a little of attractiveness in the various styles of its different essays and reports.

The Society, indeed, has in a very short time taken honorable rank in its class, and by the persistent labors, energy, accuracy and knowledge of the Secretary it has not only acquired for its publications a large and self-sustaining circulation, but accumulated a great mass of historical material of high value to the country and to the truth of history. Establishing close relations with other societies having analogous ends in view, a system of exchange has been adopted which is already of great use, and promises constantly increasing results. Contented with small beginnings and hard work, the Secretary and the Society have wisely avoided all attempts at show, and make good use of the poor quarters, which is all that has yet been bestowed by way of encouragement to its work. It is much to be hoped that no long time will go by before the valuable material accumulated by its labor will find better means and place of preservation, and the officers be more worthily furnished with facilities for their duties. The publications, however, by which the Society is chiefly known, though they form as yet but a small part of what it has done, are worthy of unstinted praise. Giving a due attention to a variety of subjects, and letting slip no opportunity of sifting out of conflicting statements the very truth, they already serve, when bound, to furnish a veritable mine of facts, records, anecdotes, and memorabilia in general which bear upon the history of the Confederacy, both as a civil organization and as an armed camp. Fortunate, too, in the printer selected, these Southern Historical Society papers are admirably prepared (at the printing house of George W. Gary), and lack nothing of neatness and even elegance in material and typography.

Guided by patriotic enthusiasm, and conducted, down to the details of its work, with minute and painstaking care, it is not strange that the Society and its monthly papers grow fast as well as deservedly in the appreciation of the public.

General Lee, A New work by Marshall, the Engraver.--We have received from the publisher, Oscar Marshall,

697 Broadway

, New York, a copy of this superb picture. While we do not think the photograph from which the engraving is made quite equal to another one of the thirty-two in our possession, we regard the engraving as a very admirable one in every respect, and are so anxious to see it widely circulated that we cheerfully give place to the following notice sent us by a competent and appreciative art critic:

Virginia, if she cannot claim to be the mother of many artists, has more than once benefited art by furnishing the subject, the hero, and the inspiration. Thus Washington, the noblest of Virginians, inspired Stuart with that slight but matchless sketch in the Boston Athenaeum, which is undoubtedly the most celebrated American picture in existence. Henry, another Virginian, is the subject of that historical painting <placeName key="tgn,2570615" n="1.000 1" reg="patrick henry, charlotte, virginia" authname="tgn,2570615">Patrick Henry</placeName> in the <rs type="place">House of Burgesses</rs>, which is perhaps the masterpiece of Rothermel. And now the chief American engraver, William Edgar Marshall, who has already, by a stroke or a few strokes of genius, scattered Stuart's masterpiece across the country in an incomparable line engraving, has issued another print, likewise of very uncommon power, representing that man who of all contemporary Americans has perhaps the greatest number of admirers both in the North and the South, General Robert E. Lee.

This new work is very ambitious in size, grasp and treatment. It is a bust-portrait, the head being somewhat larger than life, and the chest being represented below the shoulders. Although the scale is so large, there is none of his works in which this master of pure line has shown more care and intelligence in representing, by well chosen strokes, the richness and transparency of complexion, the variety of textures, the filmy lightness of hair and beard, the fullness of stuffs, and the general sense of enveloping air, all of which combine to give quality to a portrait.

The face, turned somewhat to the spectator's right, represents Lee in the hale strength of middle age, with the eagle force of the eyes slightly veiled by the influence of time and experience. As in the record of his life the vicissitudes of history only taught this grand man a calm and equable dignity, so in the portrait it is the endurance, fortitude and unconquerable nobility of character which are made emphatic. The active and aggressive traits are held in check by a sense of superior wisdom. If ever the expression of a modern face deserved to be called Olympian, it is the countenance delineated in this remarkable print. Seldom has an engraver given such liquid depth to a large, grand eye. It looks out straight to the horizon, with a comprehensive glance of ineffable manliness, repose, and natural command. It shows the courage to act, and also the courage to bear and to wait.

The fine, waving, grizzled hair and beard, which gave to Lee the soldierly comeliness of some noble old moustache of the Peninsula, are treated by Mr. Marshall with a felicity that only his long experience with the burin could inspire. The light waved lines express, at the proper distance, the exact character of dry, soft, silky, aged hair, which lifts easily on every breeze, and always allows the conformation of the cranium and the muscular anatomy of the face to be distinctly divined. The grand and thought-worn forehead, the firm mouth, and the general monumental and strong character of the face are well understood and rendered. Few heroes have had so pure and heroic a type of face. The engraver understands his work so well as to leave on the beholder's mind an impression of magnificent manhood, of vast resources of energy, and finally of self-communing, self-respecting calm.

The dress indicated is the old working uniform of warlike days — the suit three small stars on the collar, the waistcoat carelessly opened, and the white shirt stiffly tied at the neck with black. Although this uniform, however, indicates a definite historical period, we cannot help seeing in the air of the majestic face a something which that particular uniform never accompanied — the accomplished work of life, the chastening and visionary sadness of a Lost Cause, the grandeur of self-repression. By this happy inconsistency, this ben trovato anachronism, we conceive the engraver to wish to include the whole record of a great career, and to combine at once the characteristics of the time of effort and the time of retrospection. The technical quality of this head is throughout peculiarly good: seldom has pure line given as good a suggestion of the painter's carnation and gray and silver and warm shadows. Every plane of the modeling, every variation of tint in a rich blood-chased complexion is keenly followed by the change of line, and subtly interpreted to the eye. The mere technical inventiveness of this large print is a lesson to the line-engraver.

Wade Hampton, Governor of South Carolina, is now a grand historic figure whom the world admires. Lieutenant-General Wade Hampton of the old Cavalry Corps, Army of Northern Virginia, won the admiration of all who love chivalric skill and daring. But the bold yet cautious and prudent campaign which has rescued his native State from carpet-bag rule and plunder, and made Wade Hampton Governor of South Carolina, the idol of his people, and the admiration of the world, has shown him possessed of even nobler traits of mind and heart than he ever displayed on the field of battle, and has made the world more anxious than ever to see the lineaments of his classic face.

We are greatly indebted to Walker, Evans & Cogswell, of Charleston, S. C., for a superb engraving of this grand man. The likeness is a very admirable one, the execution is fine, and the picture one which we would be glad to see extensively hung in the homes of our people, that our children may study the features of this noble specimen of the soldier, patriot and statesman.

A Roster of General Ed. Johnson's division, Ewell's corps, had been prepared along with the other copy of the Army of Northern Virginia Roster, and was left out by one of those strange mishaps which will sometimes occur in the best regulated offices. It will appear at the end of the entire Roster.

The Confederate Roster is nearly complete, and has excited considerable interest and attention. That some errors should have crept into it, and some omissions have occurred, is not to be wondered at. Indeed, no one can have any tolerable conception of the immense amount of labor it has cost to dig out a Roster from the imperfect records to be had, without admiring the patient research which our friend, Colonel Jones, has shown, and wondering that his work contains so few errors or omissions.

After the publication of the Roster in its present form is completed, it is designed to thoroughly revise and correct it, make such additions to it as may be necessary, and then publish it in separate book form. Meantime the author is exceedingly anxious to make it as accurate and complete as possible, and we would esteem it a favor if any one detecting errors or omissions would write us the necessary corrections.

Renew! Renew! renew! is now the watchword at this office. If any of our subscribers fail to receive this number of our papers, and should chance to see this paragraph in the copy of some more fortunate neighbor, let them know that the trouble probably is that they have failed to pay their subscription for 1877. We dislike very much to part company with any of our subscribers, but we must adhere to our terms, which are cash in advance.

Agents are wanted to canvass every city, town, village and community for our papers, and to a reliable, efficient agent we can pay liberal commissions.

But our agents must make us frequent reports and prompt remittances. Subscribers are entitled to receive their papers just as soon as they pay for them, and we cannot, of course, send them until the agent reports the names to us.

Contributions to our archives continue to come in, and our collection grows more and more valuable every day. Among others received we acknowledge now the following:

From Mr. Yates Snowden, of Charleston, S. C.: The land we love for 1868, and two numbers for 1869; a number of war newspapers for 1861, 1862, 1863 and 1864; a number of valuable Confederate pamphlets.

From A. Barron Holmes, Esq., of Charleston, S. C.: Caldwell's History of <persName n="Gregg,,,,," id="n0118.0017.00094.00835" reg="mostcommon:Gregg,nomatch:0" authname="gregg"><surname full="yes">Gregg</surname></persName>'s (<persName n="McGowan,,,,," id="n0118.0017.00094.00836" reg="mostcommon:McGowan,nomatch:0" authname="mcgowan"><surname full="yes">McGowan</surname></persName>'s) <orgName type="mil" key="SCBrigade">South Carolina brigade</orgName>; Holmes' Phosphate Rocks of <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712">South Carolina</placeName> ; Report of the Committee on the Destruction of Churches in the Diocese of South Carolina during the late War, presented to the Protestant Episcopal Convention, May, 1868. (This report shows that in the diocese of South Carolina the enemy burned ten churches and tore down three; that eleven parsonages were burned; that every church between the Savannah river and Charleston was injured, some stripped even of weatherboarding and flooring; that almost every minister in that region of the State lost home and library; that almost every church lost its communion plate — often a massive and venerable set, the donation of an English or Colonial ancestor,--and that clergy and parishioners alike had been so robbed and despoiled that they were reduced to absolute want.) The record of <placeName key="tgn,2335552" n="1.000 10" reg="Fort Sumpter, Baker, Oregon" authname="tgn,2335552">Fort Sumpter</placeName> during the <name>Administration</name> of <persName n="Pickens,Governor,,,," id="n0118.0017.00094.00838" reg="mostcommon:Pickens,nomatch:0" authname="pickens"><roleName n="Governor" full="yes">Governor</roleName> <surname full="yes">Pickens</surname></persName>, compiled by W. A. Harris; address of Major Theo. G. Barker at the anniversary of the Washington Artillery Club, February 22d, 1876; Reinterment of the South Carolina Dead from Gettysburg, address of Rev. Dr. Girardeau, odes, &c.; Oration of General Wade Hampton, and poem of Rev. Dr. E. T. Winkler, at the unveiling of the monument of the Washington Light Infantry of Charleston, June 16th, 1870; <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712">South Carolina</placeName> in arms, arts, and the <name>Industries</name>, by John Peyre Thomas, Superintendent of Carolina Military Institute; Map of the Siege of Vicksburg; Map of the Seat of War in Mississippi; Marginalia, or Gleanings from an army note book, by Personne, army correspondent, &c., Columbia, S. C., 1864; The burning of <placeName reg="Columbia, Richland, South Carolina" key="tgn,7013641" authname="tgn,7013641">Columbia, S. C.</placeName>, by Dr. D. H. Trezevant.

From J. F. Mayer, Richmond: Messages of President Davis for January 18th, February 5th, February 13th and February 14th, 1864. Mr. Mayer is an industrious collector of Confederate material, and places us under frequent obligations for rare and valuable documents.

From General Carter L. Stevenson, Fredericksburg, Va: A box of his headquarter papers, which consist of such valuable material as the following: Report of Lieutenant-General S. D. Lee of the operations of his corps from the time he succeeded General Hood in the command to the arrival of the army at Palmetto Station; General Lee's report of Hood's Tennessee Campaign; General Stevenson's report of the same campaign; General Stevenson's report of the operations of his division from the beginning of the Dalton-Atlanta campaign up to May 30th, 1864; General Stevenson's report of engagement on

Powder Springs road

, June 22d, 1864; Reports of General Stevenson, General Brown, General J. R. Jackson, General E. C. Walthal, General E. W. Pettus, and a number of regimental and battery commanders of the Battle of Lookout Mountain.

A large number of general field orders, field letters, field notes, returns, inspection reports, &c., &c., which are invaluable material for a history of Stevenson's division, and indeed of the whole army with which this gallant and accomplished officer was connected.

(We are exceedingly anxious to collect a full set of papers bearing on the operations of our Western armies, and regard this contribution of General Stevenson as a most valuable addition to the large amount of such material which we already had in our archives.)

From the Department of State, Washington: Foreign relations of the United States, 1876.

From General Eaton, Commissioner of Education: Report of education bureau for 1875. Special Report on Libraries in the United States.

From Major R. F. Walker, Superintendent Public Printing, Va.: Annual reports for 1875-76.

From Dr. W. H. Ruffner, Superintendent of Public Instruction, Va.: School report for 1876.

From Historical Society of Montana: Contributions, Vol. I, 1876.

From Major H. B. McClellan, of Lexington, Kentucky (in addition to contributions acknowledged in our last): Two letters of instructions from General R. E. Lee to General Stuart-one dated August 19, 1862, and the other August 19, 1862, 4 3/4 P. M.; General Lee's order of battle on the Rapidan, August 19, 1862; General Stuart's report of October 24, 1862, giving roster of his cavalry division and recommending Col. Thomas T. Munford to be promoted to rank of brigadier-general; autograph letter from General Stuart to General Cooper, dated November 11, 1862, recommending the promotion of Major Pelham to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of artillery; original letter from General R. E. Lee to General Stuart commending the gallant conduct of Sergeant Mickler, of Second South Carolina cavalry, and his party in the fight at Brentsville January 9, 1863, and stating that he had recommended their promotion for gallantry and skill ; confidential letter (dated April 4, 1864), from General Stuart to General J. R. Chambliss, commander of his outposts on the Lower Rappahannock; confidential letter of Colonel Charles Marshall (General Lee's military secretary) to General Stuart conveying important information and orders from General Lee.

From General I. M. St. John, last Commissary-General: A report to President Davis of the closing operations of the Commissary Department. Letters from Ex-President Davis, General R. E. Lee; General John C. Breckinridge, Secretary of War; Colonel Thomas G. Williams, Assistant Commissary-General; Major J. H. Claiborne, Commissary Department; Major B. P. Noland, Chief Commissary for Virginia; Hon. Lewis E. Harvie, late president of the Richmond and Danville and Petersburg railroads; and Bishop T. U. Dudley, late major and C. S.--all confirming the statements made in General St. John's report. These papers have never been published, and are of great historic interest and value.

From Robert W. Christian, Esq., Richmond: General J. B. Magruder's report of his operations on the Peninsula, and of the battles of Savage Station, and Malvern Hill. Maryland's Hope, by W. Jefferson Buchanan. Richmond, 1864. Letters of John Scott, of Fauquier, proposing constitutional reform in the Confederate Government. Richmond, 1864.

From Professor L. M. Blackford, Episcopal High-School: A volume of Confederate battle reports, including Generals Beauregard's and Johnston's reports of first Manassas, and a number of other reports of the first year of the war.

From Major I. Scheibert, of the Royal Prussian Engineers: The French edition of his work on the civil war in America. We are awaiting the promise of a competent soldier and critic to give us a review of this able book.

Southern Historical Society papers. Vol. III. Richmond, Va., March, 1877. no. 3. Resources of the Confederacy in 1865--report of General I. M. St. John, Commissary General.

[The following report of General St. John, from his original Ms., with the accompanying letters, will form a necessary supplement to the papers on the Resources of the Confederacy which we published last year, and will be found to be of great interest and historic value. From these papers it appears certain that the Departments never received the letter written by General Lee requesting the accumulation of supplies for his army at Amelia Courthouse.]

Louisville, Kentucky, July 14th, 1873. Hon. Jefferson Davis:

Sir — In pursuance of your suggestion, I have the honor to report, from the best accessible data, the closing operations of the Confederate States commissary service. As you are probably aware, many of the more important papers of the Subsistence Bureau were lost during the Richmond fire and the subsequent retreat. It accordingly became essential to verify in the most careful manner all statements herein resting simply upon personal recollection. This has been done; and hence the time which has been allowed to pass since the first intimation of your wishes.

Early in February, 1865, I received the order of transfer from the direction of the Nitre and Mining Corps to that of the Subsistence Bureau. A very brief inquiry into the available resources of the latter sufficed to disclose a state of affairs calling for extreme and indeed exceptional measures to meet immediate and very urgent requisitions. The more remote future I found too critically involved in the military operations, then progressing in Virginia and the Carolinas, to require more than general consideration. Beyond the most trusted confidential officers of the Executive and the War Department, few knew how far military events and hostile pressure had come to control the power of the Subsistence Bureau to execute its ordinary duties. I expected to find greater embarrassments in arranging a prompt and ample collection of supplies for the Southern armies, from the depreciated currency, the failing condition of the railroads and the general exhaustion of the country; but difficulties still more serious lay elswhere. In every military department, and in the several districts of supply (which I examined), after the fullest allowance for all local obstacles, and all possible official shortcomings, the military status was still found to be the real measure of the ability of the Subsistence Bureau to collect at that time the required supplies. Cavalry raids, which at first only occasionally cut the more important lines of communication, had penetrated at the close of 1864 into the interior districts and had become very destructive. Travel and the movement of supplies were in several important instances (as officially reported to the War Department) suspended for days at a time on every leading railroad within our lines. Upon some of these roads communications were only restored with great difficulty, and on one important trunk line not at all. Interior depots of supplies previously deemed secure against all risk, were frequently captured and destroyed. Several of the more productive districts of Virginia and the Carolinas, which were relied upon for certain supply in last resort, had passed permanently into hostile occupation. All the remaining districts of supply (in February, 1865) were either directly menaced, or remotely disturbed by military preparations and movements for what proved to be our closing struggle.

Under these depressing circumstances, I found the army of Northern Virginia with difficulty supplied day by day with reduced rations. In the other military departments, however, the situation was better; and from several it was still possible to draw a considerable surplus for the Richmond and Petersburg depots, whenever transportation could be procured.

After a brief survey of the work to be done and of our remaining resources as before referred to, I at once proceeded to organize a system of appeal and of private contribution as auxiliary to the regular operations of the commissary service. With the earnest and very active aid of leading citizens of Virginia and North Carolina, this effort was attended with results exceeding expectation. Calls were made upon the Quartermaster-General in person, and the officers in charge of the corn and forage supply for combined action; and these calls were met to the extreme limit of their power. Requisitions were also made upon the reserve stores of the Nitre and Mining Bureau, which my successor (in hearty cooperation) arranged to meet without detriment to his own service. Still further to increase receipts of meat and other supplies from beyond the Confederate lines, requisitions for coin were approved by the President and the Secretary of War, and were met as called for by the Treasury Department. It would be an omission not to add in this direct connection that all aid and support possible under the circumstances were rendered to the Commissary-General by his superior and associate officers, and especially by the old corps of his predecessor.

With these combined agencies, it was found practicable during the ensuing three weeks to materially improve the collection of supplies for the Army of Northern Virginia and in part for their delivery: sufficiently so to become the subject of special note in the correspondence of the General Commanding (General Lee) with the War Department, to which reference is made in the appended letter of the late Secretary of War (General Breckinridge). On or before March 15th, 1865, the Commissary-General was able to report to the Secretary of War that in addition to the daily issue of rations to the Army of Northern Virginia, there lay in depot along the railroad between Greensboroa (North Carolina), Lynchburg, Staunton and Richmond, at least ten days rations of bread and meat, collected especially for that army, and subject to the requisition of its chief commissary officer: also that considerably over 300,000 rations were held in Richmond as a special reserve, and that the Post Commissary, Major J. H. Claiborne, had marked down and was prepared to impress a still larger quantity of flour and other supplies secretly stored by hoarders and speculators.

In the accompanying statement of the Assistant Commissary-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas G. Williams (see appended papers), it will be further observed that there was collected by April 1st, 1865, in depot, subsistence stated in detail as follows:

At Richmond, Virginia, 300,000 rations bread and meat.

At Danville, Virginia, 500,000 rations bread.

At Danville, Virginia, 1,500,000 rations meat.

At Lynchburg, Virginia, 180,000 rations bread and meat.

At Greensboroa, North Carolina, and vicinity, 1,500,000 rations bread and meat.

In addition, there were considerable supplies of tea, coffee and sugar carefully reserved for hospital issues chiefly. These returns did not include the subsistence collections by the field trains of the Army of Northern Virginia under orders from its own headquarters, nor the depot collections at Charlottesville, Staunton and other points upon the Virginia Central railroad to meet requisitions from the Confederate forces operating in the Valley and Western Virginia. South and West of Greensboroa (North Carolina) the depot accumulations were reserved first to meet requisitions for the forces operating in the Carolinas, and the surplus for Virginia requisitions.

This collection of supplies was reported daily, as it progressed, to the Secretary of War. The Quartermaster-General and his officers were also officially advised as occasion required. It is hardly necessary to add that every possible effort was made to secure from the Quartermaster Department prompt transportation from the railroad depots to the front; but the officers of that Department, owing to the rapid deterioration and, in many cases, the absolute failure of the motive power of the railroads, were unable to forward the collected supplies as fast as they were brought into depots. After every effort to move had been exhausted, the supplies not transported were placed in temporary sub-depots to await events.

Early in March, 1865, the questions arising out of the status thus set forth were carefully considered in a conference between the Secretary of War (General Breckinridge) and the General Commanding (General Lee), to which the Quartermaster-General (General Lawton) and the Commissary-General were called. After a general discussion of the army wants in clothing, forage and subsistence, the Commissary-General, in reply to the inquiry of the General Commanding, stated that a daily delivery by cars and canal boat, at or near Richmond, of about five hundred tons of commissary stores was essential to provide for the Richmond siege reserve and other accumulations desired by the General Commanding; that the depot collections were already sufficient to assure the meeting of these requisitions, and if the then existing military lines could be held, the Commissary-General felt encouraged as to the future of his own immediate Department. Upon the question of railroad transportation, the Quartermaster-General then stated that the rolling stock at command, and especially the engines, had become so much worn and otherwise deficient, and without means or provision for renewal, that the daily delivery in Richmond and Petersburg of five hundred tons of commissary stores in addition to other requirements of the general service and the demands of the resident population, could not be guaranteed. He engaged, however, to make every possible effort to secure from the railroad companies the desired improvement in the condition of their rolling stock. These efforts were made; but at that late period of exhaustion the situation had passed all human power to amend.

The Commissary-General next submitted the question of military protection of stores in transit; but the Commanding General in reply dwelt upon the increasing military pressure upon his lines and his own diminishing forces. No better protection was to be looked for in the coming than in the last campaign.

From the date of this interview until the evacuation of Richmond, the Bureau effort continued to be directed to depot accumulations, and with the general result already referred to, and of which the annexed statements of the Assistant Commissary-General and of Majors Claiborne, Noland and Dudley, Confederate States Army, present details.

Upon the earliest information of the approaching evacuation, instructions were asked from the War Department and the General Commanding for the final disposition of the subsistence reserve in Richmond, then reported by Major Claiborne, Post Commissary, to exceed in quantity 350,000 rations. The reply — Send up the Danville railroad if Richmond is not safe — was received from the army headquarters April 2d, 1865, and too late for action, as all railroad transportation had then been taken up, by superior orders, for the archives, bullion and other Government service then deemed of prior importance. All that remained to be done was to fill every accessible army wagon; and this was done, and the trains were hurried southward. The residue of the subsistence reserve was then distributed among the citizens of Richmond, partly in a regular manner under the direction of the Post Commissary, and thereafter, what was left, after the evacuation had progressed too far for an orderly distribution, was appropriated by the crowd.

It may be added that on March 31st, or possibly the morning of April 1st, a telegram was received at the Bureau in Richmond from the chief commissary officer of the Army of Northern Virginia requesting bread stuffs to be sent to Petersburg. Shipment was commenced at once, and was pressed to the extreme limit of transportation permitted by the movement of General Longstreet's corps (then progressing) southward. No calls by letter or requisition from the General Commanding, or from any other source, official or unofficial, had been received, either by the Commissary-General or the Assistant Commissary-General; nor (as will be seen by the appended letter of the Secretary of War) was any communication transmitted through the Department channels to the Bureau of Subsistence--for the collection of supplies at Amelia Courthouse. Had any such requisition or communication been received at the Bureau as late as the morning of April 1st, it could have been met from the Richmond reserve, with transportation on south-bound trains; and most assuredly so previous to General Longstreet's movement.

On the morning of April 3d, the Commissary-General left Richmond with the Secretary of War, for the headquarters of the General Commanding near Amelia Springs. On the route efforts were made to press to the same point several trains of army wagons with subsistence, part of which was captured by hostile cavalry then operating immediately in the rear of General Lee's army near Clementon bridge of the Appomattox river, and the remainder were turned off towards Farmville. The party of the Secretary of War forced their way with difficulty through to Amelia Springs., passings long lines of army trains (headquarter and subsistence) still burning.

After personal conference, early on the morning of the 6th, with the General Commanding (at General Longstreet's quarters) as to the disposition of the remaining supplies at Farmville, the Secretary of War with the Quartermaster-General, the Chief of the Engineer Bureau and the Commissary-General, proceeded to Farmville, the latter officer awaiting notification from headquarters whether to hold at Farmville or to send down the railroad about 80,000 rations there held on trains for immediate issue. No return communication coming from the General Commanding or the corps commanders, couriers were repeatedly sent out: but the military events of the day were very adverse on the left. During that night and the morning of the 7th, the remnants of the army passed through Farmville taking but a portion of the rations there being issued. On the day before, the Commissary-General asked from the General Commanding, in the presence of the Secretary of War, instructions or suggestions as to placing these Farmville supplies at the most convenient points of temporary security, the presence of the enemy's cavalry having caused the supplies of other depots to be moved westward. General Lee replied in substance that the military situation did not permit an answer.

On the evening of the 7th the party of the Secretary of War again met the subsistence trains on the railroad at Pamphlin's station, twenty miles west of Farmville. From reports of hostile movements close at hand, the Commissary-General suggested that the cars be ordered further west, communicating, if possible, with the General Commanding, then six miles distant on the Appomattox road. It was, however, on consultation with the Secretary of War and Quartermaster-General, not deemed advisable, under the extreme uncertainty of information, to give special orders. The next morning these cars, or the larger portion, were captured, or burned to avoid capture. The surrender followed the subsequent day, April 9th.

From Pamphlin's depot, the Commissary-General accompanied the Secretary of War to Danville, and thence to Greensboroa (North Carolina), then the headquarters of General Joseph E. Johnston. At Danville instructions were given to Colonel T. G. Williams and Major S. B. French (ranking officers) to remain with Major B. P. Noland, Chief Commissary Officer in Virginia, and reorganize the commissary service in that State, should events permit.

The Bureau headquarters were continued in North Carolina until the surrender of that Military Department.

During the interval, preparations were made for the westward movement of forces as then contemplated. In these arrangements, the local depots were generally found so full, and supplies so well in hand, from Charlotte southwest, that the Commissary-General was able to report to the Secretary of War that the requisitions for which he was notified to prepare could all be met. The details of this service were executed, and very ably, by Major J. H. Claiborne, then and until the end Assistant Commissary-General.

The remaining duties of the Subsistence Bureau from that time until the final surrender of the Trans-Mississippi Department, consisted chiefly in arranging, so far as was permitted by our rapidly diminishing territory and resources, for the supply of returning troops and the hospitals.

Permit me in closing to acknowledge in grateful terms the very efficient aid of Lieutenant-Colonel T. G. Williams, Assistant Commissary-General, Majors French, Claiborne, Noland and Dudley, and of all Commissary officers who assisted in the execution of the duties indicated in this report.

Very respectfully,

I. M. St. John, (Late) Commissary-General C. S. A. Louisville, Kentucky, 1st November, 1873. General I. M. St. John:

Dear Sir — I have read with great satisfaction your report of your administration of the commissariat of the Confederate States. The facts stated by you, and by those connected with you in your official duties as Commissary-General, accord with my recollections and impressions, as well as with your oral report to me soon after the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia. Had your expressions been stronger than they are, they would but the more fully have corresponded with the oral report referred to, and with your statement as to the provision made to supply the troops under the command of General Johnston, had that army made the contemplated retreat.

With great regard and a grateful remembrance of your zeal and efficiency in the several offices held by you in the service of the Confederacy,

I am faithfully, yours,

(Signed)

Jefferson Davis. Phoenix Hotel, Lexington, Kentucky, May 16th, 1871.

My dear General — My absence from home for some weeks has caused a delay in answering your letter in relation to the supplies for General Lee's army about the time of the evacuation of Richmond.

Without reciting the various points of your inquiries, I will answer them by a general statement.

I took charge of the War Department on the 5th of February, 1865. The evacuation of Richmond occurred the night of the 2d of April. When I arrived at Richmond the Commissary Department, from the cutting of the railroads by the enemy's cavalry, and other causes not necessary to mention, was in a very deplorable condition. I placed you, much against your wishes, at the head of the Department. Your conduct of it under all the disadvantages was so satisfactory that a few weeks afterwards I received a letter from General Lee, in which he said that his army had not been so well supplied for many months.

A few days before the evacution of Richmond you reported to me that besides supplies accumulated at different distant points in Virginia and North Carolina, you had ten days rations accessible by rail, to and subject to the orders of his Chief Commissary.

I have no recollection of any communication from General Lee in regard to the accumulation of rations at Amelia Courthouse. If any came to me, it was probably by telegram on the day of the evacuation, when it was too late to comply.

You and I had daily interviews, and I am sure that all requisitions were promptly considered and filled when possible.

The second or third day after the evacuation, I recollect you said to General Lee in my presence that you had a large number of rations (I think 80,000) at a convenient point on the railroad, and desired to know where you should place them. The General replied that the military situation made it impossible to answer.

General Lee's letter to me, relative to the improved condition of the Commissary Department, is probably among the Confederate archives at Washington city.

I am, General, respectfully and truly,

(Signed)

John C. Breckinridge. General I. M. St. John, Louisville, Kentucky. Richmond, Va., September, 1865. General:

At your request, I have the honor to make the following statement, from the best data I could obtain:

On the 1st of April, 1865, the Subsistence Bureau of the Confederate States, had available for the army of Northern Virginia: At Richmond, 300,000 rations bread and meat; at Danville, 500,000 rations bread; at Danville, 1,500,000 rations meat; at Lynchburg, 180,000 rations bread and meat; at Greensboroa, North Carolina, and the vicinity of Danville, there were in addition not less than 1,500,000 rations of bread and meat; there were also at the points above named large supplies of tea, coffee and sugar,. which were reserved chiefly for issues to hospital.

These supplies were held ready for distribution upon the requisition of the Chief Commissary of General Lee's army. No requisitions were then on hand unsupplied.

On the morning of 2d April, 1865, the Chief Commissary of General Lee's army was asked by telegram, what should be done with the stores in Richmond. No reply was received until night; he then suggested that if Richmond was not safe, they might be sent up on the Richmond and Danville railroad. As the evacuation of Richmond was then actively progressing, it was impracticable to move those supplies.

For many months previously the army wagon trains had been employed in collecting subsistence throughout the country and hauling directly to the army near Petersburg. No report of these collections was ever made directly to the Bureau; so no estimate can be made of the amount of stores held in that way on or about the 1st of April, 1865.

In reply to your question with regard to the establishment of a depot of supplies at Amelia Courthouse, I have to say that I had no information of any such requisition or demand upon the Bureau. During the month of March, and up to the 1st April, 1865, the combined exertions of our own officers and those of the volunteer commissariat kept all of the sub-depots on the lines of railroad in Virginia nearly always full. The means of transportation were constantly inadequate.

Very respectfully,

(Signed)

Thomas G. Williams, (Late) Lt.-Col. and Act. Asst. Comy.-Gen. C. S. Army. Richmond, June 3d, 1873.

General — Your communication, calling attention to difference in my statement of number of rations at this post at the time of the evacution of the city (400,000 rations of bread and meat) and that of Lieutenant-Colonel T. G. Williams, Assistant Commissary-General (300,000 rations of bread and meat), has been duly considered. This difference has evidently been caused by reports to the Bureau prior to the latest movements before the evacuation of the city, and I feel fully assured in reiterating my statement that I controlled the quantity claimed; and more, that I had under my eye stores put away by speculators and hoarders that could have been gathered in short time, and had been permitted to remain undisturbed until necessity demanded. I distributed a large number of rations on the day and night of the evacuation to every demand from army sources, to many of the citizens, and then, with the pressure of the evacuation, the supplies were taken possession of by the crowd.

No order was received by me, and (with full opportunities of information if it had been given) I have no knowledge of any plan to send supplies to Amelia Courthouse.

Under such circumstances, with transportation afforded, there could readily have been sent about 300,000 rations, with due regard to the demand upon this post.

During the retreat, supplies were found at Pamphlin's depot, Farmville, Danville, Salisbury and Charlotte: and being placed under orders as Assistant Commissary-General, I forwarded supplies from South Carolina to General J. E. Johnston's army, and also collected supplies at six or seven named points in that State for the supposed retreat of General Johnston's army through the State. This duty, with a full determination at the evacuation of this city to follow the fortunes of our cause, gave me opportunity of ascertaining the resources of the country for my Department. The great want was that of transportation, and specially was it felt by all collecting commissaries for a few months before the surrender.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)

J. H. Claiborne, (Late) Major and C. S. C. S. A. To General I. M. St. John, (Late) Commy. Gen. of Subs. C. S. A. Middleburg, Va., April 16th, 1874.

Dear General — My absence from home for a month, and the consequent accumulation of business, imposes on me the necessity of making but a brief and hurried answer to your inquiries.

Had I the time it would give me pleasure to give you, as desired, a full statement of the organization and working of the Subsistence Bureau, and its condition when you were appointed Commissary-General in February, 1865. I have read with care your statement to Mr. Davis of the operations of the Subsistence Bureau during the dark and closing days of the Confederacy, when you were the chief of that Bureau, and so far as I was cognizant of them, or was at the time informed, I think the statement entirely correct. I was Chief Commissary of Virginia, with the rank of Major and Commissary, was stationed in Richmond, with my office in the same building with that of the Commissary-General, and was in close association with him. I think the plan adopted by your predecessor, Colonel Northrop (which was continued by you), for obtaining for the use of the army the products of the country, was as perfect and worked as effectively as any that could have been devised.

Each State had its chief commissary; was laid off in divisions, with an officer in each, and the divisions subdivided, with agents in each of them. All these officers had the authority to impress supplies; and with this power and the money which was furnished them without stint, all supplies which could be spared from the support of the non-combatants were obtained for the use of the army. The accumulations at the supply depots were regularly reported by the subordinate officers to the Chief Commissary of the State, and by him to the Commissary-General, who, either by general or special order, directed their disposition.

I recollect well when you took charge of the Bureau, that our condition was almost desperate, not because our supplies were exhausted (though exhaustion at a not remote future was looked to and seriously apprehended), but because our transportation from points where supplies were accumulated had almost entirely failed us. All the railroads were in bad condition, and several of the most important ones had been so damaged by the enemy's cavalry as to be unavailing for the transportation of supplies for weeks at a time.

Your action was prompt, energetic and efficient. Your appeal for temporary aid from private resources was nobly responded to by the people. The damaged roads were speedily repaired, and very soon we felt, as I well recollect, in a comparatively comfortable condition; and thus we continued until the evacuation of Richmond. I have no means of stating the quantities of supplies on hand at my several depots at or about that time, for all my official papers were burned, but I know that in Richmond, Danville, Lynchburg, Staunton, Charlottesville, &c., the accumulations were large. I left Richmond at 1 o'clock of the night Richmond was evacuated, with orders from you to make Lynchburg my headquarters, and be ready to forward supplies from that point to the army. I never heard of any order for the accumulation of supplies at Amelia Springs. If such order was given it must have been after the evacuation of Richmond was determined on, and when railroad transportation could not be had; prior to that time such order could readily have been complied with.

Regretting that I cannot make a more full and satisfactory response to your inquiries,

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)

B. P. Noland, (Late) Major and Chief Commissary for Virginia, C. S. A. General I. M. St. John, (Late) Commissary-General C. S. A. January 1st, 1876. General I. M. St. John. Late Commissary-General Confederate States:

Dear Sir — I have read your report of July 14th, 1873, to Hon. Jefferson Davis, giving an account of the operations of the Confederate States commissary service, with great interest, and am confident of its correctness and accuracy in every essential particular. While you filled the office of Commissary-General, and during your predecessor's administration of that Department, I was president and in charge of the Richmond and Danville railroad and the Piedmont railroad, and conversant (except for a short interval) with many matters connected with the commissariat at Richmond. My relations with two of the Secretaries of War and with Colonel Northrup, as well as the principal officers of his Department, were numerous, and frequently confidential. I had official as well as personal relations with them at all times, and their views and actions on the subject of transportation were frequently communicated to me. I was familiar with the wants of the Government, and when the city of Richmond was selected as the Capital of the Confederacy, I was consulted as to the best plan for systematising the transportation over all the railroad lines within its limits; and being president of the Richmond and Danville and Piedmont railroads, some times the only ones open to the city of Richmond, great responsibility was devolved on me. The difficulties of obtaining supplies were very great, particularly when the roads under my charge were cut and transportation suspended on them, which was the case upon one or two occasions for several weeks. Engines and cars and machinery generally on these roads were insufficient and inadequate from wear and tear, to accomplish the amount of transportation required by the Government, barely sufficient to meet the daily wants. Every other route for obtaining supplies outside of the State of Virginia was closed long before the surrender, but after you entered on the discharge of the duties of Commissary-General, the Richmond and Danville and Piedmont railroads were kept open, and about that time we added largely to its rolling stock, by procuring engines and cars from the different roads on the route of the Virginia and Tennessee railroad west. Starvation had stared the Army of Northern Virginia in the face; and the Commissary Department organized an appeal to the people on the line of the Richmond and Danville railroad for voluntary contributions of supplies, and a number of gentlemen of influence, character and position, including the most eminent clergymen of the State, addressed them in several counties, urging them to furnish the supply wanted.

No one who witnessed can ever forget the result. Contribution was universal, and, supplies of food, sufficient to meet the wants of the army at the time, were at once sent to the depots on the road, until they were packed and groaned under their weight; and I affirm that at the time of the evacuation of Richmond, the difficulty of delivering supplies sufficient for the support of the Army of Northern Virginia under General Lee was solved and surmounted, for I know that abundant supplies were in reach of transportation on the Richmond and Danville railroad, being massed in Danville, Charlotte, and at other points; and from the increased motive power above referred to, they could have been delivered as fast as they were required. Moreover, sufficient means — not in Confederate currency, but in specie--just before the evacuation of Richmond, had been furnished me by Mr. Trenholm, Secretary of the Treasury, to meet the exigency and pay all pressing demands on the company. At the time of the evacuation of that city, there were ample supplies in it, as well as on the railroad west of Amelia Courthouse, to have been delivered at the latter place for the retreating army, if its numbers had been double what they were. No orders were ever given to any officers or employee of the Richmond and Danville railroad to transport any supplies to Amelia Courthouse for General Lee's army, nor did I ever hear that any such orders were sent to the Commissary Department on the occasion of the evacuation of Richmond, until after the surrender of the army. On Saturday, the day before the evacuation of the city, I was officially informed by the Quartermaster-General (Lawton), by direction of President Davis, that the Government had no purpose to evacuate the city at that time, and no reason to expect it, and that I could leave Richmond for a fortnight or more, if I desired to do so, without feeling any apprehension of its being evacuated in the meantime. This information was given me in answer to a communication that I wrote to President Davis on Friday night, asking full information of the purpose of the Government, in order that I might meet the responsibilities of my position. He not only directed the Secretary of War to give me all the information possessed by the War Department, but to procure any information that I might ask for from General Lee himself. Being assured that there was no reason to apprehend an evacuation of the city, I went on that evening to my home in Amelia, and returned next day, upon being informed by telegraph of the proposed evacuation. Neither the superintendent of the road nor myself, up to the time that the trains left the city, ever heard of supplies being wanted at Amelia Courthouse, although I had a long interview with the President and Secretary of War alone in my office in reference to the route to be taken by the wagon supply train, and a still longer conversation with the President on the cars during the night on his way to Danville. I have never believed that any orders to place supplies of food at Amelia Courthouse were received by the Commissary Department at the time of the evacuation of the city, because from Richmond, or from the upper portions of the railroad if required, they could at once have been transported without any delay or difficulty. Neither the road nor the telegraph was cut or disturbed until the day after the evacuation of the city. If orders were sent to the Commissary Department, I presume they were intercepted or otherwise miscarried.

Respectfully and truly yours,

(Signed)

Lewis E. Harvie. Baltimore, Md., July 7, 1873.

My Dear General — I have read carefully the statement you have submitted to the Hon. Jefferson Davis of the closing operations of the Confederate States Commissary Department, and I write to say that my recollection of the events of that troublous time entirely concurs with your own.

My duties as assigned by yourself gave me full knowledge of the effort inaugurated at that time to avail of the influence and labors of distinguished private citizens, and I distinctly remember that the results were such as you indicate. With the accumulation of supplies at the general depots I had no official connection, but I am quite convinced that the statements of yourself, Colonel Williams and Major Claiborne are entirely accurate.

Very respectfully and truly yours,

(Signed)

T. U. Dudley, Jr., (Late) Major and C. S. C. S. Army. General I. M. St. John, (Late) Commissary-General C. S. Army.

General Early's Valley campaign. By General A. L. Long, Chief of Artillery Second Corps Army of Northern Virginia.

[The history of this campaign has been ably and fully presented in General Early's Memoirs --a book that should be in the library of every one desiring to know the truth concerning General Lee's splendid campaign of 1864-but we are glad to be able to present the following outline from the pen of the accomplished soldier who served as Early's Chief of Artillery.]

In compliance with his instructions, General Early, on the 13th of June, withdrew his corps, consisting of about eight thousand infantry and twenty-four pieces of artillery, from the Army of Northern Virginia, and proceeded towards Staunton. The artillery was subsequently increased to forty guns, and his forces were further augmented by the addition of about fifteen hundred cavalry and two thousand infantry. At Charlottesville Early received intelligence of the rapid advance of Hunter upon Lynchburg with a force of twenty thousand men.

Promptly shifting his objective point, and availing himself of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, he moved with such rapidity that he reached Lynchburg in time to rescue it. At that time the only force at hand for the defence of Lynchburg was the division of Breckinridge, less than two thousand strong, and a few hundred home guards, composed of old men and boys whose age exempted them from active service. Hunter, finding himself unexpectedly confronted by Early, relinquished his intended attack upon the city, and sought safety in a rapid night retreat.

The next day Early instituted a vigorous pursuit, which continued with uninterrupted pertinacity, until Hunter was overtaken in the neighborhood of Salem, a small town on the Virginia and Tennessee railroad, where he was defeated and forced to a hazardous and disorganizing retreat through the mountains to the Ohio river.

Having at a single blow liberated the Valley, Early determined upon an immediate invasion of Maryland and a bold advance on Washington City. As his instructions were discretionary, he was at liberty to adopt that course, which at the time was both in a political and military point of view the best plan of action that could have been assumed.

The defence of Richmond being the settled policy of the Confederate Government, General Lee had on two occasions assumed the offensive in order to relieve that place from the paralyzing influence of the Federals.

The invasion of Maryland in 1862 and the campaign into Pennsylvania the following year had relieved Richmond of the presence of the enemy for more than a year, but the tide of war had again returned, and that celebrated city was gradually yielding to the powerful embrace of her besiegers, which could only be loosened by a strong diversion in her favor.

This Early undertook with the force at his command, after the disposal of Hunter's army. By uniting with his own corps the division of Breckinridge and Ransom's cavalry, Early found himself at the head of about twelve thousand men. Though he knew this force to be inadequate to the magnitude of the work in hand, nevertheless he determined to overcome his want of numbers by the rapidity of his movements, thus hoping to acquire a momentum by velocity that would enable him to overcome that produced by the superior gravity of his opponents.

After the dispersion of Hunter's forces, one day in preparation sufficed Early for the commencement of his advance upon Maryland. His route through the Valley extended over a distance of two hundred miles or more, but the road was good, and although the country had been laid waste a short time before by Hunter, the genial season and fertile soil had already reproduced abundant subsistence for the horses and mules of the expedition; but the greater part of the supplies for the troops were necessarily drawn from Lynchburg and Richmond. To prevent delay, therefore, orders were sent to these places directing supplies to be forwarded to convenient points along the line of march. Staunton was reached on the 27th of June. This was the most suitable point at which to supply the army, and there Early made a short halt to make the necessary arrangements to insure the uninterrupted continuance of his march. In this he was ably assisted by Colonel Allan, Majors Harman, Rogers, Hawks, and other members of his staff. The beautiful Valley of Virginia everywhere gave evidence of the ravages of war. Throughout the march down the Valley the unsparing hand of Hunter was proclaimed by the charred ruins of the once beautiful and happy homes. At Lexington the cracked and tottering walls of the Virginia Military Institute, the pride of Virginia and the Alma Mater of many of the distinguished sons of the South, were seen, and near them appeared the blackened remains of the private residence of Governor Letcher. Mrs. Letcher, with an infant hardly a week old, had been moved from her bed to witness the destruction of her house.

These melancholy scenes are almost too sad to relate; nevertheless they are facts that must stand in evidence of the cruelty with which the war was prosecuted by the North against the South.

When Early reached Winchester he learned that there was a Federal force at Harper's Ferry and another at Martinsburg, which it was necessary to dislodge before attempting the passage of the Potomac; and this was effected by the 4th of July without much opposition, the Federals having withdrawn without waiting an attack. The way being now clear, the passage of the Potomac was made on the 5th at Shepherdstown, and the army advanced to Sharpsburg.

Since the defeat of Hunter the advance of Early had been so rapid that his design to invade Maryland had not reached the Federal authorities in time to oppose his passage of the Potomac. But his entrance into Maryland being now known, it had produced great consternation as far as Baltimore and Washington. The boldness of this movement caused Early's forces to be greatly exaggerated, and rumor soon magnified it to four or five times its real strength.

The invasion was considered of such magnitude that the cities of Washington and Baltimore were thought to be in such imminent danger, that the greatest alacrity was instituted in every direction to collect troops for the defence of those places.

The object of General Early being simply a diversion in favor of the operations about Richmond, he remained a day or two at Sharpsburg, in order that the impression created by his invasion might have time to produce its full effect before he exposed his weakness by a further advance. At this time all the troops in the vicinity of Washington had been collected, besides which a large number of quartermaster's employees had been improvised as soldiers, thus making the force at hand exceed twenty thousand men, while two corps from the army besieging Richmond and a part of another corps from North Carolina, intended to reinforce that army, had been detached and put in rapid motion for the defence of the Capital.

In the face of these odds Early continued his advance into Maryland. At Frederick he found General Wallace, with about ten thousand men, in position to oppose the passage of the Monocacy. Immediate preparations were made to dislodge Wallace and effect a crossing of that stream. Rodes was thrown forward on the Baltimore and Ramseur on the Washington City road, while Gordon and Breckinridge, with a portion of Ransom's cavalry inclining to the right, moved to the fords a mile or two below the railroad bridge. At the same time the heights contiguous to the river were crowned by Long's artillery (consisting of the guns of Nelson, Braxton, King and McLaughlin), to cover the movement of the other troops.

When the troops had gained their position, the crossing at the lower fords was promptly accomplished, and Breckinridge and Gordon, quickly forming their line of battle, advanced rapidly up the stream toward the Federal position, and, after a short but spirited conflict, defeated Wallace, whose army soon fell into a panic and fled in wild confusion, spreading dismay for miles in every direction by the terrible accounts they gave of the tremendous force Early was leading through the country. The route being now open, Early proceeded by rapid marches to within cannon-shot of the walls of Washington. Since his entrance into Maryland his force had been exaggerated by the inhabitants and the soldiery he had met, until in their terrified imagination it was magnified to thirty or forty thousand men.

On his arrival before the Federal Capital, the exaggerated rumor of his strength having preceded him, its occupants were variously affected. The Federal authorities and all of their adherents were in a state of consternation, while the Southern sympathizers were full of exultation — for at the time it was thought by many he would take the city. Had he had twenty or thirty thousand men he would have done so, with a prospect of holding it, and giving a new turn to subsequent military operations. But Early was too prudent and sagacious to attempt an enterprise with a force of eight thousand men which, if successful, could only be of temporary benefit. He was therefore content to remain in observation long enough to give his movement full time to produce its greatest effect, and then withdrew in the face of a large army and recrossed the Potomac without molestation.

This campaign is remarkable for having accomplished more in proportion to the force employed, and for having given less public satisfaction, than any other campaign of the war. The want of appreciation of it is entirely due to the erroneous opinion that the City of Washington should have been taken; but this may be passed over as one of the absurdities of public criticism on the conduct of the war.

By glancing at the operations of Early from the 13th of June to the last of July, it will be seen that in less than two months he had marched more than four hundred miles, and with a force not exceeding twelve thousand men, had not only defeated but entirely dispersed two Federal armies of an aggregate strength of more than double his own; had invaded Maryland, and by his bold and rapid movement upon Washington, had created an important diversion in favor of General Lee in the defence of Richmond, and had re-entered Virginia with a loss of less than three thousand men. After remaining a short time in the neighborhood of Leesburg, he returned to the Valley by way of Snicker's Gap, and about the 17th of July occupied the neighborhood of Berryville.

Early had no sooner established himself at Berryville, than a considerable force of the enemy appeared on the Shenandoah, near Castleman's Ferry, and partially effected a crossing, but were promptly driven back with heavy loss, after which they retired to the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry.

About the same time a large force under General Averill was reported to be advancing from Martinsburg to Winchester. Being unwilling to receive an attack in an unfavorable position, Early sent Ramseur, with a division and two batteries of artillery, to Winchester, to retard Averill, while he withdrew with the main body of the army and supply trains by way of White Post and Newtown to Strasburg.

Ramseur, having encountered the enemy a few miles east of Winchester, was defeated, with a loss of four pieces of artillery, and forced to retire to Newtown, where he rejoined Early.

Averill, being arrested in his pursuit of Ramseur near Newtown, fell back to Kernstown, where he was soon joined by General Crook, with the forces from Harper's Ferry.

From Newtown, Early continued his march to Strasburg without interruption. On the 23d he was informed of the junction of

Crook

and

Averill

, and of their occupation of Kernstown; thereupon, it was determined to attack them without delay. The security of the trains having been properly provided for, the army was put in motion early on the morning of the 24th towards the enemy.

About noon a position was gained from which it was observed that the enemy was in possession of the identical ground which had been occupied by Shields when encountered by Stonewall Jackson in March, 1862. The memory of that battle evidently did much to inspire the troops to deeds of valor in the approaching conflict.

Early quickly made his disposition for battle. The divisions of Breckinridge and Rodes were thrown to the right of the turnpike, and those of Ramseur and Gordon were deployed to its left, the artillery being disposed of so as to cover the advance of the infantry, while the cavalry received instructions to close behind the enemy as soon as defeated.

Perceiving that the left flank of the enemy was exposed, Breckinridge, under cover of a wooded hill, gained a position from which he bore down upon it, and in gallant style doubled it upon the centre. This success was so vigorously followed up by the other troops, that the Federals gave way at all points, and were soon in rapid retreat, which was accelerated by a vigorous pursuit. In this battle the losses on the part of the Confederates were insignificant, while those of the Federals in killed, wounded and prisoners were considerable. While on the retreat a large number of their wagons and a considerable quantity of their stores were destroyed to prevent capture.

Finding that the enemy had again sought safety behind his defences, Early determined to re-enter Maryland, for the double purpose of covering a retaliatory expedition into Pennsylvania, and to keep alive the diversion which had already been made in favor of the defence of Richmond. Therefore, about the 6th August, he crossed the Potomac in two columns — the one at Williamsport, and the other at Shepherdstown — and took a position between Sharpsburg and Hagerstown.

This occupation of Maryland was destined to be of short duration, for since Early's audacity had caused his strength to be so greatly magnified, and the importance of his operations so exaggerated, Grant had considered it necessary to largely increase the Army of the Shenandoah, and to supersede Hunter, whose incapacity had long been obvious, by Phil. Sheridan, one of the most energetic and unscrupulous of his Lieutenants. Being aware of the great increase of force prepared to be brought against him, Early recrossed the Potomac and returned up the Valley, being slowly followed by Sheridan, who had now taken command of the Middle Department.

On reaching Fisher's Hill, a position three miles west of Strasburg, Early halted and offered battle, which Sheridan made a show of accepting until the morning of the 17th, when he was discovered to be retreating towards Winchester. He was immediately pursued by Early, and being overtaken near Kernstown, a spirited skirmish ensued while he continued to retire. Night coming on the combatants separated, Early bivouacking in the neighborhood of Winchester, while Sheridan crossed the Opequon.

About this time Lieutenant-General Anderson joined Early with one division of infantry and a division of cavalry, thus increasing his force to about twelve thousand men, while that of Sheridan exceeded forty thousand. Notwithstanding the great disparity of numbers, the campaign was characterized by a series of skilful movements and brilliant skirmishes, which resulted on the 19th of September in the battle of Winchester, which had doubtless been hastened to a conclusion by the departure of Anderson from the Valley on the 15th with Kershaw's division for Richmond. Anderson had no sooner turned his back on the mountains, than Sheridan threw his whole force against Early at Winchester and defeated him, not so much by force of numbers, as by one of those chances of war which sometimes beset the ablest commander; for after having gallantly contested the field, and firmly maintained their position until near the close of the day, a portion of his troops was seized with a panic, which rapidly spread until the greater part of the infantry and cavalry fell into confusion, and troops who had never before turned their backs upon the enemy retired in disorder from the field. The artillery alone remained firm, and covered with distinguished gallantry the retreat of the other troops, until a place of safety was gained and order restored, and then retired fighting, step by step, until it extricated itself from overwhelming numbers, leaving heaps of dead to testify to its matchless conduct and power. Sheridan's forces were so shattered that he could not immediately avail himself of the success he had gained, and Early was permitted an uninterrupted retreat to Fisher's Hill.

Notwithstanding his force had been considerably weakened by its late disaster, Early determined to maintain his position on Fisher's Hill. He could not realize that every man was not as stout-hearted as himself, nor that the troops he had so often led to victory were not invincible; and, besides his reluctance to abandon the rich and beautiful Valley, there were other and stronger reasons for his decision. It was evident that, if left unopposed in the Valley, Sheridan would immediately concert a plan of co-operation with Grant, either by advancing directly upon Richmond or by operating on its lines of communication with a powerful cavalry until a junction was formed with him below Petersburg; in which case the important diversion in favor of Lee would have come to naught. Therefore the object of detaining Sheridan with his formidable force in the Valley sufficiently warranted Early, on the soundest military principles, in his determination to oppose him at all hazard.

The defiant attitude assumed by him was the most effective he could have adopted for accomplishing his object, and it created a deception as to his strength that made his opponent cautious, but which was quickly dissipated by a collision. His force at this time was less than seven thousand men, while that of Sheridan was greater by at least four to one.

Sheridan's forces having sufficiently recovered from the effect of the battle, pursued Early, and on the 22d attacked him in his position on Fisher's Hill. The thin Confederate ranks could offer but feeble resistance to the overwhelming force brought against them, and the conflict was consequently of short duration; and, owing to the extent and difficulty of the position, the Confederates sustained considerable loss before they could extricate themselves.

Early then retired up the Valley to a position above Harrisonburg, while Sheridan pursued as far as New Market. Both armies then remained inactive for some days, in order to rest and reorganize their forces.

About the first of October, Sheridan retraced his steps down the Valley to the neighborhood of Middletown, where he took up a position on an elevated plateau behind Cedar creek. Early, perceiving that his adversary had retired, pursued him to the neighborhood of Strasburg, where he took up a position from which he might be able to attack with advantage. Sheridan had unwittingly assumed a position that gave his adversary admirable advantages and opportunity to execute a surprise.

Early entrusted a considerable force to General Gordon for that purpose. Having made himself familiar with the work in hand, Gordon, on the night of 18th October, proceeded to its execution. Crossing Cedar creek sufficiently below the Federal pickets to avoid observation, he cautiously proceeded in the direction of the Federal encampments without accident or discovery. A favorable point for the accomplishment of his plans was gained just before daybreak on the 19th. The camp was reached, and in the midst of quiet sleep and peaceful dreams the war-cry and the ringing peels of musketry arose to wake the slumbering warriors and call them affrighted to their arms. The drums and bugles loudly summoned the soldier to his colors,--but alas! there was no ear for those familiar sounds! The crack of the rifle and the shouts of battle were upon the breeze, and no other sounds were heeded by the flying multitude.

Gordon's surprise had been complete, and when the dawn appeared long lines of fugitives were seen rushing madly towards Winchester. Such a rout had not been seen since the famous battle of Bull Run.

The Federals left artillery, baggage, small arms, camp equippage, clothing, knapsacks, haversacks, canteens, in fact everything, in their panic. The whole camp was filled with valuable booty, which in the end proved a dangerous temptation to the Confederates--many of whom, instead of following up their brilliant success, left their ranks for plunder.

If an apology for such conduct were ever admissible, it was so on this occasion — the troops having been so long unaccustomed to the commonest comfort while making long and fatiguing marches and battling against large odds, and being now broken down, ragged and hungry, they would have been superhuman had they resisted the tempting stores that lay scattered on every hand. Our censure of this conduct must be mingled with compassion, when we remember that instances arise when the demand of nature is irresistible.

The Federals finding that they were not pursued when they reached the neighborhood of Middletown, their spirits began to revive, and the habit of discipline and order assumed its sway, and the shapeless mass of the morning regained the appearance of an army.

Sheridan, having been absent, met his fugitive army a little below Newtown. Order having been restored, he reformed his troops, and, facing them about, returned to the scene of their late disaster. The Confederates being unprepared for an attack, were quickly defeated and forced to retire to Fisher's Hill; from there to New Market, where Early maintained a bold front for several weeks. By this return of fortune Sheridan not only recovered all that had been lost in the morning, but acquired considerable captures from the Confederates.

The Confederates then retired to the neighborhood of Staunton and further operations were suspended on account of the inclemency of the season.

Sheridan then occupied the lower Valley, where he employed himself in completing the work of destruction so bravely begun by Hunter, in which he seemed to vie with Alaric. His work of devastation was so complete that he exultingly reported to his supeperior that a crow in traversing the Valley would be obliged to carry his rations. Before the spring was open, Sheridan was in motion with a cavalry or rather mounted infantry force nine thousand strong, his objective point being Staunton. The force of Early, having been greatly reduced, was entirely inadequate for an effective resistance. Staunton was therefore evacuated, and Early retired to Waynesboroa. His entire force now only consisted of Wharton's division of infantry, six pieces of artillery and a small body of cavalry, making in all about eighteen hundred men. With this force he took a position to protect an important railroad bridge over the south branch of the Shenandoah, and at the same time to cover Rockfish Gap, a pass connecting the Valley with Eastern Virginia. This pass was doubly important, as it gave a passage both to the Charlottesville turnpike and Central railroad.

As Sheridan was without artillery, and the ground being unfit for the operation of cavalry, Early could have easily maintained his position with reliable troops; but, contrary to his belief, there was considerable disaffection in Wharton's division. Therefore, without his knowledge his little army harbored the elements of defeat, for at the first show of an attack the malcontents threw down their arms, and, almost without opposition, Sheridan carried the position, compelling Early with his faithful few to seek safety in retreat. A number of these, however, were captured before they could make their escape.

Sheridan, having now removed all opposition, passed through Rockfish Gap into Eastern Virginia, traversed the interior of the State, and formed a junction with Grant almost without interruption.

On reaching Gordonsville, Early collected a handful of men and threw himself upon the flank and rear of Sheridan, but his force was too small to make any impression. He was only induced to make this effort by his extreme reluctance to witness an unopposed march of an enemy through his country.

It has been said that Early, at the head of his faithful band, hovering like an eagle about the columns of Sheridan, displayed more heroic valor than when at the head of his victorious army in Maryland.

Among some of those whom superior rank has not brought into special notice are Colonels Carter (Acting Chief of Artillery), Nelson, King and Braxton; Majors Kirkpatrick and McLaughlin, of the artillery, distinguished at Winchester; Captains Massey, killed, and Carpenter, wounded; Colonel Pendleton, Adjutant-General of Early's corps, killed at Fisher's Hill while gallantly rallying the fugitives; Colonel Samuel Moore, Inspector-General of Early's corps; Colonel Green Peyton, Adjutant-General Rodes' division; Captain Lewis Randolph, of Rodes' staff; Colonel R. W. Hunter, Adjutant-General Gordon's division; Colonel Carr, Inspector-General Breckinridge's division, captured near Cross Keys, Valley of Virginia; Major Brethard, artillery; Major S. V. Southall, Adjutant-General of Artillery, wounded at Monocacy; Captain Percy, Inspector of Artillery; Major Moorman, of artillery; Lieutenant Long, Engineer Corps, killed at Cedar creek while rallying fugitives; Lieutenant Hobson, of artillery, killed at Monocacy; Dr. McGuire, Medical Director of Early's corps; Dr. Strath, Chief Surgeon of Artillery; Major Turner, Chief Quartermaster of Artillery; Major Armstrong, Chief Commissary of Artillery. Besides these there are many others, whose names are not in my possession, worthy of the highest distinction.

In operations of the character above described long lists of casualties may naturally be expected, in which the names of the bravest, noblest and truest are sure to be found. While it is impossible for me to make separate mention of these, memory dictates the names of Rodes and Ramseur. From Richmond to the memorable campaign of the Wilderness they bore a conspicuous part, and their names rose high on the roll of fame. Rodes fell in the battle of Winchester, at the head of his splendid division, and Ramseur was mortally wounded at Cedar creek in his heroic attempt to retrieve the fortune of the day. Their fall was a noble sacrifice to the cause for which they fought, and their memory will ever remain green in the hearts of their countrymen.

A. L. long. Diary of Captain Robert E. Park, Twelfth Alabama regiment. [continued from February Number.]

March 7th to 12th, 1865

A number of prisoners, mainly from the privates' pen, have signified a willingness to take the hated oath of allegiance, and are now kept in separate barracks, clothed in blue suits and given better rations. They are called Galvanized men, and sometimes Company Q. These weak and cowardly men are willing to betray their own country and people, and swear to support a government which they can but detest. Such men could not have been of any real value to the South, but rather skulking nuisances, and they are to be pitied as well as despised. They are either ignorant and deluded, or actuated by self-interest or want of principle. They regard their personal comfort and safety more than the good of their relatives and friends and their native land. Many prisoners seem to have thrown aside all modesty. We have to wash our hands, faces and feet in the sluggish ditch-water which runs through the campus, and a good many strip to their waists and bathe themselves, utterly regardless of the presence of hundreds of fellow prisoners passing constantly near them. The water is brackish and covered with green scum. Men stand in a row along the banks, and all wash at one time. The dirty off-scouring from each man flows to his neighbor, and is used again. Some throw back the water with their hands and seek a cleaner supply. The whole scene is sickening.

Beer, made of fermented corn meal and cheap or mean molasses, and weak lemonade are sold at various stands, made of boxes, in the pen, and are bought by those able to do so. I doubt their cleanliness, and have touched but few glasses. Want of proper medicine and attention, combined with boiled fresh beef and thin, Watery soup, keep many ill with constant diarrhea. There are no night-vessels, and at all times of these cold, wintry nights officers are forced to go to the rear, several hundred feet distant. Fresh boiled beef, without vegetables, seems to cause and aggravate the very prevalent disease. The Yankee surgeons know it, but order no change of diet. Such meanness is despicable in its littleness and barbarity. It is known that Ahl and Wolfe have spies among the prisoners, who mingle freely with them, seek their confidence and then basely betray them. They listen to and watch every one, and promptly act the ignoble parts of eavesdroppers and talebearers. Think of a Government that will thus establish a cunning and cruel system of espionage over helpless victims, writhing under their strong, relentless grasp! Surely the Confederate War Secretary would not descend to such a small business as Secretary Stanton does! Sentinels walk on the parapet above the lofty fence which separates the pens of the officers and privates, and can watch both pens from their elevated positions. But despite their vigilance notes are frequently thrown over the parapet, and communication is thus kept up across the intervening barrier. These notes are tied to a small rock, or piece of coal, and sometimes a prisoner is struck on the face or person, causing some injury or hurt; but no one gets angry at the unintentional blow, and the note is promptly delivered to the party addressed. The notes from the privates abound in complaints against Schoepff, Ahl, Wolfe and their guards, and of great scarcity of rations. Their treatment must be hard and cruel.

March 13th to 15th

About 100 officers and 1,000 men have been sent off for exchange, and 500 officers arrived from Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, and Hilton Head, South Carolina. These sickly, limping, miserable looking men were chosen from the prisoners last August to be sent to Sullivan's Island near Charleston, and placed under fire of the Confederate batteries, in retaliation, it was said, for the placing of Federal prisoners in the city under the fire of the Yankee batteries. The Yankees had been shelling the city,. killing women and children, and the Confederate General, to put a stop to such brutality, threatened to expose his prisoners to the fire if it were not discontinued. At first, in May, fifty officers were chosen by lot and sent to Charleston, but finding General Beauregard had not put his threat into execution, they were exchanged. Then, in August, 600 more were sent, and subjected to the harshest treatment, exposed in the sickly, malarial season to the severest hardships. For forty-three days they lived on ten ounces of meal and four ounces of pickles per day. Not a vegetable nor a pound of meat was issued to them, and consequently that depressing and dreaded disease (scurvy) became general among them. Their lean, emaciated persons were covered with livid spots of various sizes, occasioned by effusion of blood under the cuticle. They looked pale, languid and low spirited, and suffered from general exhaustion, pains in the limbs, spongy and bleeding gums. All this was caused by their rigid confinement and want of nourishing food. They were not given food sufficient to supply the elements necessary to repair the natural waste of the system. Nearly one out of every six died from this inhuman treatment, and on their arrival at Fort Delaware, for the second time, over one hundred out of five hundred were sent to the hospital. The feet and legs of many were so drawn by the fearful disease as to compel them to walk on their toes, their heels being unable to touch the ground, and they used either sticks in each hand, or a rude crutch, sometimes two of them, to aid them in hobbling along. Several, unable to walk at all, were carried on stretchers to the hospital. Our hard fare and rough treatment at Fort Delaware has been princely compared with that inflicted upon these scurvy-afflicted Fort Pulaski sufferers. Captain Thomas W. Harris, a Methodist minister, of the Twelfth Georgia infantry; Lieutenant W. H. Chew, of Seventh Georgia cavalry--both old collegemates of mine; Captain A. C. Gibson, of the Fourth Georgia; Captain J. W. Fannin, of the Sixty-first Alabama, formerly a private in my company, and Captain L. S. Chitwood, of Fifth Alabama, among the new arrivals, are all old acquaintances and friends of mine. Fifty-nine officers and several hundred men, belonging to Wharton's command in the Valley of Virginia, captured by Sheridan, were brought to the fort, and several officers from Fort La Fayette, including General R. L. Page, arrived soon after. The latter were captured at Fort Morgan, near Mobile.

March 16th

Miss Eliza Jamison, my fair unknown friend of Baltimore, sent me five dollars, promised to correspond with me herself, and enclosed a bright, sparkling letter, full of wit and humor, from a young lady friend of hers, signed Mamie, offering to write to me once in awhile to cheer me in my prison life. Miss Eliza Jamison thus describes Mamie : She is full of mischief and fun, but very discreet and particular. She is small, has very dark hair, beautiful black and very expressive eyes, small and pretty. Her nose is large and her worst feature. She is smart and entertaining, and I think one of the nicest little bodies in the world; I am sure you will think the same. Mamie writes fluently and elegantly, and tells me she recently lost her youngest brother, twenty years old, in the Southern army. She will not allow Miss Jamison to give me her address, which is really tantalizing. Mr. J. W. Fellows, of Manchester, New Hampshire, writes he has sent me twenty-five dollars, but it has never been received. Such a handsome remittance would be a God-send to me now. I suppose the letter examiner pocketed it.

March 17th and 18th.

Captain Browne, Captain Hewlett, Lieutenant Arrington and I changed our quarters to Division 27, and are messing together. Twenty-seven is known as the Kentucky division, as most of its inmates are from that State and belonged to Morgan's cavalry, having been captured during the famous Ohio raid, and for awhile confined in the Ohio State Penitentiary, their heads shaved, and dressed in felon's garb. A majority of them are of fine personal appearance, intelligent, social and well dressed. They receive money from relatives at home, and live well from the sutler's stores. Lieutenant William Hays, of Covington, Ky., better known as Doctor Hays, having been a practicing physician at home, is chief of the division. He has lost one eye, but is a handsome man, very polite, and universally popular. He acts as postmaster also. We luckily found bunks next to a window on the second tier, and quite near the stove, in the centre of the room. The light from the window is excellent for reading and writing purposes, and I shall not lose the opportunity. On the other side of the window are the bunks of Lieutenant Joe G. Shackelford and Lieutenant H. C. Merritt, of the Third Kentucky cavalry, with Lieutenant J. D. Parks and Lieutenant S. P. Allensworth, of Second Kentucky cavalry. Shackelford is just across from my bunk. He is a tall, well built, plain spoken, honest fellow. He has been in prison over twenty months, but remains unterrified and resolute in his allegiance to the Confederacy. I enjoy his strong, expressive language much. Browne, Arrington and Fannin play chess nearly all day. I play it very indifferently, and prefer reading. Colonel R. C. Morgan, a younger brother of General John H. Morgan, Captain C. C. Corbett, a Georgian in the Fourteenth Kentucky cavalry, Lieutenant M. H. Barlow (the wit of the room), and Lieutenant I. P. Wellington, both of the Eighth Kentucky cavalry, are among the inmates of 27. Colonel R. W. Carter, of the First Virginia cavalry, a large, military-looking man, and Captain R. T. Thom, of General Page's staff, are also inmates of the division. Captain David Waldhauer, of the Jeff. Davis legion from Savannah, and commander of the Georgia Hussars, occupies a bunk near mine. He has lost his right arm. I find him to be a very agreeable gentleman. Lieutenant J. E. Way, of the same cavalry legion, is with Captain Waldhauer. He is a very amiable and modest officer.

March 19th.

To my surprise I received a letter from Abe Goodgame, a mulatto slave belonging to Colonel Goodgame of my regiment, who was captured in the Valley, and is now a prisoner confined at Fort McHenry, having positively refused to take the oath. He asks me to write to his master when I am exchanged, and tell him of his whereabouts, and that he is faithful to him. I replied to Abe in an encouraging way, and showed his letter to several officers of my brigade. The blatant Abolitionists of the North would scarcely be convinced of the truth of this negro slave's fidelity to his master, if they were to see it. They are totally ignorant of the real status of the divine institution of slavery, and would be shocked at such an evidence of love for and faithfulness to his master as this slave exhibits. Abe is an honest, industrious negro, and I am sorry for him. His captors, not understanding nor appreciating his devotion to principle and affection for his master and his Southern home, will, I fear, treat him with great severity, work him unmercifully and feed him scantily. I have not heard a word nor received a line from home since my capture. To-day, five long, weary, dreary, miserable months ago, occurred the battle of Winchester, and I have not heard from my beloved mother since then. I know letters are written to me, but no doubt they are destroyed through the whims and caprice of some venomous clerk, who wickedly throws them aside or burns them. All letters written or received by prisoners are opened and examined by some careless and heartless upstart official, who has or assumes full power and authority to destroy any he may whimsically object to.

Louisiana Confederate will please accept my most grateful thanks for the handsome and highly-appreciated present received safely from New Orleans, January 22d, ultimo. It was sweet and most welcome.

R. E. P.

Letter from General A. S. Johnston.

[Anything from the lamented hero of Shiloh will be read with interest, and the forthcoming memoir of him by his gifted son (Colonel William Preston Johnston) is looked for with peculiar pleasure, in the hope that it will contain much of the inner life of the great chieftain.

The following autograph letter to General Cooper is of historic value as showing the condition of things in Kentucky, in October, 1861, and General Johnston's opinions as to what the future movements of the enemy would be.]

headquarters Western Department, Bowling Green, Ky., October 17, 1861.

General — I informed you by telegraph on the 12th, that in consequence of information received from General Buckner of the advance of the enemy in considerable force, I had ordered forward all my available force to his support. Hardee's division and Terry's regiment have arrived here; and in advance our force may be estimated at twelve thousand men. Correct returns cannot be obtained until after a better organization. Two Tennessee regiments (Stanton's from Overton county) and one from Union city are yet to arrive, and may reach this in two or three days, and give an increase of about two thousand men.

I cannot expect immediately any additional force under the call of last month on the Governors of Tennessee and Mississippi.

The men will doubtless present themselves promptly at the rendezvous, but I cannot suppose any considerable portion will be armed.

When I made the call, I hoped that some might come armed. I cannot now conjecture how many will do so.

The call was made to save time, and in the hope that by the time they were organized and somewhat instructed, the Confederate Government would be able to arm them.

As at present informed, I think the best effort of the enemy will be made on this line, threatening perhaps at the same time the communications between Tennessee and Virginia, covered by Zollicoffer, and Columbus, from Cairo by the river, and Paducah by land, and may be a serious attack on one or the other, and for this their command of the Ohio and all the navigable waters of Kentucky, and better means of land transportation, give them great facilities of concentration.

As my forces at neither this nor either of the other points threatened are more than sufficient to meet the force in front, I cannot weaken either until the object of the enemy is fully pronounced.

You now know the efforts I anticipate from the enemy and the line on which the first blow is expected to fall, and the means adopted by me with the forces at my disposal to meet him.

I will use all means to increase my force and spare no exertions to render it effective at every point; but I cannot assure you that this will be sufficient, and if reinforcements from less endangered or less important points can be spared, I would be glad to receive them.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)

A. S. Johnston, General Confederate States Army. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector General, Richmond.

Maryland troops in the Confederate service. By Lamar Hollyday.

The July (1876) number of the Southern Historical Society papers contains a letter from General J. A. Early on the Relative strength of the armies of <persName n="Lee,General,,,," id="n0118.0022.00130.01203" reg="nearbymention:Lee,Robert,E.,," authname="lee,robert,e."><roleName n="General" full="yes">Generals</roleName> <surname full="yes">Lee</surname></persName> and <persName n="Grant,General,,,," id="n0118.0022.00130.01204" reg="mostcommon:Grant,nomatch:0" authname="grant"><roleName n="General" full="yes" /><surname full="yes">Grant</surname></persName>, in which he says that State (Maryland) furnished to the Confederate army only one organized regiment of infantry for one year, and several companies of artillery and cavalry which served through the whole war.

The Confederate roster, also published in the October number of same papers, gives credit for only one regiment of infantry, and makes no mention whatever of either cavalry or artillery,

These statements, coming from such high authority, are calculated to do great injustice to as gallant soldiers of the Confederate army as either shouldered a musket, straddled a horse or rode on a caisson. Maryland was represented during the whole war, except probably for a few months, by an organized infantry command, which won a name for gallantry and discipline second to none in the army, and proved themselves worthy descendants of the Maryland line of Revolutionary fame.

The following comprise the Maryland organizations in the Confederate service, independent of several companies of infantry and several companies of cavalry, merged into regiments of other States:

First infantry--Colonel Arnold Elzey, promoted to Brigadier and Major-General; Colonel George H. Steuart, promoted to Brigadier-General; Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, promoted to Brigadier-General.

Second infantry--Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph R. Herbert.

First cavalry--Lieutenant-Colonel Ridgeley Brown, killed; Lieutenant-Colonel G. W. Dorsey.

Second cavalry--Major Harry Gilmore.

First battery--Captain R. Snowden Andrews, promoted Lieutenant-Colonel; Captain W. F. Dernent.

Second battery--Captain J. B. Brockenborough, promoted Major; Captain W. H. Griffin.

Third battery--Captain H. B. Latrobe, promoted March 1st, 1863; killed at Vicksburg, Mississippi, June 22d, 1863; Captain John B. Rowan, promoted June 30th, 1863; killed before Nashville, Tennessee, December 16th, 1864; Captain William L. Ritter, promoted December 16th, 1864, on the battle-field before Nashville, Tennessee.

Fourth battery--Captain William Brown, killed; Captain W. S. Chew.

First Maryland infantry--The First Maryland infantry was organized in June, 1861, and shortly after their organization were complimented by General J. E. Johnston, in the following special order:

headquarters, Winchester, June 22, 1861. special order.

The Commanding General thanks Lieutenant-Colonel Steuart and the Maryland regiment for the faithful and exact manner in which they carried out his orders of the 19th instant at Harper's Ferry. He is glad to learn that, owing to their discipline, no private property was injured and no unoffending citizen disturbed. The soldierly qualities of the Maryland regiment will not be forgotten in the day of action.

By order of General Joseph E. Johnston.

W. H. Whiting, Inspector-General.

General G. T. Beauregard, in his letter to Mr. J. Thomas Scharf under date of November 5th, 1873, published in the Baltimore Chronicle, thus speaks of the First Maryland's participation in the battle of the first Manassas:

At the battle of the first Manassas the First Maryland regiment contributed greatly to the success of that battle, by checking the flanking movement of the Federals until Early's brigade could get into position to outflank them. The officers and men of that Maryland regiment behaved with much gallantry on that occasion; and afterwards, while on duty in front of Munson's Hill, near Alexandria, and while in winter quarters about Centreville, they were noted for their discipline and good behavior.

The regiment served under General Jackson in his ever-memorable Valley campaign, and were thus spoken of by that General in his official report:

In a short time the Fifty-eighth Virginia regiment became engaged with a Pennsylvania regiment called the Bucktails, when Colonel Johnson, of the First Maryland regiment, coming up in the hottest period of the fire, charged gallantly into his flank and drove the enemy, with heavy loss, from the field, capturing Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, commanding.

General Ewell, also, in his official report of the Valley campaign, speaks of them in the following highly complimentary language:

The history of the Maryland regiment, gallantly commanded by Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, during the campaign of the Valley would be the history of every action from Front Royal to Cross Keys. On the 6th, near Harrisonburg, the Fifty-eighth Virginia regiment was engaged with the Pennsylvania Bucktails, the fighting being close and bloody. Colonel Johnson came up with his regiment in the hottest period, and, by a dashing charge in flank, drove the enemy off with heavy loss, capturing Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, commanding. In commemoration of this gallant conduct, I ordered one of the captured bucktails to be appended, as a trophy, to their flag. The action is worthy of acknowledgment from a higher source, more particularly as they avenged the death of the gallant General Ashby, who fell at the same time. Four color-bearers were shot down in succession, but each time the colors were caught before reaching the ground; and were finally borne by Corporal Daniel Shanks to the close of the action. On the 8th instant, at Cross Keys, they were opposed to three of the enemy's regiments in succession.

The order of General Ewell, directing that one of the bucktails captured by the regiment should be appended to their colors, is as follows:

General orders, no. 30.headquarters Third division.

In commemoration of the gallant conduct of the First Maryland regiment on the 6th of June, when, led by Colonel Bradley T. Johnson, they drove back, with loss the Pennsylvania Bucktail Rifles, in the engagement near Harrisonburg, Rockingham county, Va., authority is given to have one of the bucktails (the insignia of the Federal regiment) appended to the color-staff of the First Maryland regiment.

By order of Major-General Ewell.

James Barbour, Assistant Adjutant-General.

As soon as the Valley campaign was over the regiment was ordered to Staunton, to muster out two companies whose term of service had expired, and to receive a new company. They had not been there long before they were ordered to again join the main army, and took an active part in the Seven Days fights before Richmond; after which they went to Charlottesville; from thence to Gordonsville, where, in August, 1862, they were mustered out of the service, some of the men joining new infantry companies which were then forming, while others entered the cavalry and artillery. The total length of service of the First regiment was fourteen to sixteen months.

Second Maryland infantry.

The Second Maryland infantry was organized in the fall of 1862, and numbered six companies. Two other companies joined them afterward, one in about two months and the other about a year after their organization. They were in service up to the surrender of General Lee at Appomattox.

During the fall and winter of 1862-3 they were attached to General Jones' cavalry brigade, and were on duty in the Valley of Virginia; being constantly on the move, and made two very severe marches to Moorefield in West Virginia. In June, 1863, they joined General Early at Kernstown, and opened the battle at that point preparatory to attacking Winchester. That General, in his official report of the Gettysburg campaign, thus mentions this fact:

I found Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert, of the Maryland line, with his battalion of infantry, the battery of Maryland artillery, and a portion of the battalion of Maryland cavalry, occupying the ridge between Bartonsville and Kernstown, and engaged in occasional skirmishing with a portion of the enemy, who had taken position near Kernstown. * * * I will here state that when our skirmishers had advanced to Bower's Hill, Major Goldsborough, of the Maryland battalion, with the skirmishers of the battalion had advanced into the outskirts of the town of Winchester; but fearing that the enemy would shell the town from the main fort, I ordered him back. * * I must also commend the gallantry of Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert and Major Goldsborough, of the Maryland line, and their troops.

General Ewell also, in his official report of the Gettysburg campaign, gives additional evidence of the existence of the command. He says: On the 13th, I sent Early's division and Colonel Brown's artillery battalion (under Captain Dance) to Newtown, on the Valley pike, where they were joined by the Maryland battalion of infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert, and the Baltimore light artillery, Captain Griffin.

Immediately after the battle of Winchester, the Second Maryland joined General George H. Steuart's brigade, and took an active and distinguished part in the battle of Gettysburg, assisted in the capture of the Federal breastworks at Culp's Hill, which they held all of the night of 2d July and a part of the next day, losing in killed and wounded during the engagement more than half their number.

Again, at the battle of Cold Harbor, June 3d, 1864, they covered themselves with glory. On the afternoon of the day the fight took place General Lee telegraphed the Secretary of War as follows: General Finnegan's brigade of Mahone's division and the Maryland battalion of Breckinridge's command immediately drove the enemy out with severe loss. General Breckinridge also, in a letter dated January 6th, 1874, and published in Scharf's Chronicles of <placeName key="tgn,7013352" n="1.000 6" reg="baltimore, baltimore independent city, maryland" authname="tgn,7013352">Baltimore</placeName>, thus mentions the Second Maryland's participation in the battle of Cold Harbor: When I crossed over from the Shenandoah Valley in May, 1864, and joined General Lee on the North Anna, near Hanover Junction, a battalion of Maryland infantry was sent to me, and it remained under my command until I returned to the Valley in the following month. It had seen rough service, and I think all the field officers were absent from disabling wounds. While with me it was commanded by Captain Crane. I had occasion to observe this battalion along the North Anna, on the Tottopotomy, and in a series of other engagements of greater or less importance, ending with the battle of Cold Harbor early in June, and I take pleasure in saying that its conduct throughout was not merely creditable, but distinguished. Not being incorporated in any brigade, it came more frequently under my eye, and I presently fell into the habit of holding it in hand for occasions of special need. For instance, at Cold Harbor, where a point in my line was very weak, and was actually broken for a time by General Hancock's troops, the Maryland battalion and Finnegan's Florida brigade (the latter borrowed from General Hoke for the occasion) aided decisively to restore the situation, and behaved with the greatest intrepidity. * * Not in courage only, but also in discipline, tone and all soldierly qualities they were equal to any troops I saw during the war.

The following appeared in the Richmond Sentinel a few days after the battle of Cold Harbor:

near Richmond, June 6th, 1864.

Mr. Editor---The public have already been informed, through the columns of the public journals, of the great results of the late engagements between the forces of General Lee and General Grant; but they have not yet learned the particulars, which are always most interesting, and in some instances, owing to the confusion which generally attends large battles, they have been misinformed on some points. It is now known by the public that the enemy were momentarily successful in one of their assaults on the lines held by Major-General Breckinridge's division, which might have resulted in disaster to our cause. It will be interesting to all to know what turned disaster into victory, and converted a triumphant column into a flying rabble. The successful assault of the enemy was made under cover of darkness. Before the morning star had been hid by the light of the sun, they came gallantly forward in-spite of a severe fire from General Echols' brigade, and in spite of the loss of many of their men who fell like autumn leaves, until the ground was almost blue and red with their uniforms and blood. They rushed in heavy masses over our breastworks. Our men, confused by the suddenness of the charge, and borne down by the rush of the enemy, retreated, and all now seemed to be lost. At this juncture the Second Maryland infantry, of Colonel Bradley T. Johnson's command, now in charge of Captain J. Parrar Crane were roused from their sleep. Springing to their arms, they formed in a moment and, rushing gallantly forward, poured a deadly fire into the enemy and then charged bayonets. The enemy were, in turn, surprised at the suddenness and vim of this assault. They gave back, they became confused, and General Finnegan's forces coming up, they took to flight; but not until nearly a hundred men were stretched on the plain, from the fire of the Second Maryland infantry, and many others captured. Lieutenant Charles B. Wise, of Company B, now took possession of the guns which had been abandoned by our forces,and with the assistance of some of his own men and some of General Finnegan's command, poured a deadly fire into the retreating column of the enemy. Thus was the tide of battle turned, and this disaster converted into a success. I am informed that the whole force of the enemy which came within our lines would have been captured, had it not been for the mistake of an officer who took the enemy for our own men and thus checked for a few moments the charge of the Second Maryland infantry. I take pleasure in narrating these deeds of our Maryland brethren, and doubt not you will join in the feeling.

A Virginian.

The following letter from Brigadier-General William McComb will give a general outline of the history of the Second Maryland from Cold Harbor to Appomattox, and show the part they took in the closing scenes of our struggle for independence:

Gordonsville, Virginia, December 16, 1876. Mr. Lamar Hollyday:

Dear Sir — I am glad to learn you propose writing an article for the Southern Historical papers on the Maryland soldiers of the Confederate States Army.

It affords me pleasure to give you some information of a command so worthy of notice in your article as the Second Maryland infantry. The command reported for duty to the commanding officer of Archer's brigade, about the 20th June, 1864. General Archer at that time was a prisoner at Johnson's Island, and from exposure there contracted a disease which resulted in his death in the fall of 1864. In his death the writer lost one of his warmest friends, Maryland one of her most gallant sons, the brigade, the best commander it ever had, and the Confederacy, one of the bravest officers in the army--one competent to fill any position in the corps. He could see, decide and act with as much alacrity as any officer I ever knew. The writer had the honor of commanding the brigade the greater part of the time during his absence and sickness, and was promoted to take his place after his death, and consequently had a good opportunity of observing the conduct of the Second Maryland infantry. Many of the officers and men had been either killed or disabled before their connection with our brigade, and these officers were worthy of much praise for the thorough discipline the command had received. The majority of the rank and file were gentlemen and had the pride necessary for making good soldiers. This was proven by their gallant conduct on many hard fought battle fields, as at Squirel level the day the gallent General John Pegram was killed, and the morning the lines south of Petersburg were broken, particularly in the latter engagement, when over one-half of General Heth's division had been withdrawn from the line the day before to reinforce the line south of Hatcher's Run, leaving our soldiers deployed in the main works at about five paces; yet even under these trying circumstances the Second Maryland and the Tennessee troops composing the brigade held every foot of line entrusted to them until they received orders to evacuate it. A part of said line was broken on the left, but was retaken in less than thirty minutes by the Second Maryland, First, Seventh and Fourteenth Tennessee regiments, and the writer is happy to say that when the order was given (by General Cooke, commanding the division) to retreat, there was not the least confusion, although the only means of escape was to swim the military dam on Hatcher's Run. The entire brigade (except those disabled) swam across or crossed on trees, and were ready for duty in the next engagement, and were ready to fight their way out at Appomattox Courthouse if the word had been given; but there, as elsewhere, they were willing, as they ever had been, to obey to the letter every command given by our great and honored chief, Robert E. Lee. * * * * Trusting this communication may be of service to you, I remain, yours truly,

William McComb.

First Maryland cavalry.

The First Maryland cavalry was organized in November, 1862, with four companies, under the command of Major Ridgely Brown (afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel). Subsequently they were joined by three other companies. They served throughout the war with great honor, and after cutting their way through the Federal lines at Appomattox, finally disbanded about the 28th of April, 1865.

The following letter from Brigadier-General Munford explains itself:

Cloverdale, Botetourt county, Virginia, April 28th, 1865. Lieutenant-Colonel Dorsey, Commanding First Maryland Cavalry:

I have just learned from Captain Emack that your gallant band was moving up the Valley in response to my call. I am deeply pained to say that our army cannot be reached, as I have learned that it has capitulated. It is sad, indeed, to think that our country's future is all shrouded in gloom. But for you and your command there is the consolation of having faithfully done your duty.

Three years ago the chivalric Brown joined my old regiment with twenty-three Maryland volunteers, with light hearts and full of fight. I soon learned to admire, respect and love them for all those qualities which endear soldiers to their officers. They recruited rapidly, and as they increased in numbers, so did their reputation and friends increase, and they were soon able to form a command and take a position of their own. Need I say, when I see that position so high and almost alone among soldiers, that my heart swells with pride to think that a record so bright and glorious is in some part linked with mine? Would that I could see the mothers and sisters of every member of your battalion, that I might tell them how nobly you have represented your State and maintained our cause. But you will not be forgotten; the fame you have won will be guarded by Virginia with all the pride she feels in her own true sons, and the ties which have linked us together memory will preserve. You who struck the first blow in Baltimore, and the last in Virginia, have done all that could be asked of you, and had the rest of our officers and men adhered to our cause with the same devotion, to-day we would be free from Yankee thraldom. I have ordered the brigade to return to their homes, and it behooves us now to separate. With my warmest wishes for your welfare, and a hearty God bless you, I bid you farewell.

Thomas T. Munford, Brigadier-General commanding Division.

Second Maryland cavalry.

The Second Maryland cavalry was organized in the spring of 1863, under command of Major Harry Gilmore, with three companies, three more joining before the close of the war — making a total of six companies.

Artillery.

The First Maryland Artillery was organized in the summer of 1861, under command of Captain R. Snowden Andrews, and served during the whole war in the Army of Northern Virginia. After Captain Anderson was promoted, the battery was more generally known as Dement's battery, Captain W. T. Dement being its commander. The following extract from General Ewell's official report of the Gettysburg campaign will show of what material this battery was composed:

Lieutenant C. S. Contee's section of Dement's battery was placed in short musket range of the enemy on the 15th June (at Winchester), and maintained its position until thirteen of the sixteen men in the two detachments were killed and wounded, when Lieutenant John A. Morgan, of the First North Carolina regiment, and Lieutenant R. H. McKim, A. D. C. to Brigadier-General George H. Steuart, volunteered and helped to work the guns till the surrender of the enemy.

The Second Maryland ( Baltimore Light ) Artillery was organized early in the fall of 1861, under the command of Captain J. B. Brockenborough, who was promoted to Major in September, 1862. After this Captain W. H. Griffin had command of it. They served in the Army of Northern Virginia to the close of the war, and were looked upon as one of the best batteries in the service.

The Third Maryland Artillery was organized in January, 1862, at Richmond, Virginia, under command of Captain H. B. Latrobe. They were sent to the Western army, and served till the close of the war. They aided very materially in the capture of the ironclad Federal steamer Indianola, on the Mississippi river. Major J. L. Brent, who commanded the expedition against the steamer, says, in his official report, a detachment from the Third Maryland artillery were in the expedition, and acted with courage and discipline when under fire.

The Fourth Maryland ( Chesapeake ) Artillery was organized in the spring of 1862, under command of Captain William Brown, who was killed at Gettysburg, after which Captain Chew took command. They served in the Army of Northern Virginia, and took a prominent part in the gallant defence of Fort Gregg, near Petersburg, an account of which is published in the January (1877) number of the Society papers.

Two-thirds of Breathed's battery were Marylanders. and it was generally spoken of as a Maryland command, but, as a gallant member of the battery says, they were glad to get any recruit whose nerves were steady and head level. From returns in the Adjutant-General's office, Richmond, in the early part of 1863, there had been mustered into the service in all the States from 19,000 to 21,000 citizens of Maryland. These facts were obtained from the office at that time by Major-General I. R. Trimble. From this time until the close of the war this number was being frequently added to. These men were all volunteers in the highest sense. The difficulties they had to encounter in running the blockade deterred many a stout heart from making the effort; in fact, many who did make the attempt were captured by the Federal forces. At a very early period of the war Maryland was overrun with Federal soldiers, who guarded every avenue to the South, and it was a very hard matter to keep the underground railway in operation. Large sums were paid to get through — in some instances one hundred dollars and more. A party who was living in New York when the war broke out was one month in making his way from that city to Richmond; for three days was hid in a swamp on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, sleeping at night in a potato hole or house dug in the ground, and finally, in the attempt to cross the Potomac river, was intercepted and shot at by some Yankees in a launch from a Federal gunboat. He however escaped and reached the Virginia shore in safety, losing all his baggage, and the boat in which he crossed was captured.

Many persons have said if the Marylanders were so anxious to enlist in the Confederate service, why did they not do so when General Lee's army was in their State. It must be remembered that the army only went into the western part of the State, which was to Maryland the same as West Virginia was to Virginia, there being a large Union element in both sections, and the Federal forces took special precaution to prevent recruits coming up from the balance of the State, where the devotion of the people to the Confederate cause was undoubted, as evidenced by the large Federal force which was stationed there during the whole war to keep them in subjection.

If all these facts are carefully looked at and well considered, it will be seen that Maryland did her duty as well as could have been expected with her surroundings, and as Mr. Jefferson Davis in a letter, published in Scharf's Chronicles of Baltimore, says, the world will accord to them peculiar credit, as it always has done to those who leave their hearthstones to fight for principle in the land of others.

Lamar Hollyday. Baltimore, Maryland. Comments on the First volume of Count of Paris' civil War in America. By General J. A. Early.

[The following paper needs no editorial introduction, as everything from the pen of this able military critic attracts attention, is read with interest, and is noted as of high historic value. We trust that it will be followed by papers from the same able pen on the succeeding volumes of the Count of Paris' history.]

History of the civil War in <placeName reg="America, Limburg, Nederland" key="tgn,1047611" authname="tgn,1047611">America</placeName>. By the Comte de Paris. Translated, with the approval of the author, by Louis F. Tasistro. Edited by Henry Coppee, Ll. D. Volume I. Philadelphia: Joseph H. Coates & Co. 1875.

In reviewing the history of the regular army of the United States, the author, on page 24, volume I, makes the following statement:

The cavalry, which was disbanded after the war of 1812, only dates, with the first regiment of dragoons, from the year 1832. The second was created in 1836, the third in 1846, as also the mounted riflemen, which being formed solely to serve in the Mexican war, made the campaign on foot, notwithstanding their appellation of mounted riflemen. In 1855 Congress passed a law authorizing the formation of two new regiments of cavalry, and Mr. Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of War, took advantage of the fact that they had not been designated by the title of dragoons to treat them as a different arm, and to fill them with his creatures, to the exclusion of regular officers whom he disliked.

It was the third dragoons which was formed to serve only during the Mexican war, and that regiment was disbanded at the close of that war. The mounted rifles, though formed about the same time, was formed as a permanent regiment, and was continued in the service, with that distinctive appellation, until August the 3d, 1861, when it was designated the third cavalry. The three mounted regiments, therefore, in the service in 1855, when the first and second cavalry were formed, were the first and second dragoons and the mounted rifles. By the act of Congress of August 3d, 1861, the first and second dragoons were designated respectively the first and second cavalry, the mounted rifles the third cavalry, and the first and second cavalry respectively the fourth and fifth cavalry.

The term cavalry, in common parlance, includes all mounted troops, but in military phrase dragoons, mounted rifles and cavalry originally constituted different arms of the service, because they were armed differently — dragoons, with muskets and sabres, to serve on foot or on horseback, as occasion might require; mounted riflemen, with rifles, to move on horseback with celerity, but really to serve on foot in action; and cavalry, with sabres and pistols — or short carbines — to serve on horseback in action and in the pursuit. Such was the case when the two regiments of dragoons, the mounted rifle regiment and the two cavalry regiments were respectively organized. The modern improvements in firearms, and especially the introduction of breech-loaders, have rendered useless the distinction between the different kinds of mounted troops, as they have destroyed the distinction between heavy and light infantry and riflemen serving on foot. When, therefore, the two regiments of cavalry were formed in 1855, they were really formed as and intended to be a distinctive arm of the service.

The statement that Mr. Davis, as Secretary of War in 1855, filled the new regiments of cavalry with his creatures, is, perhaps, a mistranslation of the phrase in the original French. The term creatures, as used in the translation, would be generally accepted by all English-speaking people as a term of reproach, indicating that the persons appointed by Mr. Davis were his dependents, sycophants and parasites — men who had no claim to respect themselves, but were subject to his will and control. To speak of a man as the creature of the Almighty Creator conveys no reproach, but to call him the creature of another man, is to apply to him one of the most opprobrious epithets in the English language. It is therefore probable that the translator, in rendering the French phase into English, while giving the literal version, has failed to observe the difference between the idiom of the two languages. It is presumed that the idea intended to be conveyed by the author was, that the appointees of Mr. Davis were of his own selection; for it is hardly to be supposed that he intended to intimate that such men as Generals George B. McClellan, Edwin V. Sumner, Wm. H. Emory, John Sedgwick and George H. Thomas, of the Federal army, and Generals Albert Sidney Johnston, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston, Wm. J. Hardee and J. E. B. Stuart, of the Confederate army, all of whom were among the original appointees to the two regiments of cavalry organized in 1855, were the creatures of Mr. Jefferson Davis, in the sense in which that term would be understood by Englishmen and Americans.

The idea that Mr. Davis, in filling the appointments for the new regiments, was influenced by dislike of the officers of the regular army, is a novel one. The complaint against him as President of the Confederacy was quite common, that in his appointments to the army he was too much influenced by his partiality for the officers of the old army, and especially for the graduates of West Point.

When the first dragoons was organized in 1833 (not 1832), a civilian, who had served with distinction as colonel of the regiment of Mounted Rangers, formed for service in the Black Hawk war, was made its colonel, and all the other officers were appointed by selection, a considerable number being taken from civil life. When the second dragoons was formed in 1836, the lieutenant-colonel was taken from the pay department, and the major, and nearly, if not quite all of the company officers were taken from civil life. In the case of the eighth infantry, formed in 1838, the colonel was appointed by selection, and perhaps the most of the other officers by promotion from the other infantry regiments; and this is the sole case in the history of the United States army in which the appointments to a new regiment were made entirely from among the officers already in service. When the mounted rifles was formed in 1846, the colonel and most of the other officers were civilians, many of whom had come into service in the Mexican war as officers of volunteers.

When the two regiments of cavalry were authorized to be formed in 1855, it was with the understanding that all the field officers and one-half of the company officers should be taken from the army, while the other half of the company officers should be taken from civil life. This arrangement was probably adopted in order to propitiate the politicians, and insure the passage of the bill through Congress. The power and duty of making the appointments in fact devolved on Mr. Pierce, the then President, but he no doubt entrusted to Mr. Davis, an educated and experienced soldier, the task of making the selections from the army. How he performed that task will be seen from the following list of his appointees who bore a part in the late war:

First cavalry. Colonel--

Edwin V. Sumner, Major-General Volunteers, United States army, commanding corps in the Army of the Potomac.

Lieutenant-Colonel--

Joseph E. Johnston, General Confederate States army.

Majors--

Wm. H. Emory, Major-General Volunteers and corps commander United States army.

John Sedgwick, Major-General Volunteers and corps commander Army of Potomac.

Captains--

Delos B. Sackett, Inspector-General United States army.

Thomas J. Wood, Major-General Volunteers, United States army.

George B. McClellan, Major-General commanding United States army and Army of the Potomac.

Samuel D. Sturgis, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

*Wm. D. DeSaussure, Colonel Confederate States army.

*Wm. S. Walker, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

*George T. Anderson, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

Robert S. Garnett, Brigadier-General Confederate States army — killed in action.

First Lieutenants--

Wm. N. R. Beale, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

George H. Steuart, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

James McIntosh, Brigadier-General Confederate States army — killed in action.

Robert Ransom, Major-General Confederate States army.

Eugene A. Carr, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

*Alfred Iverson, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

*Frank Wheaton, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

Second Lieutenants--

David S. Stanley, Major-General Volunteers, United States army.

James E. B. Stuart, Major-General Confederate States army — mortally wounded in action.

Elmer Otis, Major First Cavalry and Colonel by brevet, United States army.

James B. McIntyre, Major Third Cavalry and Colonel by brevet, United States army.

*Eugene W. Crittenden, Major Fifth Cavalry, United States army.

†Albert V. Colburn, Lieutenant-Colonel on staff of General McClellan.

†Francis L. Vinton, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

†George D. Bayard, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army--killed in action.

†L. L. Lomax, Major-General Confederate States army.

†Joseph H. Taylor, Lieutenant-Colonel and A. A. General United States army.

Second cavalry. Colonel--

Albert Sidney Johnston, General Confederate State army — killed in battle.

Lieutenant-Colonel--

Robert E. Lee, General Confederate States army.

Majors--

Wm. J. Hardee, Lieutenant-General Confederate States army.

George H. Thomas, Major-General United States army, commanding the Army of the Cumberland and Department of Tennessee.

Captains--

Earl Van Dorn, Major-General Confederate States army.

Edmund Kirby Smith, General Confederate States army.

James Oakes, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

Innis N. Palmer, Major-General Volunteers, United States army.

George Stoneman, Major-General Volunteers, United States army.

*Albert G. Brackett, Lieutenant-Colonel Second Cavalry and Colonel by brevet, United States army.

‡Charles J. Whiting, Major Second Cavalry, United States army.

First Lieutenants--

Nathan G. Evans, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

Richard W. Johnson, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

Joseph H. McArthur, Major Third Cavalry United States army.

Charles W. Field, Major-General Confederate States army.

Kenner Gerrard, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

*Walter H. Jenifer, Colonel Confederate States army.

*Wm. B. Royall, Major Fifth Cavalry, Colonel by brevet, United States army.

Second Lieutenants--

George B. Cosby, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

William W. Lowe, Brigadier-General Volunteers, United States army.

John B. Hood, General Confederate States army.

*Junius B. Wheeler, Major Engineers and Professor of Engineering and the Science of War at West Point.

†A. Parker Porter, Lieutenant-Colonel of staff, United States army.

†Wesley Owens, Lieutenant-Colonel of staff, United States army.

†James P. Major, Brigadier-General Confederate States army.

†Fitzhugh Lee, Major-General Confederate States army.

(Those marked with * taken from civil life — with † graduates of West Point 1855 and 1856--with ‡ formerly in the army, but taken from civil life; all the others taken from the army.)

These two regiments, from the appointments made during Mr. Davis' administration of the War Department, furnished to the United States army during the war-- 9Major-Generals,9Brigadier-Generals,1Inspector-General, and12Field and staff officers. 31in all.

Among the major-generals was one commander-in-chief of the army, and afterwards of the Army of the Potomac; one commander of an army in Tennessee, and three corps commanders.

They furnished to the Confederate army-- 5Full Generals,1Lieutenant-General,6Major-Generals,10Brigadier-Generals, and2Colonels. 24in all.

There were three lieutenants — P. Stockton and J. R. Church, first cavalry, and J. T. Sharf, second cavalry--in Confederate States army, but there is no record of their rank, probably on the staff.

In addition, the following persons appointed second lieutenants declined, preferring to remain in other branches of the service:

George B. Anderson, Brigadier-General Confederate States army — mortally wounded in battle; N. Bowman Switzer, Colonel Volunteers, United States Army, now Major Second Cavalry and Brigadier-General by brevet.

Does the whole army besides, as it was at the beginning of the war, present such a brilliant record as that presented by Mr. Davis' appointees to the first and second cavalry?

It is very manifest that, in performing the duty assigned him, Mr. Davis filled those two regiments with officers of the very best military talent that the army afforded.

And of his appointees, there are at present in the United States army:

On the retired list--

Thomas J. Wood, as Major-General.

George Stoneman, as Major-General.

Richard W. Johnson, as Major-General.

Joseph H. McArthur, as Major.

In active service--

D. B. Sackett, Colonel and Inspector-General.

J. N. Palmer, Colonel Second Cavalry, and Brigadier-General by brevet.

William. H. Emory, Colonel Fifth Cavalry, and Major-General by brevet.

James Oakes, Colonel Sixth Cavalry, and Brigadier-General by brevet.

S. D. Sturgis, Colonel Seventh Cavalry, and Major-General by brevet.

Frank Wheaton, Colonel Second Infantry, and Major-General by brevet.

D. S. Stanley, Colonel Twenty-second Infantry, and Major-General by brevet.

A. G. Brackett, Lieutenant-Colonel Second Cavalry, and Colonel by brevet.

E. A. Carr, Lieutenant-Colonel Fifth Cavalry, and Major-General by brevet.

Elmer Otis, Major First Cavalry, and Colonel by brevet.

William B. Royall, Major Fifth Cavalry, and Colonel by brevet.

Joseph H. Taylor, Major, Adjutant General's Department, and Colonel by brevet.

Junius B. Wheeler, Professor of Engineering and Sciences of War at West Point, Colonel by brevet.

The foregoing exposition shows how unjust, both to Mr. Davis and the officers appointed at his instance, is the stricture contained in the extract from the book of the Comte de Paris, taken in its very mildest form. If the passage in French imports what the English translation does, then it is apparent that the Comte has been the victim of a shameful imposition by his informant, or he has been exceedingly careless in ascertaining his facts and most reckless in his assertions.

On page 73, the author, in speaking of the employment of the army on the frontier at the commencement of secession, says: It was in the midst of this active and instructive life that the news of the disruption of the Union reached the American army. The perfidious foresight of the late Secretary of War, Mr. Floyd, had removed the whole of this army far from the States, while his accomplices in the South were preparing to rise against the Federal authority. The soldiers had been honored with the belief that they would remain faithful to their flag. Under a multitude of pretexts, the Federal forts and arsenals had been dismantled by the very men whose first duty was to watch over the general interests of the nation; and the garrisons which had been withdrawn from them, to be scattered over Texas, had been placed under the command of an officer who seemed to have been only selected for the purpose of betraying them.

In the chapter on The Federal Volunteers, page 187, he says: The Federal Government, therefore, was required by law to arm and equip the volunteers; but, as it stood in need of everything at the moment when all had to be created at once — as its arsenals, which would have been insufficient for the emergency even if well supplied, had been plundered by the instigators of rebellion, and could not even furnish a musket, a coat, or a pair of shoes for the improvised defenders — most of the States themselves undertook to furnish those outfits for troops which they raised.

In the chapter on The material of War, pages 307-8, he says: The Confederate Government could not count upon the industry and commerce of the Rebel States to supply its troops with provisions, equipments and arms to the same extent as its adversary. But at the outset of the war they possessed a very great advantage. As we have stated elsewhere, Mr. Floyd, Secretary of War under President Buchanan, had taken care, a few weeks before the insurrection broke out, to send to the South all the arms which the Government possessed. He thus forwarded one hundred and fifteen thousand muskets, which, being added to those already in the arsenals of Charleston, Fayetteville, Augusta, Mount Vernon, Baton Rouge, etc., secured a complete armament for the Confederate armies of superior quality.

Here again the author manifests the exceeding carelessness he has exhibited in ascertaining his facts.

The army of the United States had always been very small in time of peace, and after 1855, up to the beginning of the war, consisted of only eight regiments of infantry, four regiments of artillery, and five mounted regiments, numbering about ten or eleven thousand men in all. The great bulk of that army had been employed on the Western frontier as a protection against the Indians from time immemorial, and Governor Floyd, as Secretary of War, made no change in the policy of the Government in that respect. General Twiggs, the officer alluded to as having been selected for the purpose of betraying the troops placed under him, had been on frontier duty during the greater part of his military life, and had been in command in Texas from a period dating long before secession was contemplated. The troops under him that are represented as having been withdrawn front the Federal forts and arsenals, to be scattered over Texas, consisted mainly of the Second cavalry, which had been in Texas since 1856--very shortly after. its organization. If the author had taken the trouble to look at Mr. Buchanan's message to Congress, of January 8th, 1861, he would have found in reference to the capture of the forts and arsenals in some of the Southern States this statement: This property has long been left without garrisons and troops for its protection, because no person doubted its security under the flag of the country in any State of the Union. Besides, our small army has scarcely been sufficient to guard our remote frontier against Indian incursions. The truth of these statements of Mr. Buchanan were of easy verification, if the author had taken the trouble to make the proper inquiries before making such grave charges as he has recorded in a work in which he claims to have observed the strictest impartiality.

He has also recorded as historical facts the absurd statements of unscrupulous partizans, made for the purpose of inflaming the passions of the Northern populace, that the arsenals had been plundered of all the arms belonging to the Government by Governor Floyd, and that said arms had been sent South. He says he has examined with equal care the documents that have emanated from both parties. If this be true, then it follows, in reference to this subject of the removal of arms, that he has given very little attention to what has emanated from either party. He has entirely overlooked two reports made by Mr. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio, Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, to the House of Representatives, one on the 9th of January, 1861, and the other on the 16th of February, 1861, disproving of the charges that were made in regard to the sending of arms South for the purpose of aiding the Secessionists. The majority of the House of Representatives was then Republican, with a Republican Speaker, and Mr. Stanton and a majority of his committee were Republicans, and of course with no bias to induce them to misstate the facts to screen Governor Floyd.

From those reports, and the evidence accompanying them, it appears that the United States had on hand in its arsenals at the North--mostly at Springfield--499,554 muskets of the old percussion and flint-lock patterns, and under orders given by Governor Floyd in December, 1859--several months before Mr. Lincoln was nominated, and when the Democratic party was confident of carrying the next presidential election--105,000 of these muskets were removed to arsenals in the South, which were comparatively empty, and at the same time there were removed to the same arsenals 10,000 old percussion rifles. These constituted the 115,000 muskets which the. author says secured a complete armament for the Confederate armies of superior quality, and left the Federal Government in need of everything at the moment when all had to be created at once, though there was still about 400,000 of the same kind of arms left in Northern arsenals. It also appears that in 1860, under the law for arming the militia, 8,423 muskets and 1,728 long-range rifles were distributed among the States, and the Southern States received of the muskets 2,091, and of the rifles 758, making 2,849 in the aggregate, though of the States which were among the first to secede several received none of either kind of arms. Mr. Stanton, in his report, says: There are a good deal of rumors, and speculations, and misapprehensions, as to the true state of facts in regard to this matter.

It does not appear that any cannon were sent South by Governor Floyd, but it appears that about the 20th of December, 1860, he gave orders for the guns necessary for the armament of the forts on Ship Island and at Galveston to be sent to these forts. The orders were, however, countermanded by his successor before they were carried into effect or a single gun had been sent.

The author has very probably adopted as true some statements of General Soott's, made after he had become a dotard, though it is not believed that even he went to the extent of asserting that the United States had not a musket, a coat, or a pair of shoes for the improvised defenders.

If the United States did not have arms to issue to the volunteers, and the States had to furnish them, where did the latter get them from? None of the States had any manufactory of arms, and if they had to buy them, was their credit any better than that of the Federal Government? The statement of the author in regard to the inability of the Federal Government to furnish a musket to its defenders, is calculated to provoke a smile even from General Sherman, who has commended the book for its spirit of fairness and candor.

That the Federal army, at the first battle of Manassas, was far better armed and equipped than the Confederate army which it encountered, is a proposition that does not admit of dispute. The former army had a portion of its troops armed with minnie muskets and long-range rifles, while its artillery was more numerous and of much better quality than ours. The Confederate troops at that battle were armed almost entirely with smooth-bore muskets, most of which had been altered to percussion from flint locks, though, perhaps, there were a few rifles that had been rescued from the flames at Harper's Ferry. All of the artillery used there by us, except a few guns brought by the Washington Artillery from New Orleans, was furnished by Virginia, and consisted mainly of the old-fashioned iron smooth-bore six-pounders, for which caissons had to be improvised by using the wheels and beds of ordinary wagons. The greater portion, if not all of the percussion caps used by us in the battle, had been manufactured with a machine procured and put in operation in Richmond, by the Chief of Ordnance of Virginia, after the secession of that State. The duty had been devolved on me to organize and arm the Virginia troops mustered into the service at Lynchburg, and I there organized, armed and sent to Manassas two regiments of infantry and one of cavalry, besides several companies of infantry that were sent to other regiments. The infantry was armed with muskets, without cartridge boxes, bayonet scabbards or belts, and the cavalry was armed partly with double-barrel shot guns, collected from the surrounding country, and partly with old flint-lock horseman pistols, which were altered to percussion under my orders, while the only sabres that could be procured for the men consisted of a variety of old patterns of that weapon collected from some companies belonging to former militia organizations. Upon application to the Confederate Ordnance Department at Richmond, I found that it had neither cartridge-boxes, &c., nor cavalry arms to furnish to me. Cartridge-boxes, belts and bayonet scabbards were not issued to my own regiment until a day or two before the engagement at Blackburn's ford, on the 18th of July, and they were issued to a part of the regiment on the morning of that day, having been manufactured subsequent to the arrival of the regiment at Manassas.

If about such facts as those referred to in the extracts given and commented on — to wit: the character of the appointments made by Mr. Davis to the two regiments of cavalry in 1855, the purpose of the employment of the troops on the Western frontier in 1860, the sending of arms to the South, and the relative state of preparation of the two governments for the war — the author is so much at fault, when the evidence to disprove all his statements was easily attainable, how can we expect him to arrive at correct conclusions when he treats of the points in dispute in regard to the merits of the controversy that led to the war, or in regard to the events of the war itself?

Notwithstanding his own declaration that he has endeavored to preserve throughout his narrative the strictest impartiality, and that of the editor of the English version of his book, that he has produced a book displaying careful research, cool judgment, and a manifest purpose to be just to all, it is very apparent that he has adopted as his own the extreme views of the most embittered of the Northern Radical Republicans in regard to the Southern people, the character of the government framed by the authors of the Constitution, the merits of the controversy that led to the war, and the events of that war, so far as he has undertaken to relate them.

Upon the subject of slavery, he has formed his opinions as to the character and conduct of the slaveholders and the condition of the slaves, from the work of fiction entitled <persName><roleName n="Uncle" full="yes">Uncle</roleName> <foreName full="yes">Tom</foreName></persName>'s Cabin, by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, that literary ghoul who has shocked the moral sense of all decent people in England and America by exhuming and gloating over that horrible story about Byron and his sister, which, even if true, should have been allowed to rest in that oblivion into which it had sunk; and the diary of Fanny Kimble, the actress, who, in order to vent her spleen upon the husband from whom she had parted, undertook to calumniate the people among whom he had been born. The Comte de Paris adopts without question the statements of these two female writers, one of whom knew nothing and the other very little of the practical operation of slavery in the South; but he gives no consideration to such testimony as the published letters of Miss Murray, an English lady of real refinement and culture — once Maid of Honor to Queen Victoria, who visited the United States with strong prejudices against slavery, but, after a sojourn of some months on Southern plantations, changed her views, and gave an account of the physical and moral condition of the slaves entirely different from that given by Mrs. Stowe and Miss Fanny Kimble.

Considering the source from which he seems generally to have obtained the facts whereon to base his opinions, it is not a matter of much surprise that his book should contain such passages as the following: It will thus be seen that the States which defended the Union in 1861 are those that had made the greatest sacrifices to establish it, while those that raised the standard of rebellion against it are also those that had the least right to call themselves its founders. Page 7.

In speaking of the slave of a good master, he says: In short, his owner will take care of him, will not impose any labor above his strength, and will administer to his material wants in a satisfactory manner, precisely as he will do for the animals that are working by his side under one common lash. But, in order that he may enjoy this pretended good fortune, he has to be reduced to the moral level of his fellow-slaves and have the light of intelligence within him extinguished forever; for if he carries that divine spark in his bosom he will be unhappy, for he will feel that he is a slave. Page 80.

If the Comte de Paris really believes that this picture represents the true condition of the negro slave, under the most favorable circumstances, what must he think of his Northern friends, who in March, 1867, less than two years after the abolition of slavery by the result of the war, enacted the Reconstruction Laws, by which they disfranchised a large portion of the white people of the South, and that the most experienced and intelligent, and conferred suffrage on the recently emancipated slaves — by which the latter were entrusted with the formation of constitutions and governments for all the Southern States? What does he think of the fact that some of those emancipated slaves, within whom the light of intelligence had been extinguished forever, have even occupied seats in the House of Representatives and in the Senate of the United States? Nay, what can he think of the further fact, that the votes of the negroes of South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana (where they are certainly more ignorant and depraved than in other part of the South), as ascertained and declared by certain returning boards, composed in one case of half negroes, have recently settled the question of the election of a President of the United States, against a majority of at least one million of the white votes of the country?

Either he must be mistaken in his estimate of the effects of slavery on the negro's mental and moral faculties, or the people whom he so admires, and whom he exalts so far above the people of the South in refinement, morals, education, intelligence and civilization, must be the most unmitigated villains in this wicked world of ours.

In speaking of the classes into which he alleges slavery divided the people of the South, he says of the class which he designates as common whites : This was the plebs romana, the crowds of clients who parade with ostentation the title of citizen, and only exercise its privilege in blind subserviency to the great slave-holders, who were the real masters of the country. If slavery had not existed in their midst, they would have been workers and tillers of the soil, and might have become farmers and small proprietors. But the more their poverty draws them nearer to the inferior class of slaves, the more anxious are they to keep apart from them, and they spurn work in order to set off more ostentatiously their qualities of freemen. Page 87.

Really it is hard to conceive from what source the Comte could have derived this information. The census of 1860 shows that in all the slave States, except South Carolina and Mississippi, the white population exceeded not only the slaves, but the entire colored population, and in some of them very largely — the white population in the eleven States that regularly seceded being 5,447,199, the free colored 132,760, and the slaves 3,521,110, while in Kentucky and Missouri the white population was from four to eight times the number of slaves. Now it is well known that the slaveholders constituted a very small minority of the white population. How was it, then, that the non-slaveholding whites subsisted at all, if they owned no land and would not work? Does the Comte mean to intimate that the large slaveholders fed and clothed all the whites who were not slaveholders? And yet his American editor says: In a large and philosophic view of American institutions he has rivalled DeTocqueville.

To point out all the numerous errors of opinion, speculation and fact contained in the published volume of his History, would be an interminable task, and I will close my notice of the author's mistakes by calling attention to one more statement on pages 141-2. He says: The seceders on their side had not lost a moment in Virginia. They were in possession of Richmond when the convention was in session; they surrounded it, threatening their opponents with death, and extorted from it the ordinance of secession, which, however, was passed by a vote of only eighty-eight to fifty-five.

I was a member of the Virginia Convention which adopted the ordinance of secession, and voted against its passage; and this is the first that I have ever learned of the convention having been surrounded by the secessionists, or of the extortion of the ordinance from it by threats of death or of any other violence. That ordinance was extorted from the convention, however, but it was by the proclamation of Abraham Lincoln, and his threat of a war of coercion in the seceded States--a war that the great bulk of the opponents of secession in the convention believed to be unwarranted by the constitution.

The Comte de Paris, in a letter to his American publishers, which immediately follows his preface, says:

I trust that my account of these great events will, at least, not provoke a too bitter controversy; for if I have been obliged to judge and censure, I have done so without any personal or partial feeling against any one, with a sincere respect for truth and a keen sense of the responsibility which I assumed.

I am disposed to give him credit for entire sincerity in this declaration, but I must be permitted to say that the most embittered partizan of the North could not have done greater injustice to the South, in a statement of the causes that led to the late war, than he has done in the part of his history that has been published.

As his book contains statements about the people of the South that I know to be entirely without foundation, and that every can-did man, even at the North, would declare to be so, and as he has also made strictures upon the character of the Southern people, their cause and their conduct, that are exceedingly harsh and unjust, he must pardon me for saying that it is very apparent that he has not had access to truthful sources of information, or, if he has had access to such sources, he has turned from them to adopt as his conclusions the most unfounded slanders of our bitterest and most prejudiced enemies. If he desires to continue his History of the civil War in <placeName reg="America, Limburg, Nederland" key="tgn,1047611" authname="tgn,1047611">America</placeName>, and to produce a work of real historic value, he had better consign to the flames all that he has so far published, and begin his task de novo, after devoting his attention to a thorough investigation of the history of the American people, the character of their governments--State and Federal--the causes that led to the late conflict, and the events that attended that conflict; for it is impossible to eliminate from the first part of his work the innumerable errors which it contains without writing the whole over again. If he should succeed better with his future volumes, and make them accurate, to attach them to the first would present a most incongruous conjunction of truth and error.

J. A. Early. The last Confederate surrender. By Lt.-Gen. Richard Taylor.

[The following is one of a series of chapters of unwritten history now being published in the Philadelphia Weekly Times. Our readers will thank us for republishing this paper of our distinguished soldier.]

To write an impartial and unprejudiced account of exciting contemporary events has always been a difficult task. More especially is this true of civil strife, which, like all family jars, evolves a peculiar flavor of bitterness. But slight sketches of minor incidents, by actors and eye-witnesses, may prove of service to the future writer, who undertakes the more ambitious and severe duty of historian. The following memoir pour servir has this object:

In the summer of 1864, after the close of the Red river campaign, I was ordered to cross the Mississippi and report my arrival on the east bank by telegraph to Richmond. All the fortified posts on the river were held by the Federals, and the intermediate portions of the stream closely guarded by gunboats to impede and, as far as possible, prevent passage. This delayed the transmission of the order above-mentioned until August, when I crossed at a point just above the mouth of the Red river. On a dark night, in a small canoe, with horses swimming alongside, I got over without attracting the attention of a gunboat anchored a short distance below. Woodville, Wilkinson county, Mississippi, was the nearest place in telegraphic communication with Richmond. Here, in reply to a dispatch to Richmond, I was directed to assume command of the Department of Alabama, Mississippi, etc., with headquarters at Meridian, Mississippi, and informed that President Davis would, at an early day, meet me at Montgomery, Alabama. The military situation was as follows: Sherman occupied Atlanta, Hood lying some distance to the southwest; Farragut had forced the defences of Mobile bay, capturing Fort Morgan, etc., and the Federals held Pensacola, but had made no movement into the interior.

The closing scenes.

Major-General Maury commanded the Confederate forces garrisoning Mobile and adjacent works, with Commodore Farrand, Confederate Navy, in charge of several armed vessels. Small bodies of troops were stationed at different points through the department, and Major-General Forrest, with his division of cavalry, was in northeast Mississippi. Directing this latter officer to move his command across the Tennessee river, and use every effort to interrupt Sherman's communications south of Nashville, I proceeded to Mobile to inspect the fortifications; thence to Montgomery, to meet President Davis. The interview extended over many hours, and the military situation was freely discussed. Our next meeting was at Fortress Monroe, where, during his confinement, I obtained permission to visit him. The closing scenes of the great drama succeeded each other with startling rapidity. Sherman marched, unopposed, to the sea. Hood was driven from Nashville across the Tennessee, and asked to be relieved. Assigned to this duty I met him near Tupelo, North Mississippi, and witnessed the melancholy spectacle presented by a retreating army. Guns, small arms and accoutrements lost, men without shoes or blankets, and this in a winter of unusual severity for that latitude. Making every effort to re-equip this force, I suggested to General Lee, then commanding all the armies of the Confederacy, that it should be moved to the Carolinas, to interpose between Sherman's advance and his (Lee's) lines of supply, and, in the last necessity, of retreat. The suggestion was adopted, and this force so moved. General Wilson, with a well appointed and ably led command of Federal cavalry, moved rapidly through North Alabama, seized Selma, and turning east to Montgomery, continued into Georgia.

General Canby, commanding the Union armies in the Southwest, advanced up the Eastern shore of Mobile bay, and invested Spanish fort and Blakely, important Confederate works in that quarter. After repulsing an assault, General Maury, in accordance with instructions, withdrew his garrisons in the night to Mobile, and then evacuated the city, falling back to Meridian, on the line of the Mobile and Ohio railway. General Forrest was drawn in to the same point, and the little army, less than eight thousand of all arms, held in readiness to discharge such duties as the waning fortunes of the cause and the honor of its arms might demand.

Soldierly courtesy.

Intelligence of Lee's surrender reached us. Staff officers from Johnston and Sherman came across the country to inform Canby and myself of their convention. Whereupon, an interview was arranged between us to determine a course of action, and a place selected ten miles north of Mobile, near the railway. Accompanied by a staff officer, Colonel William M. Levy (now a member of Congress from Louisiana), and making use of a hand car, I reached the appointed spot, and found General Canby with a large escort, and many staff and other officers. Among these I recognized some old friends, notably General Canby himself and Admiral James Palmer. All extended cordial greetings. A few moments of private conversation with Canby led to the establishment of a truce, to await further intelligence from the North. Forty-eight hours notice was to be given by the party desiring to terminate the truce. We then joined the throng of officers, and although every one present felt a deep conviction that the last hour of the sad struggle approached, no allusion was made to it. Subjects, awakening memories of the past, when all were sons of a loved, united country, were, as by the natural selection of good breeding, chosen. A bountiful luncheon was soon spread, and I was invited to partake of patis, champagne-frappe, and other delights, which to me had long been as lost arts. As we took our seats at table, a military band in attendance commenced playing Hail Columbia. Excusing himself, General Canby walked to the door. The music ceased for a moment, and then the strain of Dixie was heard. Old Froissart records no gentler act of courtesie. Warmly thanking General Canby for his delicate consideration, I asked for Hail Columbia, and proposed we should unite in the hope that our Columbia would soon be, once more, a happy land. This and other kindred sentiments were duly honored in frappe, and after much pleasant intercourse, the party separated.

The surrender.

The succeeding hours were filled with a grave responsibility,--which could not be evaded or shared. Circumstances had appointed me to watch the dying agonies of a cause that had fixed the attention of the world. To my camp, as the last refuge in the storm, came many members of the Confederate Congress. These gentlemen were urged to go at once to their respective homes, and, by precept and example, teach the people to submit to the inevitable, obey the laws, and resume the peaceful occupations on which society depends. This advice was followed, and with excellent effect on public tranquility.

General Canby dispatched that his government disavowed the Johnston-Sherman convention, and it would be his duty to resume hostilities. Almost at the same instant came the news of Johnston's surrender. There was no room for hesitancy. Folly and madness combined would not have justified an attempt to prolong a hopeless contest.

General Canby was informed that I desired to meet him for the purpose of negotiating a surrender of my forces, and that Commodore Farrand, commanding the armed vessels in the Alabama river, desired to meet Rear Admiral Thatcher for a similar purpose. Citronville, some forty miles north of Mobile, was the appointed place, and there in the early days of May, 1865, the great war virtually ended.

After this, no hostile gun was fired, and the authority of the United States was supreme in the land. Conditions of surrender were speedily determined, and of a character to soothe the pride of the vanquished; officers to retain side-arms, troops to turn in arms and equipments to their own ordnance officers, so of the quartermaster and commissary stores; the Confederate cotton agent for Alabama and Mississippi to settle his accounts with the Treasury Agent of the United States; muster rolls to be prepared, etc.; transportation to be provided for the men. All this under my control and supervision. Here a curious incident may be mentioned. At an early period of the war, when Colonel Sidney Johnston retired to the south of Tennessee river, Isham G. Harris, Governor of Tennessee, accompanied him, taking, at the same time, the coin from the vaults of the State Bank of Tennessee, at Nashville. This coin, in the immediate charge of a bonded officer of the bank, had occasioned much solicitude to the Governor in his many wanderings. He appealed to me to assist in the restoration of the coin to the bank. At my request, General Canby detailed an officer and escort, and the money reached the bank intact. This is the Governor Harris recently elected United States Senator by his State.

After the War.

The condition of the people of Alabama and Mississippi was at this time deplorable. The waste of war had stripped large areas of the necessaries of life. In view of this, I suggested to General Canby that his troops, sent to the interior, should be limited to the number required for the preservation of order, and be stationed at points where supplies were more abundant. That trade would soon be established between soldiers and people — furnishing the latter with currency, of which they were destitute — and friendly relations promoted. These suggestions were adopted, and a day or two thereafter, at Meridian, a note was received from General Canby, inclosing copies of orders to Generals Granger and Steele, commanding army corps, by which it appeared these officers were directed to call on me for and conform to advice relative to movements of their troops. Strange, indeed, must such confidence appear to statesmen of the bloody-shirt persuasion. In due time, Federal staff-officers reached my camp. The men were paroled and sent home. Public property was turned over and receipted for, and this as orderly and quietly as in time of peace between officers of the same service.

What years of discord, bitterness, injustice and loss would not our country have been spared had the wounds of war healed by first intention under the tender ministrations of the hands that fought the battles! But the task was allotted to ambitious partisans, most of whom had not heard the sound of a gun. As of old, the Lion and the Bear fight openly and sturdily — the stealthy Fox carries off the prize.

Editorial paragraphs.

Colonel Jones' Confederate Roster is concluded in this number. We repeat that before publishing it in separate book form, the author will throughly revise and correct it, and it will be esteemed a favor if any one detecting errors or omissions, will at once write to this office, or direct to Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr., Box 5549, New York city.

Renewals have been steadily coming in; but we are compelled to drop from our mailing list the names of a number of subscribers from whom we have not yet heard. We beg that our subscribers will not only renew promptly themselves, but that they will use their influence to induce others to do so.

New subscribers are being added to our list in, perhaps, as large numbers as we could expect these hard times. But we are anxious to extend the sphere of our usefulness by greatly increasing our subscription list, and we beg our friends to help us in this. It can be done very easily if each subscriber will endeavor to add another to our list.

Agents are very much needed by us to push our work in every community. To energetic, efficient, reliable agents, who will make us frequent reports and prompt returns for all subscribers secured (and we want none others), we can pay a liberal commission. And we would be obliged to our friends for any help they may afford us in securing suitable agents.

the Houdon Statue, its history and value, is the title of a pamphlet by Sherwin McRae, Esq., which was published by order of the Senate of Virginia, and for a copy of which we are indebted to Col. James McDonald, Secretary of the Commonwealth. The author discusses, ably and exhaustively, Washington — his person as represented by the artists; gives a full history of the Houdon Statue, and shows beyond all reasonable doubt that not Stuart's portrait, nor any one of the many other pictures taken of him, but Houdon's Statue is the true likeness of Washington; and that when Lafayette said, after seeing this noble work of art, that it was A fac-simile of Washington's person, he but expressed the conviction of all who were familiar with the great original.

Virginia is indeed fortunate in having in her State Capitol this splendid work of art, which is, at the same time, a fac-simile of the person of her illustrious son who led to a successful issue the first Great Rebellion; and we should see to it that Yankee enterprise is not permitted to palm off some other picture as the true likeness of the Father of his country.

The genius of our talented artist (Valentine) has produced busts which are exact copies of the Houdon Statue, and we should rejoice to see these scattered widely through the land.

And now we want a fac-simile (not an ideal) of our second Washington — the chieftain of the second Great Rebellion --the immortal Lee, who, while not successful, will be written down in history as deserving success, and will live forever in the hearts of all true lovers of liberty. We have this fac — simile in Valentine's splendid recumbent figure at Lexington, and hope to have it also when the Lee monument association shall have completed their work, and placed their equestrian statue at Richmond.

Contributions to our archives are still gratefully appreciated. Among others we acknowledge the following:

From Graves Renfroe, Esq., of Talladega, Alabama--History and Debates of the <rs>Convention</rs> of the people of <placeName reg="Alabama" key="tgn,7002659" authname="tgn,7002659">Alabama</placeName>, begun in Montgomery January 7th, 1861, by Hon. William R. Smith, one of the delegates from Tuscaloosa. This book contains the speeches made in secret session, and many State papers of interest and value, and is a highly prized addition to our library, as well as a renewed evidence of the interest taken in our work by our young friend, Mr. Reufroe.

From Major Powhatan Ellis, of Gloucester county, Virginia--Hardee's Tactics (Confederate Edition) published at Jackson, Mississippi, 1861; a bundle of war papers, and a number of issues of the Richmond Whig and other papers for 1865. These papers contain a large number of important official reports, and other matters of great interest and value, and Major Ellis has placed the Society under obligation for these as well as for previous favors.

From J. F. Mayer, Richmond--The Unveiling of Divine Justice in the Great Rebellion: A Sermon by Rev. T. H. Robinson, of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. This production is valuable as a specimen of the barkings of the blood-hounds of Zion. Rifle and <orgName n="Light Infantry" type="infantry">light infantry</orgName> Tactics, an edition of Hardee published at Jackson, Mississippi, in 1861.

From A. Barron Holmes, Esq., Charleston, South Carolina-<placeName reg="Fort Gregg">Gregg</placeName>'s history of the old Cheraws; <persName n="Gibbes,,,,," id="n0118.0025.00160.01512" reg="mostcommon:Gibbes,nomatch:0" authname="gibbes"><surname full="yes">Gibbes</surname></persName>' Documentary history of <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712">South Carolina</placeName>, <dateStruct value="1781--" full="yes" authname="1781"><year reg="1781" full="yes">1781</year></dateStruct>-<dateStruct value="1782--" full="yes" authname="1782"><year reg="1782" full="yes">82</year></dateStruct>; History of the <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712">South Carolina</placeName> <orgName n="Jockey Club" type="club">Jockey Club</orgName>, by Dr. John B. Irving; The Pleiocene Fossils of <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712">South Carolina</placeName>, by M. Tuomey and F. S. Holmes; The Post Pleiocene Fossils of <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712">South Carolina</placeName>, by F. S. Holmes. (These copies of Profesor Holmes' great work are now out of print, as the drawings, lithographs, &c., were all confiscated in Philadelphia soon after the breaking out of the late war.)

From Hon. James Lyons, Richmond--His letter to the President of the United States in July, 1869, in relation to his right to registration and voting in the Virginia election of 1869.

Southern Historical Society papers. Vol. III. Richmond, Va., April, 1877. no. 4. Report of Major-General Carter L. Stevenson of the Tennessee campaign.

[We print the following report from General Stevenson's own Ms. Its value is increased by the fact that this account of the operations of the division of this accomplished soldier on that memorable campaign has never before been published in any form, so far as we know.]

headquarters Stevenson's division, In the field, January 20th, 1865.

Major — I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of my division during the recent campaign in Tennessee:

The march from Palmetto to the front of Columbia was without incident worthy of mention, except, perhaps, the demonstration upon Resaca, Georgia, in which my command acted with spirit in the skirmishing which resulted in driving the enemy within their works. My loss was numerically insignificant at this point, but amongst the killed was numbered the gallant soldier and genial gentleman, Colonel F. K. Beck, Twenty-third Alabama regiment. By his fall my division lost a chivalrous soldier and his native State one of her worthiest sons.

Upon our arrival in front of Columbia, my position in line was assigned from the right of the Mount Pleasant pike, the front of the division in line of battle. The investment was characterized by nothing of interest, as far as my division was concerned. A desultory skirmish fire was kept up most of the time. My losses here were few.

On the night of the 27th November, my scouts reported that there were indications that the enemy were evacuating Columbia. I immediately increased the number of scouts, and about an hour before day sent forward the Eighteenth and Third Tennessee regiments (consolidated), under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel W. R. Butler. He found the reports of the scouts to be correct, and occupied the town without opposition. I then moved forward my division, except Cumming's brigade (commanded on the campaign by Colonel E. P. Watkins, Fifty-sixth Georgia), which, by General Lee's order, was sent down the river to press those of the enemy who had taken that route, and endeavor to save the railroad bridge, which, however, had been fired before their arrival. In the fort at Columbia we secured a large amount of howitzer and small arm amunition and two siege howitzers. Colonel Butler had immediately upon gaining possession of the town sent a force to the ford of Duck river. The enemy's skirmishers were found to be in large force on the opposite bank and the enemy in position behind works about three-quarters of a mile from the river. He immediately moved down his command, and skirmished with them briskly. The Sixtieth North Carolina, coming up soon after, was sent further up the bank of the river to a point from which they obtained a flanking fire upon the enemy. This drove them back from the immediate bank of the river. Orders were soon after received to discontinue the skirmishing. On the night of that day, General Hood, with Cheatham's and Steuart's corps and Johnson's division of Lee's corps, crossed Duck river some miles above Columbia, and pushed for the enemy's rear, leaving General Lee, with Clayton's and my division to occupy the enemy in front until he should have reached his position, then to force a crossing of the river and attack the enemy as he attempted to extricate himself. The greater part of the next day was spent in preparations for this movement. The bank of the river was quite steep on the side held by the enemy. A pontoon boat, in charge of Captain Ramsay, engineer, was taken down the river under a galling fire, launched, and could there, under the cover of our artillery and skirmish fire, be used without much exposure in ferrying our troops. This was done with all practicable rapidity, the troops as they crossed forming under the cover of the steep bank to which I have alluded. About an hour before sunset I had succeeded in crossing three (3) regiments of Pettus' brigade, Brigadier-General Pettus in command. The Twentieth Alabama regiment (Colonel I. M. Dedman) of his brigade had previously been sent up the bank of the river to obtain a flanking fire upon the enemy, and the Thirtieth Alabama (Lieutenant-Colonel J. K. Elliott) was retained on the Columbia side to cover the ford in case of any failure. Everything being made ready, I directed General Pettus to advance, and his command dashed forward at the word, driving the enemy before them by a charge which elicited the warmest admiration of all who witnessed it. Their loss was slight; that of the enemy so considerable that to explain the affair, the commander of the enemy saw fit to attribute to an entire division an attack made by three (3) of its regiments. Having driven the enemy within their main line, General Pettus halted, selected a position to prevent the enemy from interrupting the laying of the pontoons, and was subsequently reinforced by the rest of his brigade and by Holtzclaw's brigade of Clayton's division. The pontoon bridge was then laid with all practicable expedition. During the night General Pettus reported that the enemy was retiring, and he following with his skirmishers. This was as anticipated, and orders had already been given by General Lee to have everything in readiness to move, coupled with the statement that General Hood had advised him that he was between the enemy and Nashville, near Spring Hill. At daybreak I put my division in motion, in rear of Clayton's. Upon arriving at Spring Hill, we were informed that from some cause, which has not been explained, the enemy had been suffered to pass unattacked along the road commanded by the troops which the Commanding General took with him. We were then ordered to push on to Franklin. My division was halted about dusk in three miles of that place, and took no part in the battle. During the night the division was put in position, preparatory to an assault, which it was announced was to be made by the entire army at daybreak. The enemy, however, evacuated the town before the hour for the assault. We then advanced to within a few miles of Nashville, and threw up a line of works — my position being on the right and left of the Franklin pike. Several new lines were built, but my position with regard to the pike remained unchanged.

Until the opening of the battles around Nashville, nothing of interest transpired in my command, except the part taken by my skirmishers, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel J. B. Bibb, Twenty-third Alabama, in a demonstration made by Lee's corps. The enemy's skirmishers were driven by a greatly inferior force from all of their entrenched positions. My skirmishers were handsomely handled, and did their work with a dash and gallantry which deserve praise. Just before this demonstration, Palmer's brigade (consolidated from Brown's and Reynold's old brigades), was detached and ordered to report to Major-General N. B. Forrest in front of Murfreesboroa. It remained so detached from the division until it reached Bear creak, on this side of Barton's station.

On the 15th of December the battle in front of Nashville opened. Except some unimportant skirmishing, my division took no part in that day's fight; although its position was frequently shifted, and the line greatly attenuated, to fill vacancies in the works caused by the withdrawal of the troops. On the next day the enemy advanced early in heavy force in front of the new line, which we had constructed late the previous night, my division extending its entire length, part of it in two and part in one thin rank, from a short distance to the left of the Franklin pike. The skirmishers of the right of Lee's corps, Clayton's and mine maintained their positions so well, though in small force, that, in their subsequent accounts, the enemy have seen fit to magnify the affair with them into a desperate assault by two corps upon our first line, which was finally successful, but attended with heavy loss. Soon afterward their forces advanced to the assault, principally upon a part of General Clayton's line and upon Pettus' brigade of my division — exposing, in their assault upon Pettus, their flank to a fire from Cumming's brigade. Their success the previous day had emboldened them, and they rushed forward with great spirit, only to be driven back with dreadful slaughter. Finding at last that they could make no impression upon our lines, they relinquished their attempts, and contented themselves with keeping up an incessant fire of small arms at long range, and an artillery fire which I have never seen surpassed for heaviness, continuance and accuracy. This state of things continued Until evening — doing, however, but little damage, my men keeping closely in the trenches, and perfectly cool and confident.

Towards evening General Lee sent me information that things were going badly on the left, and that it might be necessary to retire under cover of the approaching night. I at once hurried off orders for the artillery horses — which had been removed some distance to the rear to protect them from the fire of the enemy's artillery, under which they could not have lived half an hour — to be brought up. [It is proper to observe that about the middle of the day mist and rain arose, which entirely prevented my seeing anything that was going on beyond my own line.] The messengers had hardly gone for the horses before the break which, commencing some distance beyond the left of Lee's corps, extended to my line. Seeing it, the men on my left commenced leaving the works; but, at the call of their officers, returned at once, and held the line until the enemy were in fifty steps of them on their flank and pouring a fire into them from the flank and rear. When the true situation of affairs became apparent, and it was evident that the whole army, with the exception of my division and Clayton's, had been broken and scattered, the order for their withdrawal was given — an effort being made to deploy skirmishers from my left brigade, at right angles to the works, to cover in some measure the movement. Amidst the indescribable confusion of other troops, and with the enemy pouring in their fire upon their flank and from the front (having rushed towards the break and then forward, when they perceived that the troops on my left had broken), it was impossible to withdraw the command in order, and it became considerably broken and confused. Many of them were unable to get out of the trenches in time and were captured. All this happened in as short a time as it has taken to describe it. The artillery horses of Rowan's battery on the left of my line could not be brought up in time, and one of the guns of Cuput's battery was lost by being driven at full speed against a tree and the carriage broken. The different brigade arid regimental commanders had sent off their horses, there being no protection for them near the breastworks, and being thus unable to move about more rapidly than the men, were prevented from reforming their commands as quickly as could have been desired and extricating them from the throng of panic-stricken stragglers from other commands who crowded the road. This was done at last, and the line of march taken up for Franklin. On the way I received orders from General Lee to leave Pettus' brigade at Hollow Tree Gap, to assist in bringing up the rear, and to proceed with Cumming's brigade and bivouac near the battle-field at Franklin, leaving guards upon the road to stop the stragglers of the army. The next morning, by General Lee's order, I returned with Cumming's brigade to Franklin, and was there joined by General Pettus with his brigade, which had that morning before reaching Franklin captured a stand of colors. Soon after crossing the Harpeth, Lieutenant-General Lee was wounded. When about three miles from Franklin, General Lee moved off with the rest of the corps, and directed me to take command of the cavalry, commanded by Brigadier-General Chalmers, which, with my division, was to constitute the rear-guard.

The enemy did not press us heavily until we arrived near Johnson's house, five or six miles north of Spring Hill. Here I formed my line, having about seven hundred (700) infantry, with the cavalry on my flanks. The enemy advanced rapidly upon me, attacking me in front. I found it impossible to control the cavalry, and, with the exception of a small force on the left, fora short time, to get them into action. I may as well state that at this point, as soon as the enemy engaged us heavily, the cavalry retired in disorder, leaving my small command to their fate. The enemy, perceiving the shortness of my line, at once threw a force around my left-flank, and opened fire upon it and its rear. This was a critical moment, and I felt great anxiety as to its effect upon my men, who, few in numbers, had just had the shameful example of the cavalry added to the terrible trial of the day before. I at once ordered Colonel Watkins to prepare to retire fighting by the flank, and General Pettus to move in line of battle to the rear, with a regiment thrown at right angles to his flank, thus forming three (3) sides of a square. Watkins drove the enemy in his front in confusion, moved at the order which was given on the instant of success by the flank, and charged those on his flank and drove them also.

I halted again in about half a mile, formed a line upon each side of the pike, Pettus on the right, Watkins on the left, each with a regiment formed on his flank perpendicularly to his line to the rear, and having made these dispositions moved again to the rear. The enemy soon enveloped us in front, flanks and rear, but my gallant men, under all their charges, never faltered, never suffered their formation to be broken for an instant, and thus we moved driving our way through them, fighting constantly until within a short distance of Spring Hill, where we found that Major-General Clayton, hearing of our situation, had turned and moved back to our assistance. Here I halted for a time, and Holtzclaw's brigade of Clayton's division was formed upon Watkins' left flank in the manner which I have described. While here the enemy made several attacks, and opened upon us with artillery, but were readily repulsed. This was some time after dark. We finally moved off, and after marching about a mile further, finding that the enemy had evidently become disheartened and abandoned his attacks, I placed the whole command again upon the pike and marched in the ordinary manner until I reached the bivouac of the remainder of the corps.

I desire here to record my acknowledgments to the officers and men of Holtzclaw's brigade, commanded on the occasion by Colonel Jones, for the timely aid which they so gallantly afforded. Lieutenant-General Lee was pleased to acknowledge, in grateful and complimentary terms, the services of my division upon this occasion, and I make no vain boast when I, too, thank them for their conduct, and declare that never did a command in so perilous a position extricate itself by the force of more admirable coolness, determination and unflinching gallantry.

On that night I was directed by Lieutenant-General Lee to assume command of his corps during his disability.

I am greatly indebted to my staff: Major John J. Reeve, Assistant Adjutant-General; Surgeon H. M. Crupton, Medical Director; Major J. E. McEleath, Assistant Quartermaster; Major J. H. F. Mayo, C. S.; Major H. M. Mathews, Ordnance Officer; Captain G. D. Wise, Assistant Inspector-General; Captain Charles Vidor, Assistant Quartermaster; Lieutenant H. T. Botts, Aid-de-Camp; Lieutenant G. A. Hayard, Aid-de-Camp; also Captain W. H. Sikes, Forty-fifth Tennessee regiment, and Lieutenant W. E. McElwee, Twenty-sixth Tennessee regiment, temporarily on duty at my headquarters, for their most efficient and valuable services, and for their untiring efforts to assist me during this arduous and trying campaign.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

C. L. Stevenson, Major-General. Major J. W. Ratchford, Assistant Adjutant-General, Lee's Corps.

The peace Commission of 1865. By Hon. R. M. T. Hunter.

[We have already published in the Southern Magazine a paper from Judge Campbell on the Hampton Roads Conference. The following, from the pen of the distinguished Vice-President of our Society, has recently appeared in the Philadelphia Weekly Times as one of their series of chapters of unwritten history, but our readers will thank us for reproducing it.]

At the beginning of the year 1865, the country had become much exhausted by the exertions and ravages of the war. Scarce a household but had lost some member of its family in the bloody conflicts of the war, to whose chances parents had hitherto consigned the lives of their children without doubt or hesitation. In General Lee's skill and patriotism universal confidence was reposed, and, among many disposed by nature to be sanguine, hopes of final success were still entertained. But among the considerate, and those who had staked and lost both family and fortune in the war, feelings of despondency were beginning to prevail. Particularly was this the case among the older class of legislators. The vacant ranks in our armies were no longer promptly filled, as at the commencement of the war, and an exhibit of our resources, made by Judge Campbell, our Assistant Secretary of War, to General Lee, exhibited only a beggarly account of empty regiments. Propositions to call out boys of not more than sixteen years of age, and to place negroes in the army, were already being discussed. The prospects of success from such expedients were regarded as poor, indeed. The chances for the fall of Fort Fisher seemed imminent, as well as that of the complete closure of the ports through which we had been bringing into the Confederacy food, clothing and munitions of war. These dangers, beginning to be visible, were producing a most depressing effect on our Confederate Congress. When these sources of supply should be cut off, where then would be our resources to prolong the contest? The talk, too, for peace began to be more earnest and open than it had been hitherto. Influential politicians on the other side, formerly of great weight in the party contests of the country, and still bound to leading men of the Confederacy by old associations, were openly exerting themselves for peace, and appealing to men who used to act with and confide in them to unite with and work with them to procure a peace. F. P. Blair, an old Democratic leader during the time of General Jackson's election to the Presidency and his administration, and, indeed, through the whole period succeeding it up to the election of President Lincoln, adhered to the Government party, and labored earnestly for its success. Finding that things were going much further than he had anticipated, and becoming alarmed for the consequences, he interposed earnestly in the cause of peace, and procured the opportunity to visit Richmond, where he saw many old friends and party associates. Here his representations were not without effect upon his old Confederates who for so long had been in the habit of taking counsel with him on public affairs. He said what seemed to many of us to have much truth, that the disparity of resources was so great in favor of the Federals as would make a much further resistance on the part of the Confederacy impracticable. The United States, he said, if necessary for their purpose, could empty the population of Europe upon the Southern coasts by the offer of the lands of the dispossessed Southern landholders, and they would come in such number that any attempt at resistance would be hopeless. If the resistance, too, were protracted much further, such a temper would be exerted among the adherents of the Government that they would not object to the exchange, but be quite willing for it. Believing this to be the disposition of our opponents, and that a real danger was to be apprehended from a continuance of the war, my own attention was now more seriously directed to peace than heretofore. It turned the thoughts of many Confederates toward peace more seriously than ever before since the commencement of the war. But the very fact of the existence of such disposition on the part of the United States Government, showed how small were the chances for a peaceful and friendly settlement of existing differences between the parties.

The peace Commission appointed.

The talk about peace became so earnest and frequent in the capital of the Confederacy, and the indications of a desire for it among many members of the Confederacy became so plain and obvious, that President Davis and his friends began to feel that it was expedient that the Confederate Government should show some desire for peace on fair terms. To show no sense of responsibility for the terrible conflict then waging, and no desire for peace on any terms, would injure the Confederate Government in the eyes of its own people. The intrinsic difficulties in the way of a fair accommodation were scarcely appreciated, and the desire for change so universal in the human heart was manifest. Many were alarmed at the talk of conscribing negroes, and mothers, who had shrunk from nothing heretofore, were beginning to flinch at the prospect of seeing their boys of sixteen years of age, or under, exposed to the horrors and hardships such as would then be incurred in military service. Accordingly, the President, in January, 1865, determined to appoint three Commissioners and proposed a conference between them and others to be appointed by the United States Government, on the subject of peace, at some place to be agreed upon between the Governments. The persons appointed were A. H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States, Judge John A. Campbell, Assistant Secretary of War, and R. M. T. Hunter, Confederate Senator from the State of Virginia. These were expected to meet President Lincoln and Secretary Seward at Old Point, and prepare for the conference. General Lee was directed to pass the Commissioners through his lines to City Point, from which place it was supposed that General Grant would transfer them to the place of meeting at Old Point. Instructions were delivered to them directing, among other things, that they were to treat on the basis of two countries, thus precluding any idea of reunion, a provision which subsequently gave rise to difficulties in arranging the meeting, and it was rumored that Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, foreseeing this, had endeavored in vain to have it stricken out. We were dispatched at once to Petersburg, and it having gotten out that a Commission of Peace was on its way to Norfolk, we were received everywhere along the line with marks of great interest and curiosity. Of course we did nothing voluntarily to create expectations; and seeing no prospect of negotiating for a settlement of the difficulties between the parties, under our instructions, we did nothing so well calculated to exasperate the difference, as would have been the case had false hopes of peace, wantonly created, been unexpectedly disappointed. But we were not insensible to the manifestations of interest in the question in Petersburg, or that Judge Joynes, on taking leave of us said, as he shook hands, that if we returned with any fair hope of peace, we would be thanked by every man, woman and child in the city.

Passing through the lines.

When we reached Petersburg an intense state of excitement was soon raised in regard to the Commission. This excitement was increased by unexpected delays in passing the Commissioners over the enemy's line. This delay was the cause of some wonder to ourselves, until, in subsequently passing over, we observed the lean state of General Lee's defences, and how poorly our lines were lined with defenders. The ground between the two armies was covered with spent minnie balls, and it was obvious that if no more carnage had ensued it was not for the want of mutual ill — will *and attempts between the combatants. A short time brought us to the river, over which we were conducted to the boat which received us, and subsequently conducted us to the place of meeting. Here we were courteously received by General Grant and his officers, and we had abundant means to compare the resources of the respective and opposing lines. Many of the officers in General Grant's lines loudly expressed their desire for peace, wishes which we did not hesitate to reciprocate. Among them was General Meade, who told us he was near being arrested in Chicago at the commencement of the war for expressing such desires, and the opinion that the contest would result like the Kilkenney cat fight; and who now, said he, will say that such an opinion was absurd? Some of us said he had heard the conjecture that General Lee had already fought as many pitched battles as Napoleon in his Italian campaigns. General Meade said he did not doubt but he had, for many of his skirmishes, as they were called, would have ranked as battles in Napoleon's campaigns. The officers were courteous in their comments on their enemies, and many of them seemed mindful of old acquaintanceship and old ties. But soon General Grant began to receive returns to his telegrams from President Lincoln and Mr. Seward. A copy of our instructions was transmitted to President Lincoln, and now commenced our troubles. The President and his secretary answered promptly that they could not negotiate on the basis of two countries. President Lincoln said he could negotiate on no hypothesis but one of reunion. We were bound by positive instructions on our side, and could make no relaxation of those instructions on that head. As these difficulties seemed to increase by the persistency on both sides, all parties were annoyed by the hitch. Not only General Grant's officers, but we ourselves were anxious to know if there was any chance of settlement and on what terms. It was interesting to us to know whether the other party was aware of our real situation, but nothing occurred to satisfy us on that point; and yet with the system of spies and deserters on both parts, and the notoriety of our state of destitution at home, it seemed impossible to suppose that the enemy were not sufficiently aware of our condition to make their knowledge in that particular an important element in the negotiation.

The difficulties in the way.

As the difficulties of meeting seemed to increase, the impatience of the bystanders to bring the parties together grew very rapidly. One of General Grant's officers assured us that Mrs. Grant had expressed her opinion openly that her husband ought to send us on, and permit no vital difficulties to break up the interview. She said we were known to be good men, and she believed that our intentions were praiseworthy, and she doubted not but that something good would result if we and Mr. Lincoln could be brought together; but that if Mr. Seward were allowed to intervene between us he would break up all prospect of a settlement of the difficulties by his wily tactics. She seemed to have a poor opinion of his purposes or management. She impressed us very favorably by her frankness and good feelings, but somehow the difficulties were removed, and after a delay of about twenty-four hours, steam was gotten up and we were on our way to the place of meeting. We all moved under some excitement; we were all desirous of a fair settlement, and neither expected nor wished unequal advantages or an unfair adjustment. We were no diplomatists, unused in the practices of negotiation; immense events might be in store for us; great possibilities of change ahead of us, and possibly through us seeds might be sown from which new destinies might spring or changes effected which might alter the course of empire itself. We would probably soon know what would be the effect of our own action or how it would result for our country. These were dreary thoughts to any men, but particularly to those who felt the load of a peculiar responsibility for the turn which events might take. We had formed no particular scheme of negotiation, no definite line of policy by which exciting dispositions on both sides might be molded to satisfactory results. Mr. Stephens seemed possessed with the opinion that secession might be recognized as a conservative remedy by the Northern population, as subsequent conversations proved. He made it evident, too, that he believed the Monroe doctrine might be made the cement of union among our populations. He acted on the principle that by a union to drive the French out of Mexico, our people could be reunited at home. The extent to which he carried these opinions was strange indeed. Judge Campbell seemed to repose his hopes on an armistice to be formed by General Grant and General Lee, and certain conditions to be declared between them on which this armistice should exist. The intercourse which would subsist during the armistice, it was thought, would hurry about peace and good feeling and the renewal of old habits of communion, and profitable trade would restore good feeling and the old habits of trade, and bring on old feelings generated by the intercourse dictated by self-interest and old association. It was believed, too, that arrangements brought on by General Grant and General Lee to restore old intercourse would be tolerated, which would be rejected if proposed by any one else.

The meeting.

We met Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward aboard the steamer, and soon the conference was commenced by Mr. Stephens, who seemed impressed with the idea that secession was the true conservative remedy for sectional difference, and appeared to be animated by the hope that he could convince the President and Secretary of the truth of this view. Never was hope more mistaken. Although polite, neither countenanced the idea for a moment. He next proposed another subject upon which he seemed to rely with even more confidence. He revived the old Monroe doctrine, and suggested that a reunion might he formed on the basis of uniting to drive the French out of America, and uniting to organize this continent for Americans. This was received with even less favor than I expected. Both expressed their aversion to any occupancy of Mexico by the French, but if they felt any doubt, expressed none as to the capacity of the United States Government to drive the French away. Mr. Blair, while in Richmond, talked of this as a probable basis of reunion. Mr. Lincoln was evidently afraid that he had uttered sentiments for which he could not be responsible, and earnestly disclaimed having authorized his mission — whether this was true I had my doubts then and now. It is impossible but that Mr. Lincoln must have felt anxiety on the subject of peace. If he knew of our destitution he gave no sign of it, but he did not press the peace as I had supposed he would. He distinctly affirmed that he would not treat except on the basis of reunion and the abolition of slavery. Neither Lincoln nor Seward showed any wise or considerate regard for the whole country, or any desire to make the war as little disastrous to the whole country as. possible. If they entertained any such desires they made no exhibition. Their whole object seemed to be to force a reunion and an abolition of slavery. If this could be done, they seemed to feel little care for the distress and suffering of the beaten party. Mr. Lincoln, it is true, said that a politician on his side had declared that $400,000,000 ought to be given by way of compensation to the slaveholders, and in this opinion he expressed his concurrence. Upon this Mr. Seward exhibited some impatience and got up to walk across the floor, exclaiming, as he moved, that in his opinion the United States had done enough in expending so much money on the war for the abolition of slavery, and had suffered enough in enduring the losses necessary to carry on the war. Ah, Mr. Seward, said Mr. Lincoln, you may talk so about slavery, if you will; but if it was wrong in the South to hold slaves, it was wrong in the North to carry on the slave trade and sell them to the South (as it is notorious that they did, he might have added), and to have held on to the money thus procured without compensation, if the slaves were to be taken by them again. Mr. Lincoln said, however, that he was not authorized to make such a proposition, nor did he make it. It was evident that both the President and Secretary were afraid of the extreme men of their party. Certain objects were to be secured, and when once obtained it was no consideration with their party whether the sufferings of the conquered party were to be mitigated or any relief was to be afforded. And yet to statesmen and benevolent men, it was obvious that both parties were to be benefited by affording the conquered party some relief for their prostration. The reaction of the sufferings of the South upon the North has been obvious enough for many years. The English Government in its scheme of West India emancipation saw the necessity of some relief to all parts of the country. It ought to have been obvious enough to wise and considerate statesmen that some relief was the policy here, too. But the North, when placed in power, seemed to be insensible to these views, and desired to punish those who had been defeated in the contest. To do this they seemed willing to make their losses irretrievable.

Unconditional surrender demanded.

The armistice was promptly opposed by the President and Secretary of State. If the only objects were to re-establish the Union and abolish slavery, they were right. If, however, they had any desire for the general good, and to procure relief for parties suffering, as ought to have been felt by men fit to govern such a country and to understand its wants, their views would have been different. We had tried to intimate to General Grant before we reached Old Point, that a settlement generally satisfactory to both sides could be more easily effected through him and General Lee by an armistice than in any other way. The attempt was in vain. Lee had too much principle probably to have yielded to such a suggestion, and if Grant would have suffered no principle to restrain him if he had seen his way clear, he had not the ability to weigh truly his responsibility or to understand his opportunities. Generals who are so often accused and blamed for usurping power often see the best way out of difficulties. Had Caesar or Napoleon been in command of the Union forces there is little doubt but that some settlement would have been made to have relieved us of much of our difficulty. When a general knows what to do he is often more reliable than the politicians in civil war. England, probably, was better managed by Cromwell than would have been done by the general voice of her civilians. Politicians often make more fatal inroads on the bulwarks of national liberty than military commanders. It is doubtful whether a Government formed by the Roman Senate would have been better than Scylla's, and Napoleon's constitutions were probably preferable to what the civilians would have given them. Civil wars often produce emergencies which create new and unexpected wants, and in these I have no doubt but that Napoleon was a more reliable counsellor than Lieges. Complications are sometimes produced by the sword that can only be cut by the sword. In this very case some compensation for the negroes taken away would have been both just and politic. Through a truce or armistice it might have been effected, but otherwise it seems not.

With regard to the Monroe doctrine, out of which I feared some complications might arise, as Blair had seemed to favor it very much, I took occasion to say to Mr. Lincoln that I differed much from Mr. Stephens, and so in my opinion did many of our people, who would be found unwilling to kindle a new war with the French on any such pretence. That for one I laid no such claims to the right of exclusive possession of the American continent for the American people, as had been done by others. That many of us would be found unwilling to have a war upon a mere question of policy rather than of honor or right. That although we would hear and communicate whatever was said to us on this question, we were not instructed to treat upon it. Nor for one was I prepared to do so. I asked him, however, to communicate the terms, if any, upon which he would negotiate with us. He said he could not treat with us with arms in our hands; in rebellion, as it were, against the Government.

The end of the conference.

I did not advert to the fact that we were with arms in our hands upon this occasion when we came to treat with him, but I replied this had been often done, especially by Charles I, when at civil war with the British Parliament. He laughed, and said that Seward could talk with me about Charles I, he only knew that Charles I had lost his head. I said not for that, but because he made no satisfactory settlement at all. But it was of no use to talk with him upon this subject. It was evident that both he and Seward were terribly afraid of their constituents. They would hint at nothing but unconditional submission, although professing to disclaim any such demand. Reunion and submission seemed their sole conditions. Upon the subject of a forfeiture of lands, Mr. Lincoln said it was well known that he was humane and not disposed to exact severe terms. It was then that I expressed myself more freely on the subject of the negotiation and the condition of affairs. It seemed, I said, that nothing was left us but absolute submission both as to rights and property, a wish to impose no unnecessary sacrifice on us as to landed property on the part of one branch of our Government, but no absolute assurance as to this. I might have said it was the expression of an absolute determination not to treat at all, but to demand a submission as absolute as if we were passing through the Candine forks.

Such a rebuke to negotiation after a civil war of half this magnitude in any European nation, probably would have called down the intervention of its neighbors; nor is it probable that the parties to a civil war in any civilized European nation could have met for purposes of adjustment without some plan of relief or amelioration on the part of the stronger in favor of the weaker. Mr. Seward, it is true, disclaimed all demand for unconditional submission. But what else was the demand for reunion and abolition of slavery, without any compensation for negroes or even absolute safety for property proclaimed to have been forfeited?

Cavalry operations in May, 1863--report of General J. E. B. Stuart.

headquarters cavalry division, army of Northern Virginia, May 8th, 1863.

General — In anticipation of the detailed reports, I have the honor to submit the following sketch of the operations of the cavalry immediately preceding and during the battles of the Wilderness and Chancellorsville.

The enemy had more than a week previously concentrated a large body, two or three divisions of cavalry, along the bank of the upper Rappahannock, whose efforts to hold a footing on the south bank had been repulsed with loss by the two brigades with me, commanded respectively by Brigadier-Generals Fitzhugh and W. H. F. Lee. Finally, infantry appeared at Kelly's and Rappahannock bridge, but were so inactive that there was nothing inconsistent in the supposition that their appearance was a feint. About dark, however, on Tuesday night (28th), the enemy crossed below the bend of the river at Kelly's, in boats, opposite our videttes, and before the force posted to defend the ford could be sent to the point, had crossed in such numbers as to make an attempt at resistance futile. The party crossing at once threw over a pontoon bridge, and moved directly up the river, compelling our forces to abandon the ford at Kelly's and separating our communication with the lower pickets. General W. H. F. Lee, near Brandy, on receiving this intelligence, sent a regiment (Thirteenth Virginia cavalry) at once to meet the advance of infantry, which was checked a mile above Kelly's. I received information of this move about 9 P. M. at Culpeper, and made arrangements to have the entire cavalry and artillery force in Culpeper on the ground at daylight — directing, in the meantime, the enemy to be so enveloped with pickets as to see what route he took from Kelly's and keep him in check. General W. H. F. Lee selected a fine position between Brandy and Kelly's and awaited the advance; General Fitz. Lee being held in reserve at Brandy, with a regiment at Stevensburg. The enemy did not advance that way seriously, though Chambliss, with the Thirteenth Virginia, was skirmishing all the forenoon with the enemy's infantry.

A Prussian officer of General Carl Schurz's staff was captured, who reported that two corps of the enemy were certainly across the river: how many more were to follow, he did dot know. He estimated the force in this column at 20,000 men. He seemed frank and candid, as well as communicative.

About 1 P. M., I received a report from the pickets towards Madden's that the enemy was moving a large infantry force in that direction. Leaving Chambliss in front of the enemy where I was, I marched the remainder of the command, Fitz. Lee in advance, directly to Madden's, where we pierced the enemy's column while it was marching, and scattered it, taking possession of the road and capturing a number of prisoners, which enabled us to develope their strength and designs, as we captured prisoners from three army corps--Eleventh (Howard's), Twelfth (Slocum's), Fifth (Meade's); and soon after learned that the column had marched direct for Germana ford.

These items were telegraphed to the Commanding General. Colonel J. Lucius Davis, near Beaver Dam, had been telegraphed early that day to move his force at once to occupy and hold the Rapidan fords, but I had no assurance that the order would be obeyed with sufficient promptness to accomplish the object; and as there was no cavalry on the left flank of the main army, it was indispensably necessary to move around, get in front of the enemy moving down upon Fredericksburg, delay him as much as possible, and protect our left flank. Besides, while in the execution of this design, I received instructions from the Commanding General to give necessary orders about public property along the railroad, and swing round to join his left wing, delaying the enemy as much as possible in his march.

The brigade of General Fitz. Lee was put en route, in a jaded and hungry condition, to Raccoon ford, to cross and move round to the enemy's front. General W. H. F. Lee, with the two regiments--Ninth and Thirteenth--under his command, was directed to move by way of Culpeper, to take up the line of the upper Rapidan, and lookout for Gordonsville and the railroad. Couriers had been by directions sent to Eley's and Germana to notify our parties there of the enemy's advance, but were captured and consequently the parties there received no notice; but by the good management of Captain Collins, however, now Major of Fifteenth Virginia cavalry, the enemy was checked for some time at Germana, and his wagons and implements saved, though some of his men were captured. A strong party of sharpshooters was left to hold the road of the enemy's march as long as possible, and then follow us, which was done till the enemy advanced about eleven at night and compelled them to retire. Dispatches captured showed that trains of wagons and beef cattle accompanied the expedition, and the men were already supplied with five days rations in haversacks. These items placed it beyond doubt that the enemy were making a real movement to turn Fredericksburg.

Crossing the Rapidan that night, the main body of cavalry was halted for rest a few hours, having marched more than half the night; and one regiment (Colonel Owen's) was sent on to get between the enemy and Fredericksburg and impede his progress. Early next day (Thursday, 30th), Owen, having reached the Germana road on the Fredericksburg side, kept in the enemy's front, while the remainder kept on the enemy's right flank, and opened on his column en route at Wilderness tavern, delaying his march till 12 M., and causing several regiments of infantry to deploy in line of battle to meet us. Hearing that the enemy had already reached Chancellorsville by the Eley's Ford road, I directed my march by Todd's tavern for Spotsylvania Courthouse. Night overtook us at Todd's tavern, and being anxious to know what the Commanding General desired me to do further, I left the command to bivouac here, and proceeded with my staff towards his headquarters near Fredericksburg; but had not proceeded a mile before we found ourselves confronted by a party of the enemy double our own, directly in our path. I sent back hastily for a regiment, which, coming up (Fifth Virginia cavalry, Colonel Tyler), attacked and routed the party. But in the meantime another body of the enemy's cavalry came in rear of the Fifth. Receiving notice of this, I gave orders to withdraw the Fifth from the road, and sent for the brigade to push on at once. This was done, and by the bright moonlight a series of charges routed and scattered this expedition, which had penetrated to within a mile or two of Spotsylvania.

It has been since ascertained that this expedition was by no means an insignificant affair, and, but for the timely arrival of this cavalry on the spot and its prompt and vigorous action, might have resulted disastrously. Artillery as well as trains were passing Spotsylvania, unprotected, at the time. With very little rest, and without waiting for rations or forage, this noble little brigade, under its incomparable leader, was in the saddle early next morning, and moving on Jackson's left flank during the entire day (May 1st), swinging around to the left to threaten the enemy's rear. On the morning of May 2d, the cavalry of this brigade was disposed so as to clear Jackson's way in turning the enemy's right flank; this was done in the most successful manner, driving off the enemy's cavalry wherever it appeared, and enabled Jackson to suprise the enemy.

In the subsequent operations attending the battle and glorious victory, the cavalry did most essential service in watching our flanks and holding the Eley's Ford road in the enemy's rear, Wickham and Owen being on the extreme right. The horse artillery kept pace, and in the battle of the Wilderness led the attack of artillery.

Too much praise cannot be awarded the brave men who thus bore fatigue, hunger, loss of sleep, and danger without a murmur.

The operations of Brigadier-General W. H. F. Lee, with his handful of men, are embraced in the memoranda furnished by him. His report is not only satisfactory, but gives evidence of sagacity and good conduct throughout, and of great efficiency on the part of his command.

The result shows that the disposition made of these two commands was absolutely necessary. Jones' brigade was entirely out of reach, and Hampton was south of James river recruiting.

That Stoneman with a large cavalry force was allowed to penetrate into the heart of the State, though comparatively harmless in results, is due to the entire inadequacy in numbers of the cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia. The enemy has confronted us with at least three divisions of cavalry, more or less concentrated, which we opposed with one division, spread from the Chesapeake to the Alleghany, yet had not the approach of a battle below made it necessary to divide the force of the two Lee's, I feel very confident it would have been prevented, though with great sacrifice of life, owing to disparity of numbers.

With the Commanding General, who is aware of all the facts, we are content to rest our vindication, if the pursuit of the plain path of duty needs vindication.

Most respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)

J. E. B. Stuart, Major-General. Brigadier-General R. H. Chilton, A. A. and I. General, Army of Northern Virginia.

Memoranda of the operations of Brigadier-General W. H. F. Lee's command during General Stoneman's raid into Virginia.

Wednesday, April 29th, 1863--Chambliss' Thirteenth Virginia cavalry, with one piece of artillery, was left at Kelly's; Payne, with one hundred men of Second North Carolina cavalry, had gone to Germana; I, with the Ninth, went to Willis Madden's with General Stuart; left him that night and went to Culpeper Courthouse with the Ninth Virginia cavalry; Chambliss joined me there that night.

Thursday, 30th--Marched from Culpeper to Rapidan station, with Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia cavalry, and one piece of artillery; left one squadron in Culpeper, which fell back before the enemy and joined me at Rapidan; enemy appeared that evening.

Friday, May 1st--Engaged all day with one or two brigades of cavalry; one charge made by Colonel Beale, with one squadron to draw them out; took 30 prisoners, but could not bring them off — was pressed very hard; had orders from General Lee to burn the bridge, and fall back to Gordonsville; burnt the bridge, but held my position all day; enemy commenced moving towards night in force on my left; withdrew at night and marched towards Gordonsville.

Saturday, 2d--Reached Gordonsville at 11 A. M.; heard on my arrival that a large body of the enemy was at Trevilian's depot and Louisa Courthouse; sent the Ninth Virginia in that direction; their videttes were driven in by the enemy; they charged and drove them three miles, killing and wounding a number, and took thirty-two prisoners, one lieutenant; my loss was three or four wounded; four prisoners taken represented three different regiments; went to their assistance with Thirteenth Virginia and two pieces artillery; met Colonel Beale falling back; took a position and waited their approach; they did not advance; learned that General Stone-man with his whole corps was at Louisa Couthouse, moving towards James river; supposed his object was to tear up railroad; they not comming on, my men and horses being worried out by four days fighting and marching, left out my pickets and withdrew to Gordonsville.

Sunday, 3d--Received information from my scouts that the enemy were leaving Louisa and moving in direction of Columbia; knowing their object was to destroy the aqueduct, I started after them; arrived there at night; heard they had left in a great hurry, pursued all night; at day-break, having traveled sixty or seventy miles, and the enemy being three hours ahead of me, halted; my videttes reported enemy about one mile in advance; had exchanged words, and they said they belonged to Fifth regulars; knew the party I was pursuing was Wyndham's.

Monday, 4th--Started forward and care upon him drawn up in road; one squadron of Ninth cavalry was ahead, a few hundred yards; charged; enemy charged at same time; fought hand to hand four or five minutes; routed the party; killed six; wounded a number; took thirty-three prisoners, among them Captain Owens and Lieutenant Buford. Captain Owens reported that his regiment was not all present, but that he was on picket; that General Buford was only three miles distant. My horses and men being jaded, and having only about eigth hundred men, I determined not to pursue; continued back to Gordonsville, having traveled seventy or eighty miles.

Tuesday, 5th--Rested, having sent out scouting parties; heard by telegram from Richmond that the enemy were everywhere.

Wednesday, 6th--Having received information that the enemy were recrossing the railroad, moved down upon his left flank; came upon his rear at North Anna river; took seventeen or eighteen prisoners; their rear guard had crossed the river and torn up the bridge. It had been raining all day and river was past fording. Hearing that this was only one party, and that another column was moving lower down, went in that direction; found they had all crossed North Anna river and destroyed bridges behind them. Moved that night in direction of Louisa Courthouse, bivouacked within three miles of Courthouse.

Thursday, 7th--Went to Trevilian's depot; moved at 3 P. M. for Orange Courthouse; scouts reported that enemy had crossed Rapidan.

(Signed)

W. H. F. Lee Brigadier General. Diary of Captain Robert E. Park, Twelfth Alabama regiment. [continued from March Number.]

March 20th, 1865

I have suffered severely for several days from cold and hoarseness, with an occasional fever, and Dr. Hays, Chief of our Division, advised and obtained an order for my transfer to the hospital. I reluctantly consented to go, for I had a feeling recollection of my unkind treatment in other Yankee prison hospitals, and shrank from a renewal of my very unpleasant acquaintance with them. Thoughts of Knowles of West's Hospital, and of Heger of Point Lookout Hospital, have caused me to dread my treatment at the Fort Delaware Hospital. Growing worse, however, I went, and was registered in ward 11. All of my clothing was taken from me, and I was clad in shirt and drawers of coarse texture, belonging to the hospital, and which had probably been frequently used before by smallpox and other diseased patients. My crutches were also taken from me. Doctor Miller, a youth of perhaps twenty years, diagnosed my disease and pronounced it remittent fevor. He prescribed pills. Judging by Miller's manners and appearance, he must be some medical student practicing to gain experience solely, or he has but recently graduated. The accommodations are as good as could be expected in a place conducted without regard to system, and where the patients are under the charge of such young and totally inexperienced physicians. At the head of each bunk or bed a card is suspended against the the wall, having on it the name and rank of the patient, character of his disease, and number of his bed. Corn mush, without salt or milk, composed my supper.

March 21st

Meals are quite scanty in quantity and uninviting in quality, and the officers from Hilton Head and Fort Pulaski, afflicted with scurvy, are constantly complaining of hunger, and wishing for meal hour to arrive. Mush made of yellow corn meal is the usual supper. The poor fellows suffering from scurvy are a sad sight, as they walk in their hospital garb of shirt and drawers (which are oftentimes either too large and long, or too tight and short for the wearers), from their beds to the stove. Their legs and feet are so drawn as to compel them to walk on tiptoe, their heels being unable to reach the floor. How necessary a few vegetables are to these helpless sufferers. The best Government the world ever saw, however, is either too poor or too mean to furnish them.

March 22d to 24th

Among others whose beds are near mine are Colonel S. M. Boykin, of the Twentieth South Carolina infantry, a very dignified and intelligent middle aged gentleman from Camden, South Carolina, and Captain James W. McSherry, of Thirty-sixth Virginia infantry, from Martinsburg, Virginia. The latter is a physician of talent and fine standing, but preferred to serve the South as an officer of the line to accepting a place as surgeon. Captain M. is a cousin of my excellent friend Miss Anna L. McSherry, and is a bold and outspoken denouncer of the Yankees. He has scurvy badly. My bed is near the stove, and I have frequent talks with those who come around it to warm themselves. or to interchange opinions about the situation.

March 25th and 26th

I find myself much improved, my fevers being slight and rare and hoarseness disappearing. Smallpox, that most loathsome of diseases, has made its appearance in our ward. Colonel Montgomery, of Georgia, was sick with it for several days, with high fever, his face and body being broken out with pimples, but was not removed until several officers, fearing infection, urged his removal from their vicinity to the pest-house. Lieutenant Birkhead, of North Carolina, who lay next to me, showed me his hands, neck and face covered with pimples, yesterday, and asked me what was the matter. I took his hand and wrist in mine, and laughingly pronounced it smallpox, little dreaming that I was correct. Today our young doctor decided it was a genuine case of smallpox, and ordered his removal to the smallpox hospital. I never saw nor heard of poor Birkhead again. Deaths from smallpox, pneumonia, scurvy, fevers, dysentery, and various other diseases, are alarmingly frequent. There is honor and glory in death on the field of battle, amid the whistling of bullets, the shrieks of shells, the fierce roar of cannon, and the defiant shouts of the brave combatants, but the saddest, most solemn and painful of deaths is that within prison walls, far from home and loved ones. The picture of his loved home flits across the dying soldier's mind; dear faces seem to look down upon him, but no gentle hands ease his pain, no loving lips whisper words of peace and comfort,--the suffering forms of his sick and wounded comrades are all the friends he sees, their groans all the prayers he hears. As he fights his last fight with the grim monster, no doubt he sees floating aloft the flag he has so often followed — he hears his commander's cheering words urging his men on to the fray; but they will urge him on no more, and never again will he behold the proud banner he has loved so well. With the roar of the cannon and rattling of musketry falling upon his ear, or with a fair vision of his dear childhood's home before his mind, and a prayer he lisped in days gone by at his mother's knee, his eyes close, his breath ceases, and the brave prisoner's life is ended. Horrid war has given another noble heart to death, and taken the sunshine from another happy home. The dead prisoner is carried to the dead-house, stripped of his clothing, placed by strangers and enemies in a rough, unpainted pine coffin; hoisted in an old cart, and hurried to the burial ground, like the carcass of some dumb brute, without the presence or ministrations of a single friend. They are carried across the bay, when not sunk within it, and buried on the Jersey shore. The graves are seldomed marked, or it is done in a very careless manner, easily erased in a short time by the action of the elements.

March 27th

All the paroled prisoners have had their checks redeemed or cashed, and it is said a boat will carry them to Dixie soon. Oh! that I could be of the lucky number.

March 28th

I received a very kind letter from that true friend and noble woman, Miss McSherry, to-day, enclosing $12, which was paid me in checks. Her generous, disinterested kindness, commands my sincere admiration and warmest gratitude. Miss Mary Alburtis, of Martinsburg, also wrote me very kindly.

March 29th

Letters to day from Miss Nena Kiger and Miss Mollie Harlan, and wrote two letters to friends in Winchester, and two to Martinsburg. The only newspaper we are permitted to buy or receive is the Philadelphia Inquirer, a very bitter, boastful and malignant sheet, full of falsehoods about the Southern people and Confederate armies. Its price to our Yankee guards is five cents, to the sick and penniless prisoners is ten cents. A young galvanized man--i. e., one ready to take the oath when allowed — named C., who claims to be from both Alabama and Kentucky, is one of the nurses in our ward. He had not the courage, fortitude and patriotic principle requisite to remain true to the land of his birth, and has signified his willingness to repudiate his first pledge, and swear allegiance to the Yankee Government. I have talked with C., and remonstrated with him upon his disgraceful conduct, but he seems resolved upon his course.

March 30th and 31st

My first letter from Dixie since my capture, 19th September, over six months ago, came to-day and rejoiced me greatly. It was from the Hon. David Clopton, member of the Confederate Congress, once a private in my company, and afterwards Quartermaster of the Twelfth Alabama. It was dated Richmond, Virginia, March 6th, and gave me some interesting news. He told me brother James was in Tuskegee when he heard from him last, about the first of February; that General Grimes, of North Carolina, was in command of Rodes' old division, and General Battle was at home on account of his wound. He had not heard of any casualties in my company lately. The letter closed by wishing I might be exchanged soon. Captain Clopton was a member of the United States Congress before the war, and is a leading lawyer of Alabama, as well as an amiable, Christian gentleman and fine scholar.

April 1st, 1865

Sunday--Chaplain William H. Paddock, of the United States army, stationed at Fort Delaware, passed through the ward, and learning that he was a minister, I asked for and was given a Bible, on the inside cover of which was pasted the following printed card, the blanks of which I have filled out:

Bible House, Baltimore, Maryland, March, 1865.

From the Maryland State Bible Society, to Captain Robert E. Park, soldier in company F, Twelfth regiment, Alabama Volunteers. Should I die on the battle field or in the hospital, for the sake of humanity, acquaint my mother, Mrs. S. T. Park, residing at Greenville, Georgia, of the fact, and where my remains may be found.

Chaplain Paddock seems a very genteel, good man, but his visits to the prisoners must be very rare, as to-day is the first time I have ever seen or heard of him. Perhaps the soldiers of the garrison require all his time and attention. The Inquirer gives news of the battle of Fort Steadman, which occurred on the 26th ultimo, and in which that unreliable sheet states that General Gordon made a desperate but unsuccessful attempt to capture the fort, but was repulsed with great loss. Gordon is cautious as well as gallant, and I believe he gained a victory. General Gordon began service as captain of the Raccoon Roughs, a company in the Sixth Alabama of my brigade, from Jackson county, Alabama, was successively elected major, lieutenant-colonel and colonel, and promoted brigadier-general, major-general, and I hear is now commanding Early's old corps, with the rank of lieutenant-general. In his case, real merit has been promptly and properly rewarded. The confronting lines near Petersburg are stretched out over thirty miles, and the papers report numerous deserters, who relate doleful tales of scarcity, hardships and despondency within the Confederate lines. How chafing and irritating this protracted confinement in a Yankee bastile is to a Confederate soldier, who sees and keenly feels the great necessity for his presence in the Southern army by the side of his old comrades, now sorely pressed and well nigh overwhelmed by vastly superior numbers, and suffering from want of sufficient food and too great loss of sleep and necessary rest. If I could be released from this loathed imprisonment, I would gladly report on my crutches for duty with my company in the trenches around beleaguered Petersburg, the heroic Cockade city. For, while I could neither charge nor retreat, should either be ordered, yet I could cheer by my words and inspire by my presence those who might be dispirited or despondent.

April 2d and 3d

The appalling news of the evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg has reached us, and the Yankee papers are frantic in their exultant rejoicings. We have feared and rather expected this dreaded event, for General Lee's excessive losses from battle, by death and wounds, prisoners, disease and desertion, with no reinforcements whatever, taught us that the evacuation of the gallant Confederate capital was inevitable. I suppose our peerless chieftain will retreat to Lynchburg, or perhaps to North Carolina, and there unite his shattered forces with the army of General Joseph E. Johnston. There's life in the old land yet, and Lee and Johnston, with their small but veteran armies united, having no longer to guard thousands of miles of frontier, will yet wrest victory and independence for the Confederacy from the immense hosts of Yankees, Germans, Irish, English, Canadians and negroes, ex-slaves, composing the powerful armies under Grant and Sherman. Would that the 7,000 or 8,000 Confederates now confined at Fort Delaware, and their suffering but unconquered comrades at Johnson's Island, Point Lookout, Camp Chase, Camp Douglas, Rock Island, Elmira and other places could join the closely pressed, worn out, starving, but ever faithful and gallant band now retreating and fighting step by step, trusting implicitly in the superb leadership of their idolized commander and his brave lieutenants Longstreet, Ewell, Early, Gordon, Hampton, Pickett and the rest. How quickly the tide of battle would turn, and how speedily glorious victory would again perch upon our banners! It is very hard, bitter, indeed, to endure this cruel, crushing confinement, while our comrades need our aid so greatly. Still I realize the fact that while painful and harrowing to one's feelings to be pent up within despised prison walls during such trying times, it is no disgrace to be a prisoner of war, if not captured under dishonorable circumstances. Lafayette languished in prison, and so did Louis Napoleon, the present Emperor of France, and his illustrious uncle, the First Napoleon, and so did St. Paul, and so have the great and good of all ages. We are but mortals, and must yield to the fiat of remorseless destiny. There are here many splendid specimens of physical, mental and moral manhood, and in them we see the age of chivalry revived. Three-fourths of the officers are under thirty years of age; many are of the first order of talent, and will make their marks in after life. A large number are graduates of colleges and universities, and many have had the advantage of extensive travel over Europe and America, and are gentlemen of culture and refinement. Some, of course, in so large a body, gathered from so many States, are coarse and unrefined, illiterate men, promoted doubtless on account of their gallantry in battle, or through the partiality of their ignorant companions. A vast majority are brave, gallant and dashing soldiers, and are deserving of special mention in my Diary. Superior power has incarcerated these men in a loathsome prison, indignities and insults are daily heaped upon them, and they have no ability to resent them. Starvation sometimes almost drives them to reluctant submission, but the whole Yankee Government, with its immense army of more than a million men, cannot shake their confidence in the truth and justice of their cause, nor crush their resolute, undaunted spirits. For future reference I have bought a small blank book, and am getting the autographs of many acquaintances, with their military rank, name of their commands, and their home address. A great many officers in the pen, and a few in the hospital, have these autograph books, and are assiduous in collecting names.

April 4th

Mrs. Emma R. Peterkin, Mrs. Meeteer, and other ladies from Philadelphia, visited the hospital and our ward to-day by special permission. They brought us some vegetables, fruit, etc. Their gentle presence and kindly words of sympathy infused new life into us, and was a most delightful and charming incident in our cheerless prison experience. One of the ladies came to my bed, spoke of her friendship for Mrs. Professor LeConte, of Athens, Georgia, and gave me some nice fruit. She also gave me hastily a recent number of Ben Wood's excellent Democratic paper, the New York News. This is a real treat, as Ben Wood is a Rebel sympathizer, and tells the plain truth about the Yankee defeats. His paper is forbidden in prison, lest the prisoners should gather some crumbs of comfort and items of truth from its bold utterances. After reading it, it was passed from couch to couch, and read with great eagerness. These sweet, gentle hearted women, with their winning smiles and cheerful words, proved well springs of joy to us, and brought to mind tender thoughts of our homes and loved ones. Their coming was like a fairy visitation to the sick, wounded and mentally distressed soldiers, lying on their weary couches of pain. May God bless and protect them, and may the noble virtues of these good women be visited in drops of tenderest mercy upon their children, and their children's children, even to the third and fourth generation.

Field letters from Stuart's headquarters.

[The following autograph letters, for which we are indebted to Major H. B. McClellan, formerly of General J. E. B. Stuart's staff, are worth preserving in our Papers, and will be of interest to others as well as to those who followed the feather of the gallant and lamented Chief of Cavalry of Army of Northern Virginia.]

headquarters, Crenshaw's farm, 19th August, 1862. General J. E. B. Stuart, Commanding Cavalry:

General — I desire you to rest your men to-day, refresh your horses, prepare rations and everything for the march to-morrow. Get what information you can of fords, roads, and position of enemy, so that your march can be made understandingly and with vigor. I sent to you Captain Mason, an experienced bridge builder, &c., whom I think will be able to aid you in the destruction of the bridges, &c. When that is accomplished, or while in train of execution, as circumstances permit, I wish you to operate back towards Culpeper Courthouse, creating such confusion and consternation as you can, without unnecessarily exposing your men, till you feel Longstreet's right. Take position then on his right, hold yourself in reserve and act as circumstances may require. I wish to know during the day how you proceed in your preparations. They will require the personal attentions of all your officers. The last reports from the signal stations yesterday evening were that the enemy was breaking up his principal encampments, and moving in direction of Culpeper Courthouse.

Very respectfully, &c.,

(Signed)

R. E. Lee, General. Official: R. Channing price, First Lieutenant and A. D. C. headquarters, 19th August, 1862, 4 3/4 P. M. General J. E. B. Stuart, Commanding Cavalry:

General — I have just returned from Clarke's mountain. The enemy as far as I can discover is retreating on the road to Fredericksburg. His route is certainly north of Stevensburg, and is thought to be through Brandy station over the Rappahannock by Kelly's ford. You will therefore have to bear well to your right after crossing the Rapidan, unless you can get other information. I propose to start the troops at the rising of the moon to-morrow morning, which will give the men and horses a little rest, and I believe we shall make more than by starting at night. It is so late now that they could not get off before. The order for to-morrow you will consider modified as above. If you can get information of the route of the enemy, you will endeavor to cut him off; otherwise, make for Kelly's ford over the Rappahannock. Send back all information you can gather. I shall cross at Sommerville ford, and follow in the route of the troops towards Brandy station. If you can get off earlier than the time I have appointed to advantage, do so.

Very respectfully, &c.,

(Signed)

R. E. Lee, General. Official: R. Channing price, First Lieutenant and A. D. C.

Respectfully recommended that Colonel Thomas T. Munford be appointed brigadier-general, and assigned to the command of the brigade now commanded by him as colonel. My reasons for this recommendation are that no colonel in the brigade has been as deserving. He is a gallant soldier, a daring and skilful officer, and is throughly identified with the brigade as its leader. As a partizan he has no superior. While others not in the brigade might command a higher tribute for ability and military genius, yet when I consider the claims of the Colonel for this promotion, and the gallant service he has rendered, I am constrained to ask that he receive this merited reward. The assignment of a junior to this position would be prejudicial to the best interests of the service.

Most respectfully,

J. E. B. Stuart, Major-General Commanding Cavalry. October 24th, 1862. headquarters cavalry division, November 11th, 1862. General S. Cooper, Adjutant and Inspector-General C. S. A.:

General — I have the honor to renew my application for the promotion of Major John Pelham to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of artillery in my division. He will now have five batteries; and always on the battle field, batteries of other divisions and the reserve are thrown under his command, which make the position he holds one of great responsibility, and it should have corresponding rank.

I will add that Pelham's coolness, courage, ability and judgment, evinced on so many battle fields, vindicate his claims to promotion. So far as service goes he has long since won a colonelcy at the hands of his country. He is a native of Alabama, a graduate at West Point.

Most respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. E. B. Stuart, Major-General. headquarters army of Northern Virginia, January 31st, 1863. Major-General J. E. B. Stuart, Commanding Cavalry Division:

General — I have read with great pleasure the report of Colonel Butler, commanding Second South Carolina cavalry, of the gallant conduct of Sergeant Mickler and his party in the skirmish in the streets of Brentsville, on 9th instant. Colonel Butler says well that they are entitled to the notice and thanks of their officers and the country. I have forwarded the report to the Secretary of War, with the recommendation that these men be promoted for gallantry and skill when the opportunity offers. Should such an opportunity occur, it will give me pleasure to present their names to the Secretary.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

R. E. Lee, General. [Confidential.]headquarters cavalry corps, army of Northern Virginia, April 4th, 1864.

General — I wish you to bear in mind a few considerations for your government as the commander of the outposts on the lower Rappahannock.

Keep out scouts who will be competent and certain of communicating to you any movement of a large body of infantry (which of course will be preceded by a large force of cavalry), down the Rappahannock on the north side, with the view to a change of base or extension of line to the Acquia railroad. Endeavor to secure accurate information and telegraph it clearly, avoiding the possibility of ambiguity for which telegrams are noted. It is very important also to state time and place of enemy's movement. Should the enemy endeavor to cross the river anywhere in your front, it is desirable to prevent it, it is possible to delay it, and to the accomplishment of these alternatives, preferably the former, devote every effort, and if needed send for Hart's battery near Milford. Bear in mind that your telegrams may make the whole army strike tents, and night or day, rain or shine, take up the line of march; endeavor therefore to secure accurate information.

Should the enemy cross at Eley's or Germana, you should move at once to meet him, feel his force, endeavor to penetrate his designs, and report back by telegram giving his progress, and watch his direction of march, in doing which do not let a feigned movement deceive you. It is probably that a corresponding move will be made by a part or all of our main body, to connect your reconnoissance with which will be highly desirable. The enemy's main body will, in the event of such a move, either march directly for Fredericksburg, or move up the turnpike or plank road towards Vidiersville, as before. In the former case, endeavor to impede his march with artillery and dismounted men, so as to give us a chance to strike his flank. In the latter case, close up and harass his rear, as Rosser did so handsomely before. Above all, Vigilance, vigilance, vigilance!

Very respectfully,

J. E. B. Stuart, Major-General. Brigadier-General J. R. Chambliss, Commanding, &c. headquarters army of Northern Virginia, 23d April, 1864. Major-General J. E. B. Stuart, Commanding C. C.:

General — The Commanding General directs me to inform you, that in view of the reports of your scouts and those of General Imboden, he is disposed to believe that Averill contemplates making another expedition either to Staunton or the Virginia and Tennessee railroad simultaneously with the general movement of the Federal army. The reduction of the enemy's force on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, in the lower valley, has induced the General to direct General Imboden, if he finds it practicable, to endeavor to anticipate the movement of Averill, and disconcert his plans by a demonstration against the railroad and the force guarding it in Martinsburg and the lower valley. Should General Imboden attempt this, General Lee thinks that his end might be promoted by the co-operation of Colonel Mosby, and he directs that you will notify the latter to communicate with General Imboden, and, if possible, arrange some plan for a combined movement. Great care should be taken to prevent your letter to Mosby from falling into the hands of the enemy.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Charles Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel and A. D. C.

Zagonyi's charge with Fremont's body-guard--a Picturesque Fol-de-rol. By Colonel William Preston Johnston.

In some recent studies on the late civil war, the attention of the writer has directed itself to the amazing exaggeration of certain fighters, and the equally wonderful credulity of certain writers. This was quite notable in the war in Missouri in 1861. The following instance will illustrate this class of cases. Its extreme improbability rests not more upon its explicit denial by the Confederates engaged, than on the internal evidences of inveracity. The writer has no individual interest in the question, except that of historical truth. But if this communication should tend to elicit the exact facts in this case, or to start similar inquiries in other cases, it will do something towards giving a solid basis to our war history, which should not rest upon fiction.

Among the stories that have been repeated until they have acquired currency and are liable to pass into history, unless contradicted, one of the most conspicuous in the Missouri campaign is the myth of the charge of Zagonyi. Major Zagonyi, a Hungarian, the commander of Fremont's body-guard, gained great credit for the prodigious prowess of his command from his report of a charge in which he led 150 of them against 2,200 Confederates, whom he routed and slaughtered fearfully. His story is told in the Report on the Conduct of the War (part 3, page 186) and is vouched for by General Fremont (ibid, page 72); and, altogether, makes a very amusing piece of war literature.

This fierce hussar beholds the enemy in line of battle; he charges down a lane 200 yards, in which forty of his men are unhorsed. He continues thus:

I formed my command, which at the time was hardly more than 100 men, and with them I attacked the enemy, and in less than five seconds the enemy were completely broken to pieces and running in every direction. My men were so much excited that ten or fifteen of them would attack hundreds of the enemy; and in that single attack, I lost fifteen men killed — that was all I lost in dead; and the enemy's dead men on the ground were 106.

Question. How did you kill them — with sabres or with revolvers?

Answer. Mostly with the sabre. We Hungarians teach our soldiers never to use the revolver, as they are of very little use. The sabre is the only arm the cavalry need, if they are well drilled. There were no swords of my men that were not bloody; and I saw swords from which the blood was running down on the hand. The men were drilled very well. I had only six weeks from the time I had the first man sworn in service to the time we started for the field; but in those six weeks I brought them forward so far as I ever thought I should be able to do. * * * *

By Mr. Chandler--Question. How many did you have wounded besides the fifteen killed?

Answer. I had twenty-eight wounded, &c. * *

Question. Do you know the number of the wounded of the enemy?

Answer. No, sir; I do dot, but I heard that it was a great many; and that a great many of them would die, because they had mostly received heavy cuts on the head. All the dead were cut in the head. Some of the enemy behaved themselves very bravely indeed, but they were not able to hold up against this tremendous charge.

Zagonyi says in the course of two pages of testimony: I found that the enemy, instead of having only 300 or 400, had 1,800 or 1,900. After the battle was over, I found out there was indeed 2,200. The probability was that there were 1,900 of the enemy.

In spite of the combined oriental exuberance and suspicious Falstaffian minuteness of this witness, not only less respectable annalists, but the Comte de Paris substantially accepts and adopts his story as a true narrative. The writer is assured, however, by those conversant with the facts, that Zagonyi's rhodomontade was merely the cloak for a disaster. He was ambuscaded by militia, not more numerous than his own command, and severely handled, with the loss of only two or three of his opponents.

If his story, or similar military reports, had been true, it was the wildest extravagance on the part of the United States to keep 60,000 or 80,000 men on foot in Missouri, as was the case at that time. Fremont's body-guard should have been increased to 2,000 or 3,000 men and permitted to charge with sabres wherever the Confederates could be found in line of battle. Instead of this, an ungrateful Republic, while it embalmed these heroes in its history, somewhat contumeliously discharged them from its service. What is the truth of it?

W. P. J. The Nation on our discussion of the prison question.

Our readers will remember that we devoted the numbers of our papers for March and April of last year (1876) to a discussion of the Treatment of Prisoners during the War between the States. We sent copies of the numbers containing this discussion to all of the leading newspapers of the country, and wrote them a private letter enclosing proof-sheets of our summing up, and asking of them such review as they might think proper. Our Southern papers generally published full and most complimentary notices of the discussion; but the Northern press, so far as we learned, were silent, except a few such ill-natured paragraphs as the one which appeared in the New York Tribune, to the effect that the country wanted peace, and they did not see why we could not let it have the peace after which it longed.

Among other papers to which we sent our articles was The Nation, from which we hoped to have had a review. It was silent, however, until in its issue of April 5th, 1877 (twelve months after our publication), it honors us with a notice which, while ably and very adroitly put, utterly fails, we think, either to fairly represent our argument or to meet the issues involved. At all events, we are willing for our readers to judge between us, and we give herewith in full The Nation's review: Treatment of prisoners in the civil War.

The Southern Historical Society has just published the report of its Secretary on the treatment of prisoners by the South in the late war — a subject spoken of by us only a few weeks ago (vol. XXIII, p. 385). The report of such a society is entitled to consideration from its source; but we regret to say that its treatment is not judicial, and that it adds but little to our knowledge of the matter. The evidence of abuses at the largest Southern prisons — Libby, Bell Isle, and especially Andersonville — is so extensive and so excellent (including the statements of both the investigating officers sent by the Confederate Government) that general denials by the author, or persons like General Lee, who do not appear to have had any personal knowledge of the matter, will hardly receive the attention the Secretary seems to expect, particularly as it appears plainly enough from the report that there is only too much foundation for the charges. The author, however, seems to think that any weakness on this point is fully covered if he can show that the North was responsible for the stoppage of exchange and that Southerners suffered in Northern prisons, having the impression, apparently, that if that were the case no responsibility could afterwards rest on the South; and this seems, curiously enough, to be the position of nearly all the Southern writers who have referred to the matter. Instead of frankly acknowledging and regretting these wrongs, they defend them. Extraordinary as it may seem, this Historical Society justifies the preparations made to blow up the thousand and odd Union officers in the Libby prison at the time when the near approach of Dahlgren threatened Richmond; and no doubt the order of Winder at Andersonville to the same effect appears to these Southern historians in the same light.

After this our readers will not be much surprise to learn that Winder was a gallant hero and Wirz a saintly martyr, though the immediate responsibility for the fearful mortality rests upon them beyond a question. It appears plainly enough from this report that the mortality at Andersonville was almost wholly from diarrhoea, dysentery, gangrene, scurvy, and allied diseases, produced principally by overcrowding; filth, exposure, bad water, and insufficient food, and that all of these, except possibly the last, were easily remediable. There was an abundance of land and timber for extending the limits of the prison, crowded with more than four times the number it could healthily hold. Shelter there was none. Colonel Persons, during the brief period of his command at the first opening of the prison in the spring of 1864, collected lumber for barracks, but General Winder refused to use it, and compelled even the sick in hospital to lie on the ground in such a state that the Confederate surgeons on duty reported that the condition of the hospital was horrible. This refusal to provide shelter was as unnecessary as the overcrowding. When, on the death of General Winder in the spring of 1865, General Imboden took command, he seems to have had no trouble in erecting dwellings for 1,200 or 1,500 men within a fortnight by the labor of the prisoners, and he mentions the want of shelter as one of the principal causes of the death-rate of the previous year. Here again we find it difficult to put ourselves in the position of an historian who thinks that this refusal of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz to furnish shelter was justified by an attempt to escape made by one of the first parties allowed to go outside the stockade months before. Yet this is seriously said of a prison where in five months about ten thousand men died in an average of less than twenty thousand confined, and in October the deaths were one-fourth of the average number there (1,560 in average 6,200). The drainage and water-supply stand in the same position. Both were foul, when they might easily have been fine. These things were so needless and so fatal that we can well believe Colonel Chandler, who reported officially to the Confederate Government, at the time when men were dying at the rate of over one hundred a day, that General Winder advocated deliberately and in cold blood the propriety of leaving them in their present condition until their number had been sufficiently reduced by death to make the present arrangement suffice for their accommodation. With such an object before him, there is little reason to doubt the evidence of the bad quality and the insufficient amount of food furnished. The Secretary, in his report, quotes three witnesses (Frost, Jones and Park), to the effect that the same rations were issued to the guard — a disputed point not perhaps very important to settle, as it is not denied that there were abundant supplies at Americus and elsewhere in the vicinity, in a region which Sherman found so well supplied, and that our men were starving to death on the rations of unbolted corn-meal alone that were issued to them, while the gifts of charitable neighbors were not allowed to be distributed to them.

The responsibility of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz for all this cannot be rationally denied; but we could wish for our national credit that it went no further. Unfortunately, the injudicious authors of this report will not allow us to believe so. Early in 1864, soon after the general reduction in rations to the prisoners of war in the hands of the Confederates, attention was drawn to their sufferings. Colonel Persons appealed to the courts for an injunction on the Andersonville prison as a public nuisance. Hon. H. S. Foote, aroused by the Secretary of War's recommendation that no more meat be issued to the prisoners, called the attention of the Confederate House of Representatives to their sufferings, and asked investigation. General Howell Cobb, who had command of the department, investigated the hospitals, and, in the face of outspoken reports from the surgeons in charge, reported that action was not required. Dr. Jones, however, who was specially sent there by the Government for scientific investigation, made a report which, though one-sided and long-winded, showed plainly enough the state of things. Colonel Chandler, who was sent by the Secretary of War, Colonel Seddon, to investigate the charges, briefly reported in August, 1864, that it was a place the horrors which it is difficult to describe, and which is a disgrace to civilization, and recommended the removal of General Winder. General Cooper, the Inspector-General, endorsed this report, writing that Andersonville is a reproach to us as a nation. J. A. Campbell, the Assistant Secretary of War, urgently endorsed the report. General Bragg and General Ransom and others agitated for Winder's removal. Judge Ould made the mortality of the prisoners the ground for a strong appeal to the United States for a renewal of exchange. And this was all. Mr. Davis not only refused to remove General Winder, but extended his authority to all the Confederate prisons, which powers he held until his death in the following year. The apologists for President Davis have always contended that he was not aware of the horror ; and singular as it may seem that a ruler who always made himself personally familiar with even the details of the War Office, should not have known of an investigation of such a nature, made in consequence of action of the House, pressed by the principal departments, and made the basis of diplomatic action with the United States, the wrong was so great that we hesitated to believe that Mr. Davis could sanction or defend it. But it appears from this report that Mr. Davis knew General Winder's character, and — we quote his own words in his letter of June 20, 1867--was always, therefore, confident that the charge was unjustly imputed and that everything Was done that could have been expected. We must confess to a feeling of regret that an injudicious advocate has thought it necessary to publish a letter that shows the man whom half of our nation for years delighted to honor, as always knowing the charges and defending the course pursued.

The Secretary expends a considerable space upon stories of wrongs by Northern soldiers, most of which are probably true, but it is hardly worth while to analyze in detail the confused assemblage. Many of the incidents were the unavoidable atrocities of border warfare, not connected with the prisons discussed, and most of the others were exceptional, occurring under officers who were speedily removed, or under unusual circumstances, as appears by the accounts of others in the same report, showing a generally different state of affairs. That sad abuses occurred occasionally is evident enough, but that there was any general ill-treatment for which the Government was responsible there is no reason to believe, except certain suspicious statistics of prison mortality made up from statements of Secretary Stanton as to the number of prisoners taken, and a report of Surgeon Barnes giving the total number of deaths. The result of the calculation is startling, for it shows a rate of mortality in the Confederate prisons, excluding Andersonville, only about one-half of that in the Northern. Bearing in mind the great sacrifice of life at Belle Isle and Libby, and the loose way in which the estimate is made from diverse and inaccessible sources, it seems suspicious in the extreme. It has been impossible to learn anything about it from the present Adjutant-General's office, where the applicant will find himself turned off with some ambiguous statement that the mortality on one side is roughly estimated at 12 per cent., and on the other side at 16 per cent.; and if he asks on which side it was twelve and which sixteen, be refused further information on the ground that to answer such requests would require the entire clerical force of the office for about three years. It is to be hoped that under the new Administration this stain on the national honor may be removed. But meanwhile our reputation suffers most seriously from the charge, as any one who remembers the flings of foreign journals will recall with mortification.

Now we respectfully ask any one interested in the matter to read what we published on this question, and we feel entirely confident that any fair-minded man will agree with us that the above notice of The Nation is an unfair representation of both our argument and the spirit in which we wrote. Our discussion was not a report on the treatment of prisoners by the South in the late war, else it might have assumed a different form, and perhaps have been more judicial. But the slanders against the South, which had gone so long unanswered that they had run riot over both facts and probabilities, were repeated on the floor of the House of Representatives by Mr. Blaine, who charged that Mr. Davis was the author, knowingly, deliberately, guiltily and wilfully, of the gigantic murder and crime at Andersonville. We felt called on to defend our Government from these charges, and our argument was not that there were no abuses in Southern prisons — that there was no evidence of cruelty to prisoners on the part of individuals, and by no means that there were not great sufferings and fearful mortality among the Federal prisoners at the South; but we pursued a line of argument clearly indicated in the following brief summing up, with which we closed our discussion, and which, we respectfully submit, The Nation might have given to its readers, if it had been itself disposed to be judicial in its treatment of this question. We closed our discussion as follows:

We think that we have established the following points:

1. The laws of the Confederate Congress, the orders of the War Department, the regulations of the Surgeon-General, the action of our Generals in the field, and the orders of those who had the immediate charge of the prisoners, all provided that prisoners in the hands of the Confederates should be kindly treated, supplied with the same rations which our soldiers had, and cared for when sick in hospitals placed on precisely the same footing as the hospitals for Confederate soldiers.

2. If these regulations were violated in individual instances, and if subordinates were sometimes cruel to prisoners, it was without the knowledge or consent of the Confederate Government, which always took prompt action on any case reported to them.

3. If the prisoners failed to get their full rations, and had those of inferior quality, the Confederate soldiers suffered in precisely the same way, and to the same extent, and it resulted from that system of warfare adopted by the Federal authorities, which carried desolation and ruin to every part of the South they could reach, and which in starving the Confederates into submission brought the same evils upon their own men in Southern prisons.

4. The mortality in Southern prisons (fearfully large, although over three per cent. less than the mortality in Northern prisons), resulted from causes beyond the control of our authorities — from epidemics, &c., which might have been avoided, or greatly mitigated, had not the Federal Government declared medicines contraband of war --refused the proposition of Judge Ould, that each Government should send its own surgeons with medicines, hospital stores, &c., to minister to soldiers in prison — declined his proposition to send medicines to its own men in Southern prisons, without being required to allow the Confederates the same privilege — refused to allow the Confederate Government to buy medicines for gold, tobacco or cotton, which it offered to pledge its honor should be used only for Federal prisoners in its hands — refused to exchange sick and wounded — and neglected from August to December, 1864, to accede to Judge Ould's proposition to send transportation to Savannah and receive without equivalent from ten to fifteen thousand Federal prisoners, notwithstanding the fact that this offer was accompanied with a statement of the utter inability of the Confederacy to provide for these prisoners, and a detailed report of the monthly mortality at Andersonville, and that Judge Ould, again and again, urged compliance with his humane proposal.

5. We have proven, by the most unimpeachable testimony, that the sufferings of Confederate prisoners in Northern prison pens, were terrible beyond description — that they were starved in a land of plenty — that they were frozen where fuel and clothing were abundant — that they suffered untold horrors for want of medicines, hospital stores and proper medical attention — that they were shot by sentinels, beaten by officers. and subjected to the most cruel punishments upon the slightest pretexts — that friends at the North were refused the privilege of clothing their nakedness or feeding them when starving — and that these outrages were perpetrated not only with the full knowledge of, but under the orders of E. M. Stanton, U. S. Secretary of War. We have proven these things by Federal as well as Confederate testimony.

6. We have shown that all the suffering of prisoners on both sides could have been avoided by simply carrying out the terms of the cartel, and that for the failure to do this the Federal authorities alone were responsible; that the Confederate Government originally proposed the cartel, and were always ready to carry it out in both letter and spirit; that the Federal authorities observed its terms only so long as it was to their interest to do so, and then repudiated their plighted faith, and proposed other terms, which were greatly to the disadvantage of the Confederates; that when the Government at Richmond agreed to accept the hard terms of exchange offered them, these were at once repudiated by the Federal authorities; that when Judge Ould agreed upon a new cartel with General Butler, Lieutenant-General Grant refused to approve it, and Mr. Stanton repudiated it; and that the policy of the Federal Government was to refuse all exchanges, while they fired the Northern heart by placing the whole blame upon the Rebels, and by circulating the most heartrending stories of Rebel barbarity to prisoners.

If either of the above points has not been made clear to any sincere seeker after the truth, we would be most happy to produce further testimony. And we hold ourselves prepared to maintain, against all comers, the truth of every proposition we have laid down in this discussion. Let the calm verdict of history decide between the Confederate Government and their calumniators.

We regret that The Nation did not attempt to meet these points fairly and squarely, instead of seeking to break their force by an ingenious (though we are willing to hope unintentional) misrepresentation of what we wrote.

But as it has not thought proper to pursue this course, let us briefly examine some of the points in its review. The sneer at the testimony of persons like General Lee, who do not appear to have had any personal knowledge of the matter, shows an utter misapprehension of the object for which we introduced such testimony.

We gave the statements of ex-President Davis, General R. E. Lee, Vice-President A. H. Stephens, and others high in authority among the Confederates, not to show that there was not suffering among the prisoners, but to show that the Confederate Government always ordered that the prisoners should be kindly treated, and that they sought to have these kind intentions carried out.

We did not attempt to justify cruel treatment to Federal prisoners on the ground that the North was responsible for the stoppage of exchange, and that Southerners suffered in Northern prisons. We might not have introduced the treatment of Confederates in Northern prisons at all, in this discussion, but for the fact that Mr. Blaine (to whom we were replying) threw down the gauntlet, and declared that there was no cruel treatment of Confederate prisoners at the North--indeed, that they were much better cared for than when in the Confederacy — and we felt called on, therefore, to show that the Federal authorities were themselves guilty of the atrocities which they (falsely) charged against the Confederates.

The statement that this Historical Society justifies the preparations made to blow up the thousand and odd Union officers in the Libby Prison at the time when the near approach of Dahlgren threatened Richmond, is not capable of even a fair inference from anything which we wrote. We simply published in full, without note or comment, the report of the committee of the Confederate Congress, presented March 3d, 1865, in which they give the circumstances under which the authorities of Libby Prison acted (Dahlgren approaching Richmond for the avowed purpose of liberating over 5,000 prisoners and sacking the city, after murdering the Confederate President, Cabinet, &c.) If The Nation desires to discuss that question, we presume it could be accomodated, but we expressed absolutely no opinion whatever on it. Nor did we intimate the opinion that Wirz was a saintly martyr. We simply showed that the charges against him were not proven — that his so-called trial was the veriest mockery of justice — that much of the testimony against him was afterwards proven to be perjured — and that the witnesses for the defence were summarily dismissed (without being heard) by the prosecution. Nor did we deem it incumbent upon us to enter into any defence of General Winder, distinctly averring that if it could be proven beyond all doubt that the officers at Andersonville were the fiends incarnate that Northern hatred pictures them to be, there is not one scintilla of proof that the Government at Richmond ordered, approved or in any way countenanced their atrocities. But we did publish incidentally letters from Secretary Seddon, ex-President Davis, Adjutant-General S. Cooper, Colonel George W. Brent and General G. T. Beauregard, and the testimony of Federal prisoners themselves, going to show that the charges against him were false.

The Nation then proceeds to ring the same old charges on the horrors of Andersonville which we have heard for years, and utterly ignores the testimony which we introduced on the other side. We gave the statements of Mr. L. M. Park, of La Grange, Georgia (for whom we vouched as a gentleman of unimpeachable character), who was on duty at Andersonville nearly the whole of the time it was a prison, and who gives the most emphatic testimony to the effect that the water used by the prisoners was the same as that used by the guards, and was not foul, as has been represented — that the failure to erect barracks was from want of mills to saw the lumber, want of timber, and lack of even a supply of nails — that the rations issued to the prisoners were precisely the same as those issued to the guard — that the mortality among the guard was as great, in proportion to numbers, as among the prisoners — and that the causes of the mortality were utterly beyond the control of the Confederate authorities.

We published also an able and exhaustive paper from Dr. Joseph Jones, of New Orleans (a gentleman who stands in the very front rank of his profession), who offically investigated and reported on the causes of mortality at Andersonville, and who, while admitting and deploring the fearful death rate, fully exonerates the Confederate authorities from blame in the matter. We also gave a number of orders, letters, &c., from the Confederate authorities, showing that they were doing all in their power to mitigate the sufferings of the prisoners, and the emphatic testimony of Dr. Randolph Stevenson, the surgeon in charge of the hospital, to the following effect:

The guards on duty here were similarly affected with gangrene and scurvy. Captain Wirz had gangrene in an old wound, which he had received in the battle of Manassas, in 1861, and was absent from the post (Andersonville) some four weeks on surgeon's certificate. (In his trial certain Federal witnesses swore to his killing certain prisoners in August, 1864, when he (Wirz) was actually at that time absent on sick leave in Angusta, Georgia.) General Winder had gangrene of the face, and was forbidden by his surgeon (I. H. White) to go inside the stockade. Colonel G. C. Gibbs, commandant of the post, had gangrene of the face, and was furloughed under the certificate of Surgeons Wible and Gore, of Americus, Georgia. The writer of this can fully attest to effects of gangrene and scurvy contracted whilst on duty there; their marks will follow him to his grave. The Confederate graveyard at Andersonville will fully prove that the mortality among the guards was almost as great in proportion to the number of men as among the Federals.

The paper of General Imboden, which we published, fully corroborates the above statements.

But we gave the testimony of Mr. John M. Frost, of the Nineteenth Maine regiment, the resolutions of the Andersonville prisoners adopted September 23d, 1864, the testimony of Prescott Tracy, of the Eighty-second regiment, New York volunteers, and of another Andersonville prisoner — all going to established in the most emphatic manner the points we made. The Nation ignores most of this testimony, and uses what it alludes to very much as Judge Advocate Chipman did Dr. Jones' report in the Wirz trial--i. e., uses it to prove that great suffering and mortality existed at Andersonville, but suppresses the part which exonerates the Confederate authorities from the charges made against them.

Even at the risk of wearying our readers, we must (for the benefit of those who have not seen our previous papers on this subject), repeat our comments on the testimony we introduced:

It appears, then, from the foregoing statements that the prison at Andersonville was established with a view to healthfulness of location, and that the great mortality which ensued resulted chiefly from the crowded condition of the stockade, the use of corn bread, to which the prisoners had not been accustomed, the want of variety in the rations furnished, and the want of medicines and hospital stores to enable our surgeons properly to treat the sick. As to the first point, the reply is at hand. The stockade at Andersonville was originally designed for a much smaller number of prisoners than were afterwards crowded into it. But prisoners accumulated — after the stoppage of exchange — in Richmond and at other points; the Dahlgren raid — which had for its avowed object the liberation of the prisoners, the assassination of President Davis and his Cabinet, and the sacking of Richmond — warned our authorities against allowing large numbers of prisoners to remain in Richmond, even if the difficulty of feeding them there was removed; and the only alternative was to rush them down to Andersonville, as enough men to guard them elsewhere could not be spared from the ranks of our armies, which were now everywhere fighting overwhelming odds. We have a statement from an entirely trustworthy source that the reason prisoners were not detailed to cut timber with which to enlarge the stockade and build shelters is, that this privilege was granted to a large number of them when the prison was first established, they giving their parole of honor not to attempt to escape; and that they violated their paroles, threw away their axes, and spread dismay throughout that whole region by creating the impression that all of the prisoners had broken loose. This experiment could not, of course, be repeated, and the rest had to suffer for the bad faith of these, who not only prevented the detail of any numbers of other prisoners for this work, but made way with axes which could not be replaced. In reference to feeding the prisoners on corn bread, there has been the loudest complaints and the bitterest denunciations. They had not been accustomed to such hard fare as hog and hominy, and the poor fellows did suffer fearfully from it. But the Confederate soldiers had the same rations. Our soldiers had the advantage of buying supplies and of receiving occasional boxes from home, which the prisoners at Andersonville could have enjoyed to an even greater extent had the United States authorities been willing to accept the humane proposition of our Commissioner of Exchange — to allow each side to send supplies to their prisoners. But why did not the Confederacy furnish better rations to both our own soldiers and our prisoners? and why were the prisoners at Andersonville not supplied with wheat bread instead of corn bread? Answers to these questions may be abundantly found by referring to the orders of Major-General John Pope, directing his men to live on the country ; the orders of General Sherman, in fulfilling his avowed purpose to make Georgia howl as he smashed things generally in that great march, which left smoking, blackened ruins and desolated fields to mark his progress; the orders of General Grant to his Lieutenant, to desolate the rich wheat-growing Valley of Virginia; or the reports of General Sheridan, boasting of the number of barns he had burned, the mills he had destroyed, and the large amount of wheat he had given to the flames, until there was really more truth than poetry in his boast that he had made the Shenandoah Valley such a waste that even a crow flying over would be compelled to carry his own rations. We have these and other similar orders of Federal Generals in our archives (we propose to give hereafter a few choice extracts from them), and we respectfully submit that, for the South to be abused for not furnishing Federal prisoners with better rations, when our own soldiers and people had been brought painfully near the starvation point by the mode of warfare which the Federal Government adopted, is even more unreasonable than the course of the old Egyptian task-masters who required their captives to make brick without straw. And to the complaints that the sick did not have proper medical attention, we reply that the hospital at Andersonville was placed on precisely the same footing as the hospitals for the treatment of our own soldiers. We have the law of the Confederate Congress enjoining this, and the orders of the Surgeon-General enforcing it. Besides, we have in our archives a large budget of original orders, telegrams, letters, &c., which passed between the officers on duty at Andersonville and their superiors. We have carefully looked through this large mass of papers, and we have been unable to discover a single sentence indicating that the prisoners were to be treated otherwise than kindly, or that the hospital was to receive a smaller supply of medicines or of stores than the hospitals for Confederate soldiers. On the contrary, the whole of these papers go to show that the prison hospital at Andersonville was on the same footing precisely with every hospital for sick or wounded Confederates, and that the scarcity of medicines and hospital stores, of which there was such constant complaint, proceeded from causes which our authorities could not control.

But we can make the case still stronger. Whose fault was it that the Confederacy was utterly unable to supply medicines for the hospitals of either friends or foe? Most unquestionably the responsibility rests with the Federal authorities. They not only declared medicines contraband of war --even arresting ladies coming South for concealing a little quinine under their skirts — but they sanctioned the custom of their soldiers to sack every drug store in the Confederacy which they could reach, and to destroy even the little stock of medicines which the private physician might chance to have on hand.

When General Milroy banished from Winchester, Virginia, the family of Mr. Loyd Logan, because the General (and his wife) fancied his elegantly furnished mansion for headquarters, he not only forbade their carrying with them a change of raiment, and refused to allow Mrs. Logan to take one of her spoons with which to administer medicine to a sick child, but he most emphatically prohibited their carrying a small medicine chest, or even a few phials of medicine which the physician had prescribed for immediate use. Possibly some ingenious casuist may defend this policy; but who will defend at the bar of history the refusal of the Federal authorities to accept Judge Ould's several propositions to allow surgeons from either side to visit and minister to their own men in prison — to allow each to furnish medicines, &c., to their prisoners in the hands of the other — and finally to purchase in the North, for gold, cotton, or tobacco, medicines for the exclusive use of Federal prisoners in the South? Well might General Lee have said to President Davis, in response to expressions of bitter disappointment when he reported the failure of his efforts to bring about an exchange of prisoners: We have done everything in our power to mitigate the suffering of prisoners, and there is no just cause for a sense of further responsibility on our part.

The Nation says: We find it difficult to put ourselves in the position of an historian who thinks that this refusal of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz to furnish shelter was justified by an attempt to escape made by one of the first parties allowed to go outside the stockade months before. Now this, as the reader can readily see by glancing at the sentence, is very different from what we wrote. We did not justify a refusal of General Winder and Lieutenant Wirz to furnish shelter (on the contrary, if these judicial gentlemen of The Nation will stop their bald assertions and prove that there was such a refusal, we will join them in strong condemnation of it), but we cited this incident to account for the fact that details of prisoners were not made for the purpose for some time after the first parties violated their paroles and threw away implements which could not be replaced. That these details were made afterwards, our testimony abundantly shows.

We might have mentioned several other reasons for the delay in providing more comfortable quarters for the prisoners at Andersonville: 1. It was always expected to very greatly reduce the number by the establishment of other prisons which were being prepared as rapidly as the means at hand would allow. 2. It was hoped that the United States authorities would surely consent to an exchange of prisoners when the Confederates agreed to their own hard terms, which Judge Ould had finally done. 3. And when our Commissioner proposed in August, 1864, to deliver at Savannah from ten to fifteen thousand prisoners which the Federal authorities might have without equivalent by simply sending transportation for them, it was reasonably supposed that Andersonville would be at once relieved of its over-crowding, for it was not anticipated that the United States Government would be guilty of the crime of allowing its brave soldiers to languish, suffer and die from August until December when the Rebels opened the doors of the prison and bade them go without conditions. 4. We ought to have brought out more clearly in our discussion the bearings of the difficulties of transportation which the Confederates encountered the last year of the war, upon this question of properly providing for their prisoners. Any one who will even glance through the papers on the Resources of the <rs>Confederacy</rs> which we have published, will see how the breaking down of the railroads and the utter inadequacy of transportation put our armies on starvation rations even when there were enough in the depots to supply them; and, of course, the supplies for the prisoners were cut down in the same way.

But we might safely rest this whole question of the relative treatment of prisoners North and South on the official figures of Secretary Stanton and Surgeon-General Barnes, which were thus presented by Hon. B. H. Hill in his masterly reply to Mr. Blaine:

Now, will the gentleman believe testimony from the dead? The Bible says, The tree is known by its fruits. And, after all, what is the test of suffering of these prisoners North and South? The test is the result. Now, I call the attention of gentlemen to this fact, that the report of Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War--you will believe him, will you not?--on the 19th July, 1866--send to the Library and get it — exhibits the fact that of the Federal prisoners in Confederate hands during the war, only 22,576 died, while of the Confederate prisoners in Federal hands 26,436 died. And Surgeon-General Barnes reports in an official report — I suppose you will believe him — that in round numbers the Confederate prisoners in Federal hands amounted to 220,000, while the Federal prisoners in Confederate hands amounted to 270,000. Out of the 270,000 in Confederate hands 22,000 died, while of the 220,000 Confederates in Federal hands over 26,000 died. The ratio is this: more than twelve per cent. of the Confederates in Federal hands died, and less than nine per cent. of the Federals in Confederate hands died. What is the logic of these facts according to the gentleman from Maine? I scorn to charge murder upon the officials of Northern prisons, as the gentleman has done upon Confederate prison officials. I labor to demonstrate that such miseries are inevitable in prison life, no matter how humane the regulations.

These figures (compiled not by Confederates, but by those who had no love for Rebels --compiled from documents to which we are denied all access — compiled in the regular course of official duty, and with scarcely a thought of the tale they would tell when collated and compared) are an end to the controversy so far as showing that if the Confederates were cruel to prisoners, it does not lie in the mouths of the United States authorities, or their apologists, to condemn them. Let them first purge themselves of the charge before they try to blacken the Confederacy with it. No wonder that attempts have been made to explain away these figures, and even to deny their authenticity--one bold man charging that Jeff. Davis manufactured them for Ben. Hill's use ; but all such attempts have proven ludicrous failures.

Mr. Blaine, with full time to prepare his reply and all of the reports at hand, did not dare to deny their authenticity, but only endeavored to break their force by the following lame explanation:

Now, in regard to the relative number of prisoners that died in the North and the South respectively, the gentleman undertook to show that a great many more prisoners died in the hands of the Union authorities than in the hands of the Rebels. I have had conversations with surgeons of the army about that, and they say that there were a large number of deaths of Rebel prisoners, but that during the latter period of the war they came into our hands very much exhausted, ill-clad, ill-fed, diseased, so that they died in our prisons of diseases that they brought with them. And one eminent surgeon said, without wishing at all to be quoted in this debate, that the question was not only what was the condition of the prisoners when they came to us, but what it was when they were sent back. Our men were taken in full health and strength; they came back wasted and worn — mere skeletons. The Rebel prisoners, in large numbers, were, when taken, emaciated and reduced; and General Grant says that at the time such superhuman efforts were made for exchange there were 90,000 men that would have reinforced the Confederate armies the next day, prisoners in our hands who were in good health and ready for fight. This consideration sheds a great deal of light on what the gentleman states.

This explanation (?) cuts the throat of the whole argument to prove Confederate cruelty to prisoners, for if the Confederacy could make no better provision for its own soldiers in the field, how could it be expected to provide for its prisoners? And it is, at the same time, a very severe reflection upon the patriot soldiers of the North who (though hale, hearty, well equipped and well fed) not unfrequently found greatly inferior numbers of these emaciated and reduced skeletons more than a match for their valor.

But The Nation evidently sees the force of these figures, and makes an attempt to break it, which is certainly adroit, whatever we may think of its candor. It says:

That sad abuses occurred occasionally is evident enough, but that there was any general ill-treatment for which the Government was responsible there is no reason to believe except certain suspicious statistics of prison mortality made up from statements of Secretary Stanton as to the number of prisoners taken, and a report of Surgeon Barnes giving the total number of deaths. The result of the calculation is startling, for it shows a rate of mortality in the Confederate prisons, excluding Andersonville, only about one-half of that in the Northern. Bearing in mind the great sacrifice of life at Belle Isle and Libby, and the loose way in which the estimate is made from diverse and inaccessible sources, it seems suspicious in the extreme. It has been impossible to learn anything about it from the present Adjutant-General's office, where the applicant will find himself turned off with some ambiguous statement that the mortality on one side is roughly estimated at 12 per cent. and on the other side at 16 per cent.; and if he asks on which side it was twelve and which sixteen, be refused further information on the ground that to answer such requests would require the entire clerical force of the office for about three years. It is to be hoped that under the new Administration this stain on the national honor may be removed. But meanwhile our reputation suffers most seriously from the charge, as any one who remembers the flings of foreign journals will recall with mortification.

Now, we tell The Nation, in all candor, that this stain on the national honor cannot be wiped out by prevailing on the new Administration (if it could succeed in doing so) to have a new set of figures prepared for the purpose. Secretary Stanton's report of the number of prisoner's who died on both sides during the war was made July 19th, 1866; Surgeon-General Barnes' report of the number of deaths on both sides was made the next year, we believe — and the National Intelligencer, in an editorial of June 2d, 1869, collated and compared the figures of the two reports. Southern and foreign papers took hold of these figures and used them as a triumphant vindication of the Confederacy. Now who doubts that if they were wrong the Departments at Washington would have corrected them — even if it had required their entire clerical force for three years --and who doubts that they have not been corrected simply because they are fully as favorable to the Federal side as they can be honestly made? These figures have passed into history, and they will be believed, even though the suggestion of The Nation should hereafter be adopted and other figures be cooked up to serve a purpose.

But after all the gist of this whole discussion rests upon the simple question, Did the Confederate Government order, sanction, or negligently permit cruelty to prisoners? We think we proved beyond all reasonable doubt that it did neither.

The Nation tries to fix responsibility on Mr. Davis by a series of assertions, for which we respectfully demand the proof. It will be difficult to get any one at all familiar with the high character of General Howell Cobb to believe the assertion that he refused to do anything to mitigate the condition of things at Andersonville in the face of outspoken reports from the surgeons in charge. We gave the famous Chandler report, and accompanied it with letters from Hon. R. G. H. Kean, former Chief Clerk of the Confederate War Department, and ex-Secretary Seddon, showing conclusively that so far from failing to notice the statements in reference to Andersonville which Colonel Chandler made, not only did the Adjutant-General and the Assistant Secretary of War put the strong endorsements upon the report which we quoted, but the Secretary (Mr. Seddon) at once demanded of General Winder an explanation, which he gave, emphatically denying Colonel Chandler's charges — and that Colonel Chandler's request for a court of inquiry would have resulted in the fullest investigation, but that the active campaign then in progress rendered it utterly impracticable to hold the court until the matter was, unfortunately, ended by the death of General Winder. We showed, moreover, that Mr. Seddon at once, on the reception of the Chandler report, sent Judge Ould down the rive, under flag of truce, to say to the Federal authorities, in substance: You have broken the cartel — you refuse now to stand by your own proposition to disregard all former paroles, and exchange man for man of prisoners actually in hand — you have refused my proposition that surgeons from each side be allowed to visit and provide for the prisoners — you refuse to exchange even the sick and wounded — you have declined my proposition to allow us to purchase hospital stores and medicines for the use of your own prisoners, paying you for them in cotton, tobacco or gold, and allowing you to send your own agents to distribute them, and now I tell you again that your men in our prisons are dying by the hundred from causes which are utterly beyond our control, and I am authorized by my Government to propose that if you will send transportation to Savannah we will at once deliver into your hands, without equivalent, from ten to fifteen thousand of your suffering soldiers. We affirmed, moreover (what we are prepared to prove), that so far from Mr. Davis' making the Chandler report the ground of the promotion of General Winder, he did not see the report at the time, and never even heard of its existence (he was in a casemate at Fortress Monroe when it was produced at the Wirz trial), until some one told him of it in 1875.

Judge Advocate Chipman labored to connect Mr. Davis with this report during the Wirz trial, and yet, notwithstanding the fact that he had at his beck and call a band of trained perjurers, and Mr. Davis was in a distant prison and in ignorance of what was going on, the effort utterly failed. Equally futile was every other effort to connect Mr. Davis with the responsibility for the sufferings at Andersonville, until, in despair of any other evidence, an attempt was made to bribe poor Wirz by offerring him, a short time before his execution, a reprieve if he would implicate Mr. Davis. He indignantly replied: Mr. Davis had no connection with me as to what was done at Andersonville. I would not become a traitor against him or anybody else, even to save my life. We brought out the proofs of all these facts. Moreover we published the letter of Chief-Justice George Shea, to the New York Tribune, giving an account of his investigation of this question in behalf of Mr. Horace Greeley and other gentlemen who were unwilling to go on Mr. Davis' bail bond until the charge against him of cruelty to prisoners was cleared up. Judge Shea went to Canada and had access to certain Confederate archives which had escaped capture, and he investigated all of the evidence which the Bureau of military justice had at Washington. The result was that he was not only convinced himself, but succeeded in convincing such men as Governor Andrew, Horace Greeley, Gerritt Smith, Vice-President Wilson and Thaddeus Stevens, that the charge against Mr. Davis of even connivance at cruelty to prisoners was utterly without foundation.

The United States authorities did not dare to bring Mr. Davis to trial on this or on any other charge, simply because, after the most industrious efforts, they could find no testimony which created even a reasonable presumption of guilt. But these judicial gentlemen of The Nation undertake to convict where the Bureau of military justice hesitated, and affect to regard Mr. Davis' letter in reference to General Winder (a garbled clause of which they give and pervert) as settling his complicity with the crime of Andersonville.

The Nation has not thought proper to meet our argument, which proved, beyond all reasonable doubt, that for the suspension of the cartel and the stoppage of exchange, the United States authorities alone were responsible. We traced the history of the exchange question, and gave the most indubitable proofs that the Confederates were always ready to exchange, but that so soon as Gettysburg and Vicksburg gave the United State Government a large excess of prisoners actually in hand (though a large part of them should have been at once released to meet paroles already held by the Confederates), it at once adopted as its cold-blooded war policy to refuse all further exchange of prisoners, while they satisfied the North by charging bad faith and cruelty to prisoners on the part of the Rebels.

The Nation seems to think that the question of exchange had nothing to do with the treatment of prisoners. Certainly the refusal of the United States authorities to exchange would not have justified the Confederates in cruelty to prisoners, and so far from contending for any such absurdity, we have proven that there was no such cruelty on the part of our Government. But we do insist that the suspension of exchange threw upon our hands thousands of prisoners whom we were unable to provide with suitable food, clothing, quarters or medicines — that the Federal authorities were again and again informed of the fearful mortality which existed among the prisoners, and of our inability to prevent it — and that inasmuch as they not only refused to exchange, but even to accept the several humane propositions we made to mitigate the sufferings of prisoners, and obstinately pursued their attrition policy of crushing the rebellion --they (and they alone) are responsible before God and at the bar of history for all of the suffering and mortality which existed at Andersonville and the other prisons at the South, and the still greater suffering and mortality of Elmira and the other prisons at the North.

The Nation also finds it convenient to ignore the testimony we adduced from Federal soldiers, officers, surgeons and citizens which traced the cruel treatment which our men received directly to E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War. On the other hand, we defy proof of an order, letter or intimation of any sort whatever from Mr. Davis, or any member of his cabinet, directing, permitting or in any way conniving at cruelty to prisoners. There are other points to which we have not space even to allude. But if The Nation really desires to get at the truth of this whole question, we would be most happy to discuss with it in full each one of the six points we claimed to have proven, and to print in our Papers everything it has to say on the subject, if it will reciprocate.

Garnett's brigade at Gettysburg.

[The following letter explains the report which follows, and which will be an addition to our series of reports on that great battle.]

Charlottesville, Virginia, March 23d, 1875. To the Secretary of the Southern Historical Society:

Dear Sir — In looking up some old papers a few days ago, I found the inclosed report of the part taken by Garnett's brigade (first Cocke's, then Pickett's, then Garnett's, and lastly Hunton's) in the battle of Gettysburg.

I am not sure who is the author of the report, as it is unsigned, but am under the impression that Lieutenant-Colonel Charles S. Peyton, of the Nineteenth Virginia infantry, wrote or dictated it. Colonel Peyton (at that time Major of the Nineteenth Virginia) was the senior field officer who escaped from the charge on Cemetery Hill and took command of the brigade after the battle. Colonel Henry Gantt was badly wounded in two places, and Lieutenant-Colonel Ellis was killed, as is reported in these papers. Major Peyton was afterwads promoted to the vacant lieutenant-colonelcy. He had lost an arm at second Manassas, but returned to duty as soon as he was sufficiently recovered to do so, and did good service during the charge at Gettysburg. He was slightly wounded in the leg, but not disabled to such an extent as to prevent taking command of the brigade.

I was Adjutant of the Nineteenth Virginia during the greater part of the war, and presume that the report fell into my hands in that way, although I had entirely lost sight of it.

Very respectfully,

Charles C. Wertenbaker. headquarters Garnett's brigade, Camp Near Williamsport, Maryland, July 9th, 1863. Major C. Pickett, A. A. G. Pickett's Division:

Major — In compliance with instructions from division Headquarters, I have the honor to report the part taken by this brigade in the late battle near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, July 3d, 1863.

Notwithstanding the long and severe marches made by the troops of this brigade, they reached the field about 9 o'clock A. M., in high spirits and in good condition. At about 12 M. we were ordered to take position behind the crest of the hill on which the artillery, under Colonel Alexander, was planted, where we lay during a most terrific cannonading, which opened at 1 1/2 o'clock P. M. and was kept up without intermission for one hour. During the shelling we lost about twenty killed and wounded; among the killed was Lieutenant-Colonel Ellis, of the Nineteenth Virginia, whose bravery as a soldier, and his innocence, purity and integrity as a Christian, has not only elicited the admiration of his own command, but endeared him to all who knew him.

At 2 1/2 P. M. the artillery fire having to some extent abated, the order to advance was given, first by Major-General Pickett in person, and repeated by General Garnett. With promptness, apparent cheerfulness and alacrity, the brigade moved forward at quick-time. The ground was open, but little broken, and from 800 to 1,000 yards from the crest whence we started to the enemy's line. The brigade moved in good order, keeping up its line almost perfect, notwithstanding it had to climb three high post and rail fences, behind the last of which the enemy's skirmishers were first met and immediately driven in. Moving on, we soon met the advance line of the enemy, lying concealed in the grass on the slope, about one hundred yards in front of his second line, which consisted of a stone wall, about breast high, running nearely parallel to and about thirty spaces from the crest of the hill which was lined with their artillery.

The first line referred to above, after offering some resistance, was completely routed and driven in confusion back to the stone wall. Here we captured some prisoners, which were ordered to the rear without a guard. Having routed the enemy here, General Garnett ordered the brigade forward, which was promptly obeyed, loading and firing as they advanced.

Up to this time we had suffered but little from the enemy's batteries, which apparently had been much crippled previous to our advance, with the exception of one posted on the mountain about one mile to our right, which enfiladed nearly our. entire line, with fearful effect, sometimes having as many as ten men killed and wounded by the bursting of a single shell.

From the point it had first routed the enemy, the brigade moved rapidly forward towards the stone wall, under a galling fire, both from artillery and infantry, the artillery using grape and canister.

We were now within about seventy-five paces of the wall, unsupported on the right and left; General Kemper being some fifty or sixty yards behind and to the right, and General Armistead coming up in our rear. General Kemper's line was discovered to be lapping on ours, when, deeming it advisable to have the line extended on the right to prevent being flanked, a staff officer rode back to the General to request him to incline to the right. General Kemper not being present (perhaps wounded at the time), Captain Fry of his staff immediately began his exertions to carry out the request, but in consequence of the eagerness of the men in pressing forward, it was impossible to have the order carried out.

Our line, much shattered, still kept up the advance until within about twenty paces of the wall, when for a moment they recoiled under the terrific fire that poured into our ranks both from their batteries and from their sheltered infantry.

At this moment General Kemper came up on the right and General Armistead in rear, when the three lines, joining in concert, rushed forward with unyielding determination, and an apparent spirit of laudable rivalry to plant the Southern banner on the walls of the enemy.

His strongest and last line was instantly gained, the Confederate battle flag waved over his defences, and the fighting over the wall became hand to hand and of the most desperate character, but more than half having already fallen, our line was found too weak to rout the enemy. We hoped for a support on the left (which had started simultaniously with ourselves), but hoped in vain. Yet, a small remnant remained in desperate struggle, receiving a fire in front, on the right and on the left, many even climbing over the wall and fighting the enemy in his own trenches, until entirely surrounded, and those who were not killed or wounded were captured, with the exception of about 300, who came off slowly but greatly scattered — the identity of every regiment being entirely lost, every regimental commander killed or wounded.

The brigade went into action with 1,287 men and about 140 officers, as shown by the report of the previous evening, and sustained a loss, as the list of casualties will show, of 941 killed, wounded and missing, and it is feared from all the information received that the majority of those reported missing are either killed or wounded.

It is needless, perhaps, to speak of conspicuous gallantry where all behaved so well. Each and every regimental commander displayed a cool bravery and daring that not only encouraged their own commands, but won the highest admiration from all those who saw them. They led their regiments in the fight, and showed by their conduct that they only desired their men to follow where they were willing to lead.

But of our cool, gallant, noble brigade commander, it may not be out of place to speak. Never had the brigade been better handled, and never has it done better service on the field of battle.

There was scarcely an officer or man in the command whose attention was not attracted by the cool and handsome bearing of General Garnett, who, totally devoid of excitement or rashness, rode immediately in rear of his advancing line, endeavoring by his personal efforts and by the aid of his staff to keep his line well closed and dressed.

He was shot from his horse while near the centre of the brigade, within about twenty-five paces of the stone wall. This gallant officer was too well known to need further mention.

Captain Linthicum, A. A. G., Lieutenant Jones, A. D. C., and Lieutenant Harrison, acting A. D. C., did their whole duty and won the admiration of the entire command by their gallant bearing on the field while carrying orders from one portion of the line to the other where it seemed almost impossible for any one to escape. The conduct of Captain Shepard, of the Twenty-eighth Virginia, was particularly conspicuous. His son fell mortally wounded at his side. He stopped but for a moment to look on his dying son, gave him his canteen of water, and pressed on with his company to the wall, which he climbed and fought the enemy with his sword in their own trenches, until his sword was wrenched from his hands by two Yankees. He finally made his escape in safety.

In making the above report, I have endeavered to be as accurate as possible, but have had to rely mainly on others for information whose position gave them better opportunity for witnessing the conduct of the entire brigade, than I could have, being with and paying my attention to my own regiment.

I am, Major, with great respect, your obedient servant,

------------, Major Commanding.

Part taken by the Ninth Virginia cavalry in Repelling the Dahlgren raid. By General R. L. T. Beale.

[We have held this paper with the purpose of publishing it in connection with the full history of the Dahlgren raid, which we have in course of preparation, but we have concluded to give it in the form in which it has been sent by its gallant author]. An extract from a narrative of the movements of the Ninth regiment Virginia cavalry in the late War — written from notes taken at the time by its Colonel, R. L. T. Beale.

Near the close of February, a third order was received to report without delay at Hanover Junction for orders. We marched upon this, as we did upon the two previous occasions, sixty miles in twenty-four hours. Reaching the Junction, we found no orders; but learning here that the enemy, under General Kilpatrick, were making a raid upon Richmond, so soon as a supply of ammunition was drawn our march was directed to Taylorsville. At this point, a general officer commanding some infantry informed us the enemy had been repulsed by General Hampton's command, and must retreat towards the Rapidan, and we would probably encounter them near Ashland. To Ashland our march was directed. In some two miles of this point, reliable intelligence was obtained that the main body of the enemy was near Old Church, but that a party of some four hundred had moved upon the road to Hanover Courthouse. Our line of march was now directed to that point, reaching it about dark, only to learn our enemy had passed without halting.

Rest and food for men and horses were now much needed, and the command bivouacked around a church a few hundred yards from Hanover Courthouse. Before our meal of cold bread was over, a prisoner, taken under such suspicious circumstances as to induce the belief that he was a Yankee, was sent in by the picket. He was subjected to a rigid examination by the Colonel, who got from him information not very agreeable. The man had been captured in the morning, and after hard usage, made his escape in the evening from a body of cavalry, which he said was commanded by a Colonel Dahlgren. They had passed in sight of Hanover Courthouse, moving to Indiantown ferry, over the Pamunkey, where about one-fourth of the party crossed the river, the remaining three-fourths moving down the south bank towards Old Church. He also said he heard that the force which crossed had orders to march by Saluda to Gloucester Point. In this route the direct road would lead to our camp in Essex.

A tried soldier was summoned at once and provided with authority to impress horses, was charged with an order to the senior officer at camp, and required to deliver it by dawn of the morning. So soon as the horses had eaten, the bugle sounded to horse, and we moved down the south side of Pamunkey. Before dawn our advance was halted by a picket near Old Church.

It proved to be that of Colonel Bradley T. Johnson. We halted for breakfast, then marched to Tunstall's Station, to which point Colonel Johnson moved to ambush. We saw only the half extinct fires of the Yankee camp and evidences of ruin to the helpless families near the road, and after a bootless chase, returned in the evening to bivouac at the intersection of the New Castle and New Kent roads, one mile from Old Church, to await the return of a courier sent to General Hampton in the morning. Whilst seated around our camp-fire, a courier--Private Robbins, of New Kent — rode in, and asked for Colonel Beale. He bore a dispatch from Lieutenant James Pollard, of Company H, who was absent from camp when we marched, and a package of papers. From the dispatch we learned that Pollard, hearing of a party of the enemy in the county, hastily collected twelve of his men, and crossing the Mattaponi, took position on the south bank at Dunkirk to dispute their passage over the bridge. After waiting some time, he learned the enemy had found a boat and crossed at Aylett's, two miles lower down. He immediately pursued them, and availing himself of his perfect familiarity with the country, succeeded before nightfall in getting in front of them. On reaching the road of the enemy's march, he met a homeguard company, under command of Captain Richard Hugh Bagby, with several lieutenants and some privates from other regular regiments, ready to dispute the advance of the enemy. Falling back until a good position was reached, the men were posted and darkness closed in. No advance after dark was expected. A lieutenant was left in command on the road. About 11 o'clock the tramp of horses was heard. When within twenty or thirty paces the officer commanded Halt! The reply was Disperse, you damned Rebels, or I shall charge you. Fire! ordered the lieutenant, and under it the horsemen retreated rapidly. Their leader had fallen, as his horse wheeled, killed instantly. Deserted by their officers, the men next morning, on the flats below the hill, hoisted the white flag. The papers found on Colonel Dahlgren's person accompanied the dispatch. Nearly every paper had been copied in a memorandum book; they consisted of an address to the command, the order of attack from the south side of the James upon the city of Richmond, enjoining the release of the prisoners, the killing of the executive officers of the Confederate Government, the burning and gutting of the city, directions where to apply for the materials necessary to setting fire to the city, and an accurate copy of the last field return of our cavalry made to General Stuart, with the location of every regiment. This last was furnished by the Bureau of Instruction at Washington. The rest were credited to no one. We forwarded all the papers by Pollard's courier to Richmond. The memorandum book was retained. After the publication of the papers and the denial of their authenticity, we were interrogated and ordered to forward the memorandum book, which was done.

Editorial paragraphs.

An extension of our circulation is very desirable on many accounts. We can be useful only as our Papers are circulated; and we need a larger list of subscribers in order that we may have the means of properly carrying on our important work. Will not our friends generally help us in this matter? Let each subscriber endeaver to secure for us a new one. And let our present subscribers not fail to renew when their time is out. If we can have the cordial co-operation and active help of our friends, our capacity for usefulness will be greatly enlarged.

Donations to the funds of the Society were contemplated in our original organization, but the condition of the South has been such that we have not made appeals in that direction.

We have received a large number of donations of books, Mss., documents, pamphlets, &c., of very great pecuniary value; but, with the exception of a liberal contribution of $1,000 from one large-hearted friend of the cause, we have received very little money except in payment of subscriptions. Now we begin to feel the great need of larger means with which to carry on our work — to purchase books, Mss., &c., which we cannot otherwise secure, to print more of our Mss., and to carry out various plans for the enlarged usefulness of the Society. We have to compete to some extent with the great historical societies which have their splendid buildings and ample endowments, and we really do not know how friends of the South could more judiciously invest funds just now than by contributions to this Society, which has for its object the preservation of the records, and the vindication of the history of the Confederacy.

We will say, then, frankly, that if there are those who are able and willing to help us, donations would be at this time particularly acceptable, and that any contributions made to us will be sacredly used in accordance with the wishes of the donors.

The fire which destroyed the private residence of the Secretary, over a month ago, was not alluded to in these columns, because we are not accustomed to introduce into them mere private matters. But as an impression has gone abroad that important papers belonging to the Society were destroyed, it becomes proper to say that the archives of the Society are kept in our office in the State Capitol--that they are under constant guard — and are as safe as the Library and archives of the Commonwealth.

While, therefore, the Secretary lost his private library, most of his furniture, &c., nothing belonging to the Southern Historical Society was either destroyed or injured.

The correction given below is a very proper one, though we are not quite sure whether the mistake was Mr. Hollyday's, or a typographical error:

Rev. J. William Jones, D. D., Secretary Southern Historical Society, Richmond Virginia:

Dear Sir--Mr. Lamar Hollyday in his narrative of the <placeName reg="Maryland" key="tgn,7007516" authname="tgn,7007516">Maryland</placeName> troops in the <rs>Confederate</rs> service, published in the March number of the Southern Historical Society Papers, states that Captain Latrobe, of the Third battery of Maryland artillery, was killed at Vicksburg, Mississippi. That is a mistake. His report of the Third Maryland artillery should read thus: Captain Henry B. Latrobe, commissioned September 9th, 1861; left the service March 1st, 1863. Captain Ferd. O. Claiborne, promoted March 1st, 1863; killed at Vicksburg, Mississippi, June 22d, 1863.

Please make the above correction, and much oblige, yours truly,

William L. Ritter. Baltimore, Maryland, April 5th, 1877.

Contributions to our archives are always in order, and the kindness of our friends in this respect is most warmly appreciated. With no means of purchasing books or documents, the free will offerings of those interested in our work are filling our shelves with historic material which money could not buy. Since our last acknowledgement we have received among others the following:

From Rev. J. A. French--Letter book containing official copies of letters written by the Confederate Secretary of the Treasury. Letter file containing letters received in 1861 at Register's office Confederate Treasury Department.

From Colonel Charles Ellis, Richmond--A package of war newspapers carefully selected and preserved because of something valuable in each. Ordinances adopted by the <orgName n="Virginia Convention" type="convention">Convention of Virginia</orgName> in secret session in <dateStruct value="1861-04-" full="yes" authname="1861-04"><month reg="04" full="yes">April</month></dateStruct> and <dateStruct value="1861-05-" full="yes" authname="1861-05"><month reg="05" full="yes">May</month>, <year reg="1861" full="yes">1861</year></dateStruct>. Virginia: Ordinance of secession. Report of the <rs type="role" reg="Chief of Ordnance">Chief of Ordnance</rs> of <placeName key="tgn,7007919" n="1.000 10" reg="virginia" authname="tgn,7007919">Virginia</placeName> (<persName n="Dimmock,Colonel,C.,,," id="n0118.0036.00223.02038" reg="expanded:Dimmock,Charles,,," authname="dimmock,charles"><roleName n="Colonel" full="yes">Colonel</roleName> <foreName full="yes">C.</foreName> <surname full="yes">Dimmock</surname></persName>), for the year ending <dateStruct value="1861-09-30" full="yes" authname="1861-09-30"><month reg="09" full="yes">September</month> <day reg="30" full="yes">30th</day>, <year reg="1861" full="yes">1861</year></dateStruct>. <title>Message of the <rs>Governor</rs> of <placeName key="tgn,7007919" n="1.000 10" reg="virginia" authname="tgn,7007919">Virginia</placeName> (Hon. John Letcher), December 7th, 1863. Letter from <persName n="Henningsen,General,C.,F.,," id="n0118.0036.00223.02040" reg="default:Henningsen,C.,F.,," authname="henningsen,c.,f."><roleName n="General" full="yes">General</roleName> <foreName full="yes">C.</foreName> <foreName full="yes">F.</foreName> <surname full="yes">Henningsen</surname></persName> in reply to the letter of <persName n="Hugo,,Victor,,," id="n0118.0036.00223.02041" reg="default:Hugo,Victor,,," authname="hugo,victor"><foreName full="yes">Victor</foreName> <surname full="yes">Hugo</surname></persName> on the <rs type="place">Harper's Ferry</rs> invasion. Discourse on the life and Caracter of <persName n="Jackson,Lieutenant-General,Thomas,J.,," id="n0118.0036.00223.02042" reg="default:Jackson,Thomas,J.,," authname="jackson,thomas,j."><roleName n="Lieutenant-General" full="yes">Lieutenant-General</roleName> <foreName full="yes">Thomas</foreName> <foreName full="yes">J.</foreName> <surname full="yes">Jackson</surname></persName>, by General F. H. Smith, Superintendent Virginia military Institute, read befor the Board of Visitors, Faculty and cadets, July 1st, 1863, together with proceedings of the Institution in honor of the illustrious deceased.

from the American Colonization Society--a full set of the annual reports, addresses, &c., of the Society. Memorial of the <name>Semi</name>-Centennial anniversary of the <orgName n="American Colonization Society" type="society">American Colonization Society</orgName>, celebrated at <placeName reg="Washington, District of Columbia, United States" key="tgn,7013962" authname="tgn,7013962">Washington</placeName>, <dateStruct value="1867-01-15" full="yes" authname="1867-01-15"><month reg="01" full="yes">January</month> <day reg="15" full="yes">15th</day>, <year reg="1867" full="yes">1867</year></dateStruct>.

from Judge W. S. Barton, Fredericksburg, Virginia--a bundle of official papers relating to the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, which were put into his hands as Judge Advocate of the Court of inquiry which was ordered by the Confederate War Department to investigate those disasters. The package contains such papers as the following: report of General R. Taylor of operations in North Louisiana from June 3d to 8th, 1863; correspondence between the Secretary of War and General J. E. Johnston, from the 9th of May to the 20th of June, 1863; correspondence between the President and and General J. E. Johnston; correspondence and reports showing the efforts made to provision Vicksburg and Port Hudson; reports of the ordnance Department as to the issues of ordnance, precussion, caps, &c., to Vicksburg and Port Hudson; and a number of letters, telegrams, reports, &c., bearing on the whole question of the defence and final capitulation of those posts.

from J. .D. Davidson, Esq., Lexington, Virginia--a copy of the Augusta (Georgia), Chronicle for 1817.

from Norval Ryland, Esq., Richmond--copy of the Richmond dispatch, containing full account of the battle of seven Pines.

from J. L. Peyton, Esq., Staunton, Virginia--The American Crisis, or pages from the note book of a State agent during the civil War, by <persName n="Peyton,,John,Lewis,," id="n0118.0036.00224.02051" reg="default:Peyton,John,Lewis,," authname="peyton,john,lewis"><foreName full="yes">John</foreName> <foreName full="yes">Lewis</foreName> <surname full="yes">Peyton</surname></persName>. London: Saunders, Otley & Co., 1867 (two volumes).

from the author (George wise, Esq.,) Alexandria, Virginia--History of the <orgName type="regiment" key="17VAInfantry">Seventeenth Virginia infantry</orgName>, <placeName reg="United States" key="tgn,7012149" authname="tgn,7012149">Confederate States</placeName> army. Baltimore: Kelly, Piet & Co., 1870.

from A. Barron Holmes, Esq., Charleston, South Carolina--<placeName reg="Fort Moultrie Centennial">Fort Moultrie Centennial</placeName>, being a beautifully illustrated account of the celebration at Fort Moultrie, Sulivan's Island, Charleston (South Carolina) harbor on June 28th, 1876. Judge O'Neale's annals of Newberry District, South Carolina. <persName n="Logan,,,,," id="n0118.0036.00224.02057" reg="mostcommon:Logan,Hugh,,,:1" authname="logan,hugh"><surname full="yes">Logan</surname></persName>'s history of <placeName reg="South Carolina" key="tgn,7007712" authname="tgn,7007712"><rs type="direction">upper</rs> South Carolina</placeName> (volume I). (Mr. Holmes frequently places the Society under obligations for similar favors).

From the Society of the Army of the Tennessee--Report of proceedings at tenth annual meeting held at Washington, D. C., on the occasion of unveiling the equestrian statue of Major-General James B. McPherson.

From Colonel F. H. Archer, of Petersburg--A bundle of very interesting original papers (reports, letters, telegrams, &c.) of operations and movements about Suffolk, Smithfield, &c., in the spring of 1862.

From General Fitz. Lee--Sketch of the life and character of the late General S. Cooper, Senior General and Adjutant and Inspector-General of the Confederacy, together with a letter from ex-President Davis giving his impressions of General Cooper.

From General J. A. Early, General Fitz. Lee, General E. P. Alexander, General A. L. Long, General Cadmus M. Wilcox, Colonel Walter H. Taylor and General Henry Heth--Papers on the battle of Gettysburg. (These papers discuss the policy of invading the North, the plan of the campaign, the origin, conduct, events, result and causes of the result of the battle of Gettysburg and other points of deep interest, together with similar papers from other leading Confederates who were in a position to know whereof they affirm. This series of papers will do more to give to the world the true story of Gettysburg than anything that has yet been written, and with the full series of reports on the great battle which have already appeared, they will afford invaluable material to the historian who sincerely seeks after the truth. Among other points they settle beyond all controversy that General Lee had at Gettysburg only 62,000 effectives of all arms, while General Meade had 105,000 on the field, and at least 10,000 more within supporting distance).

Southern Historical Society papers. Vol. III. Richmond, Va., May and June, 1877. Nos. 5 and 6. Report of Major-General C. L. Stevenson from the beginning of the Dalton-Atlanta campaign to May 30, 1864.

[The following is from the original Ms. furnished us by General Stevenson himself, and has never before been in print so far as we are aware.]

headquarters Stevenson's division, In the Field, May 30th, 1864. Major:

* * * * *

During the latter part of last month I received orders to break up my winter camp on the Sugar Valley road and move my division to the position assigned it in front of Dalton. I went into bivouac in Crowe Valley, and immediately went to work to complete the defences of the portion of the line allotted me — from the signal station upon Rocky Face mountain on my left to Ault's creek on my right. General Pettus was placed upon the left, General Reynolds on the left-centre, General Cumming on the right-centre, and General Brown on the right. General Pettus was ordered to hold the mountain with a regiment of rifles. The movements of the enemy very soon showed that his greatest efforts would be against the mountain, which was, in fact, the key to my position; and accordingly, on the — instant, General Pettus was ordered to occupy the mountain with his brigade, and the vacancy in the trenches created by his removal filled by extending intervals to the left.

On the 8th instant, the enemy pushed forward his skirmishers vigorously, supported by a line of battle, against the angle in Pettus' line at the crest of the mountain. This attack was quickly and handsomely repulsed by that portion of his line which occupied the angle. In compliance with instructions from the Lieutenant-General, Brown's brigade was then moved from its position on my right to the left of Pettus on the crest of the mountain, who was thus enabled to contract his lines and strengthen his weak point — the angle referred to. Brown's place in the works was first supplied by Mercer's, then by Walthall's, and then by Govan's brigades. General Brown, as senior officer, was directed to take charge of the defence of that portion of the mountain occupied by my troops.

On the 9th instant the enemy, formed in column of divisions, made a heavy assault upon the angle in Pettus' line. The fight was obstinate and bloody, but resulted in a complete success to us. For details I would refer you to the reports of Generals Brown and Pettus. In the mean time, the enemy had advanced his sharpshooters close upon the line of Brown's brigade on the mountain, and Reynold's and Cumming's in the valley. Soon after the assault upon Pettus, the enemy manoeuvred considerably in the valley, and seemed at one time disposed to assault the position of Generals Cumming and Reynolds. In front of General Cumming he appeared several times in line of battle, but was checked by the fire of skirmishers, and of those guns of Major J. W. Johnston's battalion of artillery that could be brought to bear upon him. From this time until we retired from the position, there was constant skirmishing, first along my whole line, and later mainly in front of Brown's and Pettus' brigades.

On the night of the 13th instant, agreeably to orders, I vacated my position and took up the line of march for Resaca. On the morning after my arrival near this place, I took up position in two lines north of Resaca, and immediately upon the right of the Resaca and Dalton road. I was soon afterwards ordered to connect with Major-General Hindman on the left of the Resaca road, and, for this purpose, moved two regiments across the road. Cumming and Brown were in my front line, Pettus being the second line to the former and Brown to the latter. During the morning there were several attacks upon General Hindman, and in my front the sharpshooters of the enemy obtained positions which entirely enfiladed portions of Cumming's line. The men were sheltered as well as possible by such defences as they could construct of logs and rails, but still suffered severely. The fire of these sharpshooters upon the artillery, some pieces of which were advanced in front of the line of General Cumming, was particularly destructive, and amongst the wounded was the brave Major J. W. Johnston, the battalion commander.

About five o'clock that evening, agreeably to orders, I commenced a movement to dislodge the enemy from the high points of the ridge some distance in front of General Cumming. Brown and his support (Reynolds) were directed to move out in front of their trenches and then swing around to the left. After the movement commended, General Cumming was also directed to wheel all of his brigade, which was to the right of the backbone of the ridge, to the left in front of his works, the regiment upon the crest being the pivot. I was much gratified by the gallantry with which the movement was made, and by the success which attended it. Too much praise cannot be awarded Brown's gallant brigade; for particulars I refer you to his report.

Late that night I received orders to retire from the position which I had taken, which was done. The next morning I was ordered to retake it, which was accomplished without difficulty, the enemy not having reoccupied it. My command immediately went to work to construct defences of logs and rails, and in a short time were quite well entrenched. During the course of the morning I received orders to place the artillery of my division in such a position as could enable it to drive off a battery that was annoying General Hindman's line. Before the necessary measures for the protection of the artillery could be taken, I received repeated and peremptory orders to open it upon the battery before alluded to. Corput's battery was accordingly placed in position at the only available point, about eighty yards in front of General Brown's line. It had hardly gotten into position, when the enemy hotly engaged my skirmishers, driving them in, and pushing on to the assault with great impetuosity. So quickly was all this done, that it was impossible to remove the artillery before the enemy had effected a lodgment in the ravine in front of it, thus placing it in such a position, that, while the enemy were entirely unable to remove it, we were equally so, without driving off the enemy massed in the ravine beyond it, which would have been attended with great loss of life.

The assaults of the enemy were in heavy force, and made with the utmost impetuosity, but were met with a cool, steady fire, which each time mowed down their ranks, and drove them back, leaving the ground thickly covered in places with their dead. When Brown's brigade had nearly exhausted their ammunition, I caused it to be relieved by Reynolds' brigade, upon which assaults were also made and repulsed with the same success.

During the attack, I ordered General Pettus up with three (3) of his regiments, which had remained in our position of the day previous. My intention was to employ his force in attacking the enemy in front of the battery and remove it. A portion of Gibson's brigade of Stewart's division was also. sent me, but was soon recalled. The troops engaged, it will thus be seen, were Brown's and Reynolds' brigades, and also the two right regiments of Cumming's. During the day, Tenner's battery reported to me, and rendered good service. In the evening I received orders to move that portion of my force which was on the right of General Cumming, out of the trenches, and, co-operating with General Stewart, to swing around upon the enemy. At the moment that I received the order, the enemy were making a heavy assault upon General Reynolds, and Brown had not yet replenished his ammunition. The order, however, was peremptory, and the movement was attempted. The Fifty-fourth Virginia on the right leaped the trenches, and rushed bravely upon the enemy, but found that there was no connection with General Stewart's left, and being thus unsupported, were compelled to fall back before the rest of the brigade moved out. In this attempt, the gallant Captain G. D. Wise, of my staff, was dangerously wounded, and the regiment, in less than fifteen.minutes, lost above one hundred (100) officers and men.

That night I received orders to withdraw, which was effected, owing to the coolness of the troops, without serious loss. My last brigade had not marched three hundred yards from the trenches before the enemy made an assault. Especial credit is due the skirmishers of Brown's brigade for their conduct in this affair, and I ask attention to his report.

As I have stated, I covered the disputed battery with my fire in such a manner that it was utterly impossible for the enemy to remove it, and I knew that I could retake it at any time, but thought that it could be done with less loss of life at night, and therefore postponed my attack. When ordered to retire, I represented the state of things to the General-Commanding, who decided to abandon the guns.

Upon my arrival at New Hope church, I put my command in position on the right of General Stewart, and very soon thereafter the enemy assaulted him in force. A small portion of my left brigade (Brown's) was engaged, and the men behaved with their usual spirit until relieved. The enemy kept up a heavy fire of skirmishers and artillery upon my front line — Brown and Pettus — and inflicted considerable loss; but my skirmishers behaved well, and were only driven back upon portions of the line. On the 28th, I was informed by General Baker that the enemy had succeeded in planting a battery a short distance in front of his works, and that, having no long range guns, he could not drive them off. I sent him a regiment of rifles from Cumming's brigade, which soon dislodged the enemy. The following statement will show my losses during the whole movement: Killed.Wounded.Missing.Brown's brigade,3917310Cumming's brigade,1989270Reynold's brigade,33126190Pettus' brigade,3017761 121565531

It affords me pleasure to bear witness to the uniform gallantry with which my division has acted, and to acknowledge my indebtedness to my brigade commanders, their officers and men, as well as to the officers and men of Johnston's battalion of artillery, commanded since Major Johnston was wounded by Captain M. 0. D. Corput.

While in position near New Hope church, I regret to state that I lost the services of Brigadier-General Reynolds, who there received a painful, but I hope not a dangerous wound.

The limits of this imperfect report will not permit me to make mention of particular individuals. We have been called upon to mourn the loss of many gallant spirits, among them, Major Barber, Third Tennessee, and Major Francis, Thirtieth Alabama.

I desire to express my renewed obligations to my staff, Majors John J. Reeve, G. L. Gillespie (wounded at Resaca), H. M. Mathews, R. Orme, Captain G. D. Wise (wounded at Resaca), W. H. Sykes, and Lieutenants Shane and Botts, and Chief Surgeon H. M. Compton.

The above is a copy of the rough draft of a report made to Major I. W. Ratchford, A. A. G. of Hood's corps.

Carter L. Stevenson.

Battle of Chancellorsville--report of General R. E. Lee.

[The following report was printed by order of the Confederate Congress; but as it is one of deep interest and importance, and so rare that we have been unable to meet frequent demands for it by military students, we deem it best to give it a place in our Papers. We print from an original Ms. in our possession.]

headquarters army of Northern Virginia, September 21st, 1863. General S. Cooper, A. and I. G. C. S. A., Richmond, Va.:

General — After the battle of Fredericksburg, the army remained encamped on the south side of the Rappahannock until the latter part of April. The Federal army occupied the north side of the river opposite Fredericksburg, extending to the Potomac. Two brigades of Anderson's division — those of Generals Mahone and Posey--were stationed near United States Mine or Bark Mill ford; and a third, under command of General Wilcox, guarded Banks' ford. The cavalry was distributed on both flanks — Fitzhugh Lee's brigade picketing the Rappahannock above the mouth of the Rapidan, and W. H. F. Lee's near Port Royal. Hampton's brigade had been sent into the interior to recruit. General Longstreet, with two divisions of his corps, was detached for service south of James river in February, and did not rejoin the army until after the battle of Chancellorsville. With the exception or the engagement between Fitz. Lee's brigade and the enemy's cavalry, near Kelly's ford, on the seventeenth of March, 1863, of which a brief report has been already forwarded to the Department, nothing of interest transpired during this period of inactivity.

On the fourteenth of April intelligence was received that the enemy's cavalry was concentrating on the upper Rappahannock. Their efforts to establish themselves on the south side of the river were successfully resisted by Fitz. Lee's brigade and two regiments of W. H. F. Lee's, the whole under the immediate command of General Stuart. About the twenty-first small bodies of infantry appeared at Kelly's ford and the Rappahannock bridge, and almost at the same time a demonstration was made opposite Port Royal, where a party of infantry crossed the river about the twenty-third. These movements were evidently intended to conceal the designs of the enemy, but, taken in connection with the reports of scouts, indicated that the Federal army, now commanded by Major-General Hooker, was about to resume active operations. At half-past five o'clock A. M., the twenty-eight of April, the enemy crossed the Rappahannock in boats near Fredericksburg, and driving off the pickets on the river, proceeded to lay down a pontoon bridge a short distance below the mouth of Deep run. Later in the forenoon another bridge was constructed about a mile below the first. A considerable force crossed on these bridges during the day, and was massed out of view under the high banks of the river. The bridges, as well as the troops, were effectually protected from our artillery by the depth of the river's bed and the narrowness of the stream, while the batteries on the opposite heights completely commanded the wide plain between our lines and the river.

As in the first battle of Fredericksburg, it was thought best to select positions with a view to resist the advance of the enemy, rather than incur the heavy loss that would attend any attempt to prevent his crossing. Our dispositions were accordingly made as on the former occasion. No demonstration was made opposite any other point of our lines at Fredericksburg, and the strength of the force that had crossed, and its apparent indisposition to attack, indicated that the principal effort of the enemy would be made in some other quarter. This impression was confirmed by intelligence received from General Stuart, that a large body of infantry and artillery was passing up the river. During the forenoon of the twenty-ninth that officer reported that the enemy had crossed in force near Kelly's ford on the preceding evening. Later in the day he announced that a heavy column was moving from Kelly's towards Germana Ford on the Rapidan, and another towards Ely's ford on that river. The routes they were pursuing, after crossing the Rapidan, converge near Chancellorsville, whence several roads lead to the rear of our position at Fredericksburg.

On the night of the twenty-ninth General Anderson was directed to proceed towards Chancellorsville and dispose Wright's brigade and the troops from the Bark Mill ford to cover these roads. Arriving at Chancellorsville about midnight, he found the commands of Generals Mahone and Posey already there, having been withdrawn from the Bark Mill ford, with the exception of a small guard. Learning that the enemy had crossed the Rapidan, and were approaching in strong force, General Anderson retired early on the morning of the thirtieth to the intersection of the Mine and plank roads near Tabernacle church, and began to intrench himself. The enemy's cavalry skirmished with his rear guard as he left Chancellorsville; but being vigorously repulsed by Mahone's brigade, offered no further opposition to his march. Mahone was placed on the old turnpike, Wright and Posey on the plank road. In the mean time General Stuart had been directed to endeavor to impede the progress of the column marching by way of Germana ford. Detaching W. H. F. Lee, with his two regiments, the Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia, to oppose the main body of the enemy's cavalry, General Stuart crossed the Rapidan at Raccoon ford, with Fitz. Lee's brigade, on the night of the twenty-ninth. Halting to give his men a few hours repose, he ordered Colonel Owens, with the Third Virginia cavalry to throw himself in front of the enemy, while the rest of the brigade attacked his right flank at the Wilderness tavern between Germana ford and Chancellorsville. By this means the march of this column was delayed until 12 o'clock M., when, learning that the one from Ely's ford had already reached Chancellorsville, General Stuart marched by Todd's tavern towards Spottsylvania Courthouse to put himself in communication with the main body of the army, and Colonel Owens fell back upon General Anderson.

The enemy in our front near Fredericksburg continued inactive, and it was now apparent that the main attack would be made upon our flank and rear. It was therefore determined to leave sufficient troops to hold our lines, and with the main body of the army to give battle to the approaching column. Early's division of Jackson's corps, and Barksdale's brigade of McLaws' division, with part of the reserve artillery under General Pendleton, were entrusted with the defence of our position at Fredericksburg, and at midnight on the thirtieth, General McLaws marched with the rest of his command towards Chancellorsville. General Jackson followed at dawn next morning, with the remaining divisions of his corps. He reached the position occupied by General Anderson at eight A. M., and immediately began preparations to advance. At eleven A. M. the troops moved forward upon the plank and old turnpike roads — Anderson, with the brigades of Wright and Posey, leading on the former; McLaws, with his three brigades, preceded by Mahone's, on the latter. Generals Wilcox and Perry, of Anderson's division, co-operated with McLaws. Jackson's troops followed Anderson on the plank road. Colonel Alexander's battalion of artillery accompanied the advance. The enemy was soon encountered on both roads, and heavy skirmishing with infantry and artillery ensued, our troops pressing steadily forward. A strong attack upon General McLaws was repulsed with spirit by Semmes' brigade; and General Wright, by direction of General Anderson, diverging to the left of the plank road, marched by way of the unfinished railroad from Fredericksburg to Gordonsville, and turned the enemy's right. His whole line thereupon retreated rapidly, vigorously pursued by our troops, until they arrived within about one mile of Chancellorsville. Here the enemy had assumed a position of great natural strength, surrounded on all sides by a dense forest, filled with a tangled undergrowth, in the midst of which breastworks of logs had been constructed, with trees felled in front, so as to form an almost impenetrable abatis. His artillery swept the few narrow roads by which his position could be approached from the front, and commanded the adjacent woods. The left of his line extended from Chancellorsville towards the Rappahannock, covering the Bark Mill ford, where he communicated with the north bank of the river by a pontoon bridge. His right stretched westward along the Germana Ford road more than two miles. Darkness was approaching before the strength and extent of his line could be ascertained; and as the nature of the country rendered it hazardous to attack by night, our troops were halted, and formed in line of battle in front of Chancellorsville, at right angles to the plank road, extending on the right to the Mine road, and to the left in the direction of the Catharine furnace.

Colonel Wickham, with the Fourth Virginia cavalry, and Colonel Owens' regiment, was stationed between the Mine road and the Rappahannock. The rest of the cavalry was upon our left flank. It was evident that a direct attack upon the enemy would be attended with great difficult and loss, in view of the strength of his position and his superiority of numbers. It was, therefore, resolved to endeavor to turn his right flank and gain his rear, leaving a force in front to hold him in check and conceal the movement. The execution of this plan was intrusted to Lieutenant-General Jackson, with his three divisions. The commands of General McLaws and Anderson, with the exception of Wilcox's brigade, which during the night had been ordered back to Banks' ford, remained in front of the enemy. Early on the morning of the second, General Jackson marched by the Furnace and

Brock roads

, his movement being effectually covered by Fitz. Lee's cavalry, under General Stuart in person. As the rear of the train was passing the furnace, a large force of the enemy advanced from Chancellorsville and attempted its capture. General Jackson had left the Twenty-third Georgia regiment under Colonel Best, at this point, to guard his flank; and upon the approach of the enemy, Lieutenant-Colonel J. T. Brown, whose artillery was passing at the time, placed a battery in position to aid in checking his advance. A small number of men who were marching to join their commands, including Captain Moore, with his two companies of the Fourteenth Tennessee regiment of Archer's brigade, reported to Colonel Brown, and supported his guns. The enemy was kept back by this small force until the train had passed, but his superior numbers enabled him subsequently to surround and capture the greater part of the Twenty-third Georgia regiment. General Anderson was directed to send a brigade to resist the further progress of this column, and detached General Posey for that purpsse. General Posey became warmly engaged with a superior force, but being reinforced by General Wright, the enemy's advance was arrested. After a long and fatiguing march, General Jackson's leading division, under General Rodes, reached the old turnpike, about three miles in rear of Chancellorsville, at four P. M. As the different divisions arrived they were formed at right angles to the road — Rodes in front, Trimble's division, under Brigadier-General Colston, in the second, and A. P. Hill's in the third line. At six P. M. the advance was ordered. The enemy were taken by surprise and fled after a brief resistance. General Rodes' men pushed forward with great vigor and enthusiasm, followed closely by the second and third lines. Position after position was carried, the guns captured, and every effort of the enemy to rally defeated by the impetuous rush of our troops. In the ardor of pursuit through the thick and tangled woods, the first and second lines at last became mingled and moved on together as one. The enemy made a stand at a line of breastworks across the road at the house of Melzi Chancellor, but the troops of Rodes and Colston dashed over the entrenchments together, and the fight and pursuit were resumed and continued until our advance was arrested by the abatis in front of the line of works near the central position at Chancellorsville. It was now dark, and General Jackson ordered the third line, under General Hill, to advance tb the front and relieve the troops of Rodes and Colston, who were completely blended, and in such disorder, from their advance through intricate woods and over broken ground, that it was necessary to reform them. As Hill's men moved forward, General Jackson, with his staff and escort, returning from the extreme front, met his skirmishers advancing, and, in the obscurity of the night, were mistaken for the enemy, and fired upon. Captain Boswell, chief engineer of the corps, and several others were killed, and a number wounded. General Jackson himself received a severe injury, and was borne from the field. The command devolved upon Major-General Hill, whose division, under General Heth, was advanced to the line of entrenchments which had been reached by Rodes and Colston. A furious fire of artillery was opened upon them by the enemy, under cover of which his infantry advanced to the attack. They were handsomely repulsed by the Fifty-fifth Virginia regiment under Colonel Mallory, who was killed while bravely leading his men. General Hill was soon afterwards disabled, and Major-General Stuart, who had been directed by General Jackson to seize the road to Ely's ford, in rear of the enemy, was sent for to take command. At this time the right of Hill's division was attacked by the column of the enemy already mentioned as having penetrated to the furnace, which had been recalled to Chancellorsville to avoid being cut off by the advance of Jackson. This attack was gallantly met and repulsed by the Eighteenth and Twenty-eighth, and a portion of the Thirty-third North Carolina regiments, Lane's brigade.

Upon General Stuart's arrival, soon afterwards, the command was turned over to him by General Hill. He immediately proceeded to reconnoitre the ground and make himself acquainted with the disposition of the troops. The darkness of the night, and the difficulty of moving through the woods and undergrowth, rendered it advisable to defer further operations until morning; and the troops rested on their guns in line of battle. Colonel Crutchfield, Chief of Artillery of the corps, was severely wounded, and Colonel Alexander, senior artillery officer present, was engaged during the entire night in selecting positions for our batteries. As soon as the sound of cannon gave notice of Jackson's attack on the enemy's right, our troops in front of Chancellorsville were ordered to press him strongly on the left, to prevent reinforcements being sent to the point assailed. They were directed not to attack in force unless a favorable opportunity should present itself; and while continuing to cover the roads leading from their respective positions towards Chancellorsville, to incline to the left so as to connect with Jackson's right, as he closed in upon the centre. These orders were well executed, our troops advancing up to the enemy's entrenchments, while several batteries played with good effect upon his lines, until prevented by the increasing darkness.

Early on the morning of the third General Stuart renewed the attack upon the enemy, who had strengthened his right during the night with additional breastworks, while a large number of guns, protected by entrenchments, were posted so as to sweep the woods through which our troops had to advance. Hill's division was in front, with Colston in the second line and Rodes in the third. The second and third lines soon advanced to the support of the first, and the whole became hotly engaged. The breastworks at which the attack was suspended the preceding evening, were carried by assault, under a terrible fire of musketry and artillery. In rear of these breastworks was a barricade, from which the enemy was quickly driven. The troops on the left of the plank road, pressing through the woods, attacked and broke the next line, while those on the right bravely assailed the extensive earthworks behind which the enemy's artillery was posted. Three times were these works carried, and as often were the brave assailants compelled to abandon them — twice by the retirement of the troops on their left, who fell back after a gallant struggle with superior numbers, and once by a movement of the enemy on their right, caused by the advance of General Anderson. The left being reinforced, finally succeeded in driving back the enemy, and the artillery, under Lieutenant-Colonels Carter and Jones, being thrown forward to occupy favorable positions, secured by the advance of the infantry, began to play with great precision and effect. Anderson, in the mean time pressed gallantly forward, directly upon Chancellorsville, his right resting upon the plank road and his left extending around the furnace, while McLaws made a strong demonstration to the right of the road. As the troops advancing upon the enemy's front and right converged upon his central position, Anderson effected a junction with Jackson's corps, and the whole line pressed irresistibly on. The enemy was driven from all his fortified positions, with heavy loss in killed, wounded and prisoners, and retreated towards the Rappahannock. By 10 A. M., we were in full possession of the field. The troops having become somewhat scattered by the difficulties of the ground and the ardor of the contest, were immediately reformed, preparatory to renewing the attack. The enemy had withdrawn to a strong position nearer to the Rappahannock, which he had previously fortified. His superiority of numbers, the unfavorable nature of the ground, which was densely wooded, and the condition of our troops after the arduous and sanguinary conflict in which they had been engaged, rendered great caution necessary. Our preparations were just completed, when further operations were arrested by intelligence received from Fredericksburg.

General Early had been instructed, in the event of the enemy withdrawing from his front and moving up the river, to join the main body of the army, with so much of his command as could be spared from the defence of his lines. This order was repeated on the second; but by a misapprehension on the part of the officer conveying it, General Early was directed to move unconditionally, leaving Hays' brigade and one regiment of Barksdale's at Fredericksburg, and directing a part of General Pendleton's artillery to be sent to the rear, in compliance with the order delivered to him. General Early moved with the rest of his command towards Chancellorsville. As soon as his withdrawal was perceived, the enemy began to give evidence of an intention to advance; but the mistake in the transmission of the order being corrected, General Early returned to his original position. The line to be defended by Barksdale's brigade extended from the Rappahannock, above Fredericksburg, to the rear of Howison's house, a distance of more than two miles. The artillery was posted along the heights in rear of the town. Before dawn, on the morning of the third, General Barksdale reported to General Early that the enemy had occupied Fredericksburg in large force, and laid down a bridge at the town. Hays' brigade was sent to his support, and placed on his extreme left, with the exception of one regiment stationed on the right of his line, behind Howison's house. Seven companies of the Twenty-first Mississippi regiment were posted by General Barksdale between the Marye house and the plank road; the Eighteenth and the three other companies of the Twenty-first occupied the telegraph road at the foot of Marye's hill, the two remaining regiments of the brigade being farther to the right on the hills near to Howison's house. The enemy made a demonstration against the extreme right, which was easily repulsed by General Early. Soon afterwards a column moved from Fredericksburg along the river banks, as if to gain the heights on the extreme left, which commanded those immediately in rear of the town. This attempt was foiled by General Hays and the arrival of General Wilcox from Banks' ford, who deployed a few skirmishers on the hill near Taylor's house, and opened upon the enemy with a section of artillery. Very soon the enemy advanced in large force against Marye's and the hills to the right and left of it. Two assaults were gallantly repulsed by Barksdale's men and the artillery. After the second, a flag of truce was sent from the town to obtain permission to provide for the wounded. Three heavy lines advanced immediately upon the return of the flag and renewed the attack. They were bravely repulsed on the right and left, but the small force at the foot of Marye's hill, overpowered by more than ten times their numbers, was captured, after a heroic resistance, and the hill carried. Eight piecies of artillery were taken on Marye's and the adjacent heights. The remainder of Barksdale's brigade, together with that of General Hays, and the artillery on the right, retired down the telegraph road. The success of the enemy enabled him to threaten our communications by moving down the telegraph road or to come upon our rear at Chancellorsville by the plank road. He at first advanced on the former, but was checked by General Early, who had halted the commands of Barksdale and Hays, with the artillery, about two miles from Marye's hill, and reinforced them with three regiments of Gordon's brigade.

The enemy then began to advance up the plank road, his progress being gallantly disputed by the brigade of General Wilcox, who had moved from Banks' ford as rapidly as possible to the assistance of General Barksdale; but arrived too late to take part in the action. General Wilcox fell back slowly until he reached Salem church, on the plank road, about five miles from Fredericksburg.

Information of this state of affairs in our rear having reached Chancellorsville, as already stated, General McLaws, with his three brigades and one of General Anderson's, was ordered to reinforce General Wilcox. He arrived at Salem church early in the afternoon, where he found General Wilcox in line of battle, with a large force of the enemy — consisting, as was reported, of one army corps and part of another — under Major-General Sedgwick, in his front. The brigades of Kershaw and Wofford were placed on the right of Wilcox, those of Semmes and Mahone on his left.

The enemy's artillery played vigorously upon our position for some time, when his infantry advanced in three strong lines, the attack being directed mainly against General Wilcox, but partially involving the brigades on his left. The assault was met with the utmost firmness, and after a fierce struggle, the first line was repulsed with great slaughter. The second then came forward, but immediately broke under the close and deadly fire which it encountered, and the whole mass fled in confusion to the rear. They were pursued by the brigades of Wilcox and Semmes, which advanced nearly a mile, when they were halted to reform in the presence of the enemy's reserve, which now appeared in large force. It being quite dark, General Wilcox deemed it imprudent to push the attack with his small numbers, and retired to his original position, the enemy making no attempt to follow. The next morning General Early advanced along the Telegraph road, and recaptured Mayre's and the adjacent hills without difficulty, thus gaining the rear of the enemy's left. He then proposed to General McLaws that a simultaneous attack should be made by their respective commands, but the latter officer not deeming his force adequate to assail the enemy in front, the proposition was not carried into effect. In the mean time, the enemy had so strengthened his position near Chancellorsville that it was deemd inexpedient to assail it with less than our whole force, which could not be concentrated until we were relieved from the danger that menaced our rear. It was accordingly resolved still further to reinforce the troops in front of General Sedgwick, in order, if possible, to drive him across the Rappahannock. Accordingly, on the fourth, General Anderson was directed to proceed, with his remaining three brigades, to join General McLaws--the three divisions of Jackson's corps holding our position at Chancellorsville. Anderson reached Salem church about noon, and was directed to gain the left flank of the enemy and effect a junction with Early. McLaws' troops were disposed as on the previous day, with orders to hold the enemy in front and to push forward his right brigades as soon as the advance of Anderson and Early should be perceived, so as to connect with them and complete the continuity of our line.

Some delay occurred in getting the troops into position, owing to the broken and irregular nature of the ground, and the difficulty of ascertaining the disposition of the enemy's forces. The attack did not begin until six P. M., when Anderson and Early moved forward and drove General Sedgwick's troops rapidly before them across the plank road in the direction of the Rappahannock. The speedy approach of darkness prevented General McLaws from perceiving the success of the attack until the enemy began to recross the river a short distance below Banks' ford, where he had laid one of his pontoon bridges. His right brigades, under Kershaw and Wofford, advanced through the woods in the direction of the firing, but the retreat was so rapid that they could only join in the pursuit. A dense fog settled over the field, increasing the obscurity and rendering great caution necessary to avoid collision between our own troops. Their movements were consequently slow. General Wilcox, with Kershaw's brigade and two regiments of his own, accompanied by a battery, proceeded nearly to the river, capturing a number of prisoners and inflicting great damage upon the enemy. General McLaws also directed Colonel Alexander's artillery to fire upon the locality of the enemy's bridges, which was done with good effect. The next morning it was found that General Sedgwick had made good his escape and removed his bridges. Fredericksburg was also evacuated and our rear no longer threatened. But as General Sedgwick had it in his power to recross, it was deemed best to leave General Early with his division and Barksdale's brigade to hold our lines as before. McLaws and Anderson being directed to return to Chancellorsville, they reached their destination during the afternoon in the midst of a violent storm, which continued throughout the night and most of the following day.

Preparations were made to assail the enemy's works at daylight on the sixth, but, on advancing our skirmishers, it was found that under cover of the storm and darkness of the night, he had retreated over the river. A detachment was left to guard the battlefield while the wounded were being removed and the captured property collected. The rest of the army returned to its former position.

The particulars of these operations will be found in the reports of the several commanding officers, which are herewith transmitted. They will show more fully than my limits will suffer me to do the dangers and difficulties which, under God's blessing, were surmounted by the fortitude and valor of our army. The conduct of our troops cannot be too highly praised. Attacking largely superior numbers in strongly entrenched positions, their heroic courage overcame every obstacle of nature and art, and achieved a triumph most honorable to our arms. I commend to the particular notice of the Department the brave officers and men mentioned by their superiors for extraordinary daring and merit, whose names I am unable to enumerate here. Among them will be found some who have passed by a glorious death beyond the reach of praise, but the memory of whose virtues and devoted patrotism will ever be cherished by their grateful countrymen. The returns of the Medical Director will show the extent of our loss, which, from the nature of the circumstances attending the engagement, could not be otherwise than severe. Many valuable officers and men were killed or wounded in the faithful discharge of duty. Among the former, Brigadier-General Paxton fell while leading his brigade with conspicuous courage in the assault on the enemy's works at Chancellorsville. The gallant Brigadier-General Nichols lost a leg; Brigadier-General McGowan was severely, and Brigadier-Generals Heth and Pender were slightly wounded in. the same engagement. The latter officer led his brigade to the attack under a destructive fire, bearing the colors of a regiment in his own hands, up to and over the entrenchments, with the most distinguished gallantry. General Hoke received a painful wound in the action near Fredericksburg. The movement by which the enemy's positions was turned, and the fortune of the day decided, was conducted by the lamented Lieutenant-General Jackson, who, as has already been stated, was severely wounded near the close of the engagement on Saturday evening. I do not propose here to speak of the character of this illustrious man, since removed from the scene of his eminent usefulness by the hand of an inscrutable but all wise Providence. I nevertheless desire to pay the tribute of my admiration to the matchless energy and skill that marked this last act of his life, forming as it did a worthy conclusion of that long series of splendid achievements which won for him the lasting love and gratitude of his country. Major-General A. P. Hill was disabled soon after assuming command, but did not leave the field until the arrival of Major-General Stuart. The latter officer ably discharged the difficult and responsible duties which he was thus unexpectedly called to perform. Assuming the command late in the night, at the close of a fierce engagement, and in the immediate presence of the enemy, necessarily ignorant, in a great measure, of the disposition of the troops, and of the plans of those who had preceded him, General Stuart exhibited great energy, promptness and intelligence. During the continuance of the engagement the next day, he conducted the operation on the left with distinguished capacity and vigor, stimulating and cheering the troops by the example of his own coolness and daring. While it is impossible to mention all who were conspicuous in the several engagements, it will not be considered an invidious distinction to say that General Jackson, after he was wounded, in expressing the satisfaction he derived from the conduct of his whole command, commended to my particular attention the services of Brigadier-General (now Major-General) Rodes and his gallant division. Major-General Early performed the important and responsible duty intrusted to him in a manner which reflected credit upon himself and his command. Major-General R. H. Anderson was also distinguished for the promptness, courage and skill with which he and his division executed every order; and Brigadier-General (now Major-General) Wilcox is entitled to especial praise for the judgment and bravery displayed in impeding the advance of General Sedgwick towards Chancellorsville, and for the gallant and successful stand at Salem church. To the skillful and efficient management of the artillery, the successful issue of the contest is in great measure due.

The ground was not favorable for its employment, but every suitable position was taken with alacrity, and the operations of the infantry supported and assisted with a spirit and courage not second to their own. It bore a prominent part in the final assault which ended in driving the enemy from the field at Chancellorsville, silencing his batteries, and by a destructive enfilade fire upon his works, opened the way for the advance of our troops. Colonels Crutchfield, Alexander and Walker, and Lieutenant-Colonels Brown, Carter and Andrews, with the officers and men of their commands, are mentioned as deserving especial commendation. The batteries under General Pendleton also acted with great gallantry. The cavalry of the army at the time of these operations was much reduced. To its vigilance and energy we were indebted for timely information of the enemy's movements before the battle, and for impeding his march to Chancellorsville. It guarded both flanks of the army during the battle at that place, and a portion of it, as has been already stated, rendered valuable service in covering the march of Jackson to the enemy's rear. The horse artillery accompanied the infantry, and participated with credit to itself in the engagement. The nature of the country rendered it impossible for the cavalry to do more. When the enemy's infantry passed the Rappahannock at Kelly's ford, his cavalry, under General Stoneman, also crossed in large force, and proceeded through Culpeper county towards Gordonsville, for the purpose of cutting the railroads to Richmond. General Stuart had nothing to oppose to this movement but two regiments of Brigadier-General W. H. F. Lee's brigade — the Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia cavalry. General Lee fell back before the overwhelming numbers of the enemy; and after holding the railroad bridge over the Rapidan during the first of May, burned the bridge and retired to Gordonsville at night. The enemy avoided Gordonsville, and reached Louisa courthouse, on the Central railroad, which he proceeded to break up. Dividing his force, a part of it also cut the Richmond and Fredericksburg railroad, and a part proceeded to Columbia, on the James river and Kanawha canal, with the design of destroying the aqueduct at that place. The small command of General Lee exerted itself vigorously to defeat this purpose. The damage done to the railroads was small and soon repaired, and the canal was saved from injury. The details of his operations will be found in the accompanying memorandum and are creditable to officers and men.

The loss of the enemy in the battle of Chancellorsville and the other engagements was severe. His dead and a large number of wounded were left on the field. About five thousand prisoners, exclusive of the wounded, were taken, and thirteen pieces of artillery, nineteen thousand five hundred stand of arms, seventeen colors and a large quantity of ammunition fell into our hands.

To the members of my staff I am greatly indebted for assistance in observing the movements of the enemy, posting troops and conveying orders. On so extended and varied a field all were called into requisition and all evinced the greatest energy and zeal. The Medical Director of the army, Surgeon Guild, with the officers of his department, were untiring in their attention to the wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Corley, Chief Quartermaster, took charge of the disposition and safety of the trains of the army. Lieutenant-Colonel Cole, Chief Commissary of its subsistence, and Lieutenant-Colonel Baldwin, Chief of Ordnance, were everywhere on the field attending to the wants of their departments. General Chilton, Chief of Staff, Lieutenant-Colonel Murray, Major Peyton and Captain Young, of the Adjutant and Inspector-General's Department, were active in seeing to the execution of orders. Lieutenant-Colonel Smith and Captain Johnston, of the engineers, in reconnoitering the enemy and constructing batteries; Colonel Long, in posting troops and artillery; Majors Taylor, Talcott, Marshall and Venable, were engaged night and day in watching the operations, carrying orders, &c.

Respectfully submitted,

R. E. Lee, General.

Diary of Captain Robert E. Park, Twelfth Alabama regiment. [Concluded.]

April 5th to 10th, 1865

Our hospital life is monotonous and varied only by daily discussions of reports of General Lee's situation, gathered from the rabid, black Republican papers we are permitted to buy. The news to-day (10th) is dreadful indeed. General Lee has surrendered is repeated with hushed breath from lip to lip. No human tongue, however eloquent, no pen, however gifted, can give an adequate description of our dismay and horror at the heartrending news. The sudden, unexpected calamity shocked reason and unsettled memory. The news crushed our fondest hopes. On every countenance rests the shadow of gloom, on every heart the paralyzing torpor of despair. We move about, or sit on our beds, silent, almost motionless, in the speechless agony of woe, in the mute eloquence of unutterable despair. After four long weary years of battle and marches, of prayers and tears, of pain and sacrifice, of wounds and woe, of blood and death, such an ending of our hopes, such a shocking disappointment, is bitter, cruel, crushing. Few tears are shed; there is no time for weakness or sentiment. The grief is too deep, the agony too terrible to find vent through the ordinary channels of distress. Hope seems forever buried, and naturally too. After four years of gallant resistance, heroic endurance and incredible suffering, we find ourselves broken in fortunes, crushed, ruined; yet, amid our misery and wretchedness, though sad and sick at heart, we have no blush of shame. We feel deep, unutterable regret at our failure, but no humiliation. We have done nothing wrong. Our rights were trampled upon, our property stolen, and our liberties attacked, and we did but our sacred duty to defend them as well as we could. We freely offered up our lives and property in defence of principle and right and honor. A stern, conscientious sense of duty has influenced us to fight, bleed and suffer all these terrible years. The Yankees of New England first practiced and taught us the doctrine of. secession, and then by force forbade us to apply it peaceably. The heroic men who fought, bled and died, are in prison or in exile for this principle, this inherent right, ought not and will not be known in history as traitors. Sorrow has crushed us, defeat has ruined us, but we must not and shall not forget or cease to cherish the brave deeds of as brave hearts as the world ever produced. Our homes are burnt, our land desolated, our wealth departed in smoke and ashes, our very hearthstones dyed in blood, our dear dead have fallen in vain, but we shall ever remember, honor and be grateful to them. But I will not admit that the cause is entirely lost. The armies of Generals Joseph Johnston, Dick Taylor and Kirby Smith are still in the field, and may snatch victory from apparent defeat yet. The Yankees guarding us, while jubilant at the news, are seemingly kinder than usual.

April 11th to 15th

I was the only officer in our ward that succeeded in buying a morning's paper to-day (the 15th). The In quirer was brought me at a late hour, hurriedly and stealthily, by the nurse Curry. I was inexpressibly shocked at reading at the head of the first column, first page, the terrible words: assassination of President Lincoln, John Wilkes Booth the Murderer. attempted murder of Secretary Seward, John Howard Payne the supposed Assassin.

Then followed in detail the account of the assassination. I called aloud to my hospital comrades, and as I read, they left their bunks and crowded around me, listening with awe to the tragic recital. One of them remarked that he would gladly divide his last crust of bread with the daring Booth, if he should meet him in his wanderings. I said I looked upon Lincoln as a tyrant and inveterate enemy of the South, and could shed no tears for him, but deprecated the cruel manner of his taking off. While we were eagerly and excitedly discussing the startling news, the young galvanized renegade Curry came to my bunk and took down my card, saying, the doctor says you must go to the barracks. The order was given to no one else, and not having recovered sufficiently for the change, I replied that I would not go until ordered to do so by the surgeon in person. Curry left, and, in a few minutes, young Doctor Miller came in, and told me to get ready for the barracks. Protesting against the inhumanity of his order, I crawled on my hands, right foot and hips to the door of the ward, and near by, in a small ante-room, put on my old suit of clothes, laying aside my hospital garb. I was then directed to the door of the hospital, down a long, bleak, windy passage, near the gate to the officers' barracks. Here I waited for my crutches and further orders Very soon I saw Captain McSherry approaching, and others of my ward and those adjoining followed. Colonel James W. Hinton was of the number. Colonel Hinton inquired of me, what is the matter? I suppose we are to be punished as accessories to the murder of Abe Lincoln, I replied. Schoepff has ordered every man that can walk from the hospital to the barracks. He evidently regards us as accomplices of Wilkes Booth, said the Colonel. Many who were quite sick — some of the scurvy afflicted among them — hobbled slowly and painfully out of their wards, and the long, cold hall was soon crowded with the sick, the lame and the halt. Such a rigid course is senseless and cruel. It shows weakness, cowardice and malice. Courage and humanity accompany each other; cowardice and cruelty are comrades. After alternately standing and sitting on the floor for hours, the gate of the dreaded barracks was opened, and we were again ushered into the prison proper.

A prison, heavens, I loathe the hated name, Famine's metropolis,--the sink of shame, A nauseous sepulchre--, whose craving womb Hourly inters poor mortals in its tomb.

The plank walk near and space in front of the gate were filled with anxious and curious Confederate officers, who eagerly asked the news. No papers had been allowed them during the day. I headed the long procession, and repeated, as I walked, Abe Lincoln was killed last night. The news spread like wildfire, and a few thoughtless fellows seemed overjoyed at it, throwing up their hats, dancing, jumping, and even shouting aloud. Their imprudence caused General Schoepff to order his guards to fire upon any Rebel manifesting pleasure at the news, and he actually had the huge guns of the fort turned frowningly toward us. A large majority of the prisoners regret Lincoln's death, and in the wonderful charity which buries all quarrels in the grave, the dead President was no longer regarded as an enemy, for, with the noble generosity native to Southern character, all resentment was hidden in his death. My copy of the Inquirer was in great demand, was borrowed by officers in different divisions, and the astounding particulars of Lincoln's terrible death were read and reread to crowds of officers, all eager to drink in every word of the startling account. I occupied my old quarters in twenty-seven, with Captain Hewlett as my bunk-mate. My friends welcome my return very cordially.

April 16th to 19th

Most of the officers are greatly discouraged, and have given up all hope of the success of our cause. I still have hope from the Southern Fabius, General Joseph Johnston. He is prudent and skillful. We have been deprived of mails for several days, and have had many minor but desirable privileges taken from us. The guns of the fort are still turned towards us, and the guards are very harsh and peremptory in their orders. The barracks have been enlarged for the reception of more prisoners, and field and staff officers separated from the others and placed in a newly erected division to themselves. General R. L. Page and General Rufus Barringer are the ranking officers of the party. I attend surgeon's call every morning. The doctor is a drunken sot, and seldom attends his nine o'clock morning sick call, but sends his detailed Rebel clerk, a young Mississippi lawyer, from the privates' pen, who sits on the outside of the fence and listens to the grievances of the sick officers through a pigeon hole, size eight by twelve inches, which the sick approach, one by one, in his turn, and, peeping through, make known their wants. This little hole in the wall is crowded for hours frequently, and the young, inexperienced, but accommodating Rebel substitute for the Yankee surgeon does his best to serve his patients. He tries to supply such medicines as are called for. Itch is a very common disease, and some of the neatest of the officers suffer from its trying annoyance. Calls for sulphur and lard or grease, and epsom salts are numerous. A number of officers take in washing, calling for clothes every Monday, or as their customers may direct. Five cents per garment is the charge, and the washermen pull off their coats, roll up their sleeves, and work with a vim, using the water from the ditch.

April 20th to 23d (Sunday)--A large mail was delivered to-day (23d). I received a letter from my beloved sister, Mrs. M. C. H., dated La Grange, Georgia, February 6th, and postmarked Old Point Comfort, Virginia, March 31st, and Point Lookout, Maryland, April 11th. It had been sent from the latter place to Old Capitol, Washington, D. C., and thence to Fort Delaware. It told me of the reception of one of my letters by brother James, the latest and only one since October 27th, and pained and saddened me by news of my dearest of mothers having had her arm broken in December. She was reported nearly well though. No particulars were given, as all flag of truce letters are limited to one page. Brothers John and Lemuel are in service at Andersonville prison. The former is major of the First Georgia, and the latter is a sergeant under Captain Wirz. I know they are kind to the prisoners under their charge. Major Sherrar, of Maryland, slapped or kicked some cowardly fellow, who had solicited the oath and release from prison, and, when reported to Ahl, was ordered to the pen occupied by the galvanized men. Here he was seized, and placed violently and forcibly upon a blanket, and swinging him rapidly was hurled repeatedly high in air, until exhausted and almost dead from the shameful violence. All are justly indignant at such tyrannical conduct on the part of the ignoble Ah]. An adjutant of a Virginia regiment bribed a sentinel to mail a letter to his sweetheart in Baltimore for him, but the letter was discovered and detained. The adjutant was sent for and asked to explain how he mailed the letter, which he declined to do. Whereupon he was hung up by the thumbs, sustaining his entire weight in that painful position. Occasionally he was lowered and again the name of the guard who mailed his letter demanded, but he invariably refused to tell. His thumbs were almost torn from his hands, their joints were torn apart, and the poor, braver faithful, honorable fellow fainted at last from excess of pain from the cruel torture. He cannot now use his swollen hands, and is fed by his messmates. He is entirely helpless so far as his hands and arms are concerned. Such conduct as this on the part of Schoepff and Ahl does not soften our asperity towards the Yankee Government, nor make us willing to swear fealty to it.

April 24th and 25th

Captain Ahl came into the pen, arranged the officers in three sides of a hollow square, and had the roll called alphabetically, offering the oath of allegiance to all, with a promise of early release, if accepted. Nearly 900 out of 2,300 agreed to take it. It was a trying and exciting time as each name was called and the response Yes or No was announced. I answered No with emphasis and bitterness. Born on Southern soil, reared under its institutions, nurtured upon its traditions, I cannot consent to take the hated oath. The very thought is repulsive in the extreme.

April 26th to 29th

The distressing news of the surrender of General Johnston to Sherman in North Carolina is announced in words of exultation by the Northern papers. The cup of bitterness and sorrow seems full. Those officers who had declined the oath were again ordered out, the roll called a second time, and the oath again offered. Hundreds who had promptly and boldly replied No when their names were called after Lee's surrender, now faintly and reluctantly answered Yes. What a painful mental struggle they must have passed through. My own messmates pronounced the fatal Yes, but they do not allude to it in our conversations. When my name was called, I promptly and defiantly answered at the top of my voice No. My messmates are very reticent, and are evidently dissatisfied, grieved and humiliated. I am sorry for them, and feel some indignation at their course. The armies of Dick Taylor and Kirby Smith are still left, and no one should give up the cause so long as there is an armed man in the field, and I feel that I would be disgraced if I should consent to such a course while we have an army ready to do battle, and our President is still firm and resolute, and even now perhaps with the army of his brother-in-law, General Taylor. A bold young North Carolinian, Lieutenant Hugh Randolph Crichton, in my division, openly denounces the precipitation of those who have agreed to swallow the detested oath. Captain J. W. Fannin, of Tuskegee, Alabama; Captain A. C. Gibson, of La Grange, Georgia; Lieutenant William A. Scott, of Auburn, Alabama; Major N. R. Fitzhugh, of Scottsville, Virginia, and others, come to my bunk frequently and earnestly discuss our exciting and heart-sickening surroundings. All of them have declined the oath, and the two former say they will remain firm as long as I do. Officers are having meetings by States, and trying to take united action. The Alabamians assembled in Division 24. Colonel Steedman, of the First Alabama, was called to the chair, and several short speeches were made, but no definite action was taken. I was a quiet spectator, but mentally resolved not to be bound by any action looking to taking the oath.

April 30th to May 4th

Another offer of the villainous oath, and only 165 of the entire number of officers in the barracks now continue to resolutely decline it. I again refused. Lieutenant Crichton proposed to me that we accept banishment in preference to the oath. I replied that I preferred anything to the latter. My friends are calling my attention to my crutches and helpless, crippled condition, and warn me not to excite the anger of the Yankees by my persistent refusal of the oath. My lady friends — among them Mrs. Mary F. Chandler, of City Spring, Richmond, Virginia, the only sister of Captain Keeling, Miss Jamison, of Baltimore, and others — write urging me to consent to take it. I appreciate their motives, but feel it my duty to refuse it to the last extremity. My resolution is determined and unwavering. To take it would be swearing against my wishes and my conscience. The Confederate cause is right and holy, and I cannot swear not to aid or comfort it and its still faithful defenders. None but a base and cowardly despotism would force a man to swear against his own conscience, to do something he can only do through perjury. To swear under such circumstances is to suppress the noblest impulses of the heart. Is it not cruel and contemptible to take advantage of our misfortunes, of our dire extremity, and offer us the oath so repeatedly and insultingly, especially when it is well known we would never take it except under compulsion? Those prisoners who still refuse the oath held a consultation meeting in Division 22. General Barringer made a long speech, urging all of us to accept the terms of the Yankees and go home, and declared that we would be banished from the country if we persisted in declining the proffered oath. I sat on a bunk near Major Fitzhugh, of Virginia, and Captain W. H. Bennett, of Georgia, and when General Barringer concluded his speech, amid profound silence, the cry of Fellows! Fellows! arose, and Captain John W. Fellows, of General Beale's staff, from Arkansas, but formerly of New York city, mounted a box and eloquently responded to the call. He began by saying: General Barringer says if we do not tamely submit, we shall be banished from the country. What's banished but set free from daily contact with the things we loathe? Banished! we thank you for it! Twould break our chains, etc., etc. He was applauded throughout, and rapturously as he closed urging us to remain faithful unto the bitter end. Colonel Van H. Manning, of the First Arkansas, followed in the same line, and made an excellent speech, full of fire and stirring eloquence.

May 5th to 10th

General Dick Taylor has surrendered to General Canby all the forces east of the Mississippi river. Everything grows darker and more hopeless. The Trans-Mississippi army, under General Kirby Smith, alone remains. A few of us, like drowning men catching at straws, still hope for exchange and deliverance through this source. Captain Brown has received some money from Mr. J. M. Bruff, of Baltimore; Lieutenant Arrington from Mrs. Kearney, of Kearneysville, Indiana; Captain Hewlett from friends in Clarkesville, Tennessee; and I from Misses McSherry and Jamison. We live very well by making purchases from the sutler.

May 11th to 18th

I have little heart for conversation, and employ myself reading and indulging bitter fancies. My nights are restless, and hours are spent in anxious, troubled thoughts. It is said there are only forty left who still decline the oath. The others have yielded to the great pressure. Lieutenant Critchton and Captains Gibson and Fannin remain firm and counsel with me daily. Received ten dollars from Mrs. Martha J. Sullivan, of Baltimore, with a noble letter, full of sweet, womanly sympathy, counseling me to yield to the requirements of the Yankee Government, and secure release from longer confinement. Miss Gertie C----, now at Baltimore Female College, sent me her photograph, a very hand — some one. A prison newspaper, all in manuscript, has made its appearance. It is a single sheet of foolscap, all written neatly with the pen, and evidently by several hands. The Prison Times is its name. It is divided into columns, and every page has its contents properly classed. The head is prettily done in ornamental letters. The motto is en temps et lien. The number out is the second issue. There is a prospectus and a salutatory. There is a column of miscellany followed by a column of advertisements. Lieutenant White, of Thirty-third North Carolina, will execute on metal all kinds of engravings; Lieutenant B. F. Curtright, Division 24, manufactures gutta-percha rings, chains and breastpins; tailoring is done by Griggs and Church ; washing and ironing by J. G. Davenport, of Tenth Georgia battalion, and by Lieutenant J. C. Boswell, Thirty-third Georgia regiment; Broughton and Walker keep a shaving and shampooing shop. The editors are George S. Thomas, Captain Sixty-fourth Georgia; W. H. Bennett, Captain and Adjutant same regiment, and F. J. Cassidy, Lieutenant Eleventh South Carolina volunteers. The editorials consist of a Salutatory, Our prison world, A good work, A local, Our paper, Miscellaneous, Report of the Markets, and there are several original communications.

May 19th to 31st

The mortifying news of the capture of President Davis, near Washington, Georgia, is received, and the false report of his attempt to escape in female attire is circulated and maliciously harped upon by the fanatical Yankee newspapers. While I feel sure the report is totally untrue, yet I confess I think he would have been entirely justified in it, if he had sought to escape by such means. Louis Napoleon once escaped from a dungeon in female garb, and no disgrace or shame attaches to him for it. But it is a ringing and lasting shame to the Yankee nation that our great chief has been compelled to endure the severest, bitterest attempt to humiliate him and disgrace his people by being basely manacled with irons. While thoroughly indignant we feel that the disgrace of the cruel deed all belongs to President Johnson and Secretary Stanton, none whatever to our great, beloved, vicarious sufferer. Our hearts were chilled, our countenances grew pale, and we trembled with agony, as we heard whispered from lip to lip Jeff. Davis is captured. We were sickened, palsied by the painful, overpowering announcement. The illustrious, undaunted head of our Confederacy is a manacled prisoner. Our honored, beloved President a chained captive, his Cabinet prisoners or fugitives, our cause lost, our country ruined, our native land desolated, our gallant armies surrendered. The grand head, the noble embodiment of our holy cause, the faithful friend and servant of the South, President Davis, is now shut up in the dreary prison walls of Fortress Monroe. He is our uncomplaining, dignified, heroic, vicarious sufferer. How dull and leaden must be the heavy hours in his weary, weary prison cell. May a Gracious God sustain and comfort him in his wretchedness and misery.

On the 26th my last, fond hope was completely crushed. General Kirby Smith surrendered his forces in the Trans-Mississippi Department to General Canby at Baton Rouge. My very last hope has gone. What shall I do? If the alternative of banishment from the country was offered, I would unhesitatingly accept it. But it is the hated oath of allegiance or perpetual imprisonment. Both are terrible, revolting.

June 1st to 5th

A novel, called Too strange not to be true, received from Miss McSherry, and promptly read. Farther O'Connor, of Philadelphia, made a visit to the Catholic prisoners. It is a notable fact that no Protestant minister in the entire North has ever, to my knowledge, visited the prison. A few Catholic priests have been more considerate. The Prison Christian association has weekly lectures from its members. Colonel Hinton delivered a very fine one on Benevolence. Rev. Mr. Kinsolving, Captain Harris and others will doubtless follow. Prayers continue to be offered by some officer in each division at nine o'clock every night. I am collecting the autographs of the brave men who to the last have refused the oath of allegiance, nearly all of whom now, since the surrender of Kirby Smith and his army, are willing to take the oath when again offered, in accordance with the proclamation of President Johnson. Among these true men whose autographs I have are Major J. Raiford Bell, Twelfth Mississippi infantry, Satartia, Mississippi; Adjutant Francis E. Ogden, Seventh Louisiana regiment, Natchez, Mississippi; Lieutenant Collin W. Gibson, Twelfth Mississippi regiment, Natchez, Mississippi; Lieutenant J. W. Lawrence, Seventeenth North Carolina regiment, Greenville, North Carolina; Adjutant Alex. S. Webb, Forty-fourth North Carolina regiment, Oaks, North Carolina; Lieutenant Hugh R. Crichton, Forty-seventh North Carolina regiment, Louisburg, North Carolina; Lieutenant A. H. Mansfield, Eighth North Carolina regiment, Greenville, North Carolina; Captain George Sloan, Fifty-first North Carolina regiment, Fayetteville, North Carolina; Lieutenant William M. Sneed, Twelfth North Carolina regiment, Townesville, North Carolina; Lieutenant Patrick H. Winston, Eleventh North Carolina regiment, Franklinton, North Carolina; Adjutant David W. Oates, Thirty-seventh North Carolina regiment, Charlotte, North Carolina; Colonel James M. Whitson, Eighth North Carolina regiment, Poplar Branch, North Carolina; Colonel J. T. Morehead, Fifty-third North Carolina regiment, Greensboroa, North Carolina, Captain J. W. Fannin, Sixty-first Alabama regiment, Tuskegee, Alabama; Adjutant S. D. Steedman, First Alabama regiment, Steedman, South Carolina; Lieutenant-Colonel M. B. Locke, First Alabama regiment, Perote, Alabama; Lieutenant R. H. Wicker, Fifteenth Alabama regiment, Perote, Alabama; Adjutant William R. Holcombe, Ninth Alabama regiment, Athens, Georgia; Lieutenant W. A. Scott, Twelfth Georgia artillery, Auburn, Georgia; Lieutenant Frederick M. Makeig, Fourth Texas regiment, Bold Spring, Texas; Lieutenant William H. Effinger, Eleventh Virginia cavalry, Harrisonburg, Virginia; Major Norman R. Fitzhugh, Chief Quartermaster Cavalry Corps, Army of Northern Virginia, Scottsville, Virginia; Captain Julian P. Lee, A. A. General, Richmond, Virginia; Colonel R. C. Morgan, P. A. C. S., Lexington, Kentucky; Captain M. B. Perkins, Sixth Kentucky cavalry, Somerset, Kentucky; Captain C. C. Corbett, M. D., Fourteenth Kentucky cavalry, Florence, Georgia; Colonel T. W. Hooper, Twenty-first Georgia infantry, Rome, Georgia; Captain A. C. Gibson, Fourth Georgia infantry, La Grange, Georgia; Captain L. J. Johnson, Twenty-fifth Tennessee regiment, Cooksville, Tennessee. These are the names of twenty-nine of the faithful forty who firmly declined all offers of the oath of allegiance to the United States Government until after the surrender of the last armed body of Confederates. I am proud of being one of the forty, and wish I had all of their names. We have waited until even Mosby has surrendered his Partisan Rangers. Yet I accord equal courage and equal patriotism with myself to those gallant men who thought best to accept President Johnson's terms after the surrender of Lee and Johnston. They merely felt the utter hopelessness of further resistance earlier than I did, and accepted the dreaded but inevitable situation sooner. The faithful forty have at last most reluctantly come to the sad and painful conclusion that further resistance is useless, and will no longer refuse the oath if offered.

June 6th to 12th

Captain Waldhauer, of Georgia Hussars, from Savannah, Georgia, a small, quiet, gentlemanly officer, who had lost his right arm in battle, but on recovery, returned to the command of his company, and was captured while bravely fighting below Petersburg, has been released. He sent me from Philadelphia a large blank book, of which I propose to make a prison Album. Several of my friends have contributed articles, at my request, writing brief biographical sketches of themselves, giving their war histories, the battles in which they have been engaged, circumstances of their capture, prison life, etc. Articles which I value very highly have been written by Captain J. W. Fannin, Sixty-first Alabama; Lieutenant W. S. Bird, Eleventh Alabama; Captain T. W. Harris, Twelfth Georgia regiment; Lieutenant G. R. Waldman, Forty-fourth Virginia; Captain J. Whann McSherry, Thirty-sixth Virginia; Captain W. A. McBryde, Third Alabama; Lieutenant H. C. Pool. Tenth North Carolina troops; Lieutenant James K. Kinman, Twelfth Georgia battalion infantry; Lieutenant A. H. Mansfield, Eighth North Carolina; Lieutenant W. A. Scott, Twelfth Georgia artillery; Captain A. E. Hewlett, Twelfth Alabama; Captain W. H. Harrison, Thirty-first Georgia, and Colonel J. W. Hinton, Sixty-eighth North Carolina.

June 13th to 15th

Miss Jamison has sent me a satchel, a citizen's coat and other articles, stating that they were presented by a beautiful Cuban girl, Miss Susie Matthews. I owe them both many thanks.

I am happy to say that as soon as possible after my return home I took occasion to pay back all moneys received during my imprisonment to Mr. J. M. Coulter, Miss E. Jamison and Mrs. M. J. Sullivan, of Baltimore, and Miss A. L. McSherry, of Martinsburg. They were true friends tome while sick and in prison, and my gratitude to them for their disinterested kindness will end only with my life. May kind heaven prosper them.

R. E. P. Transportation for all the crippled officers was obtained, and in company with Captain Russell and Captain Rankin, of Georgia, Adjutant Reagan, of Tennessee, and a large number of other wounded officers, I was escorted to the fort, where the oath was read to us, while we stood with our right hands raised aloft. I managed to drop to the rear and lowered my hand during its reading. Soon we took a boat for Philadelphia, and began to realize that the war was indeed over, and we on the way to our respective homes.

Torpedoes. By General G. J. Rains, Chief of the Confederate Torpedo Service.

[The following will be read with interest, both on account of the topic of which it treats, and the high authority from which it comes.]

There is no fixed rule to determine the ethics of war — that legalized murder of our fellow-men — for even mining is admitted with its wholesale destruction.

Each new weapon, in its turn, when first introduced, was denounced as illegal and barbarous, yet each took its place according to its efficacy in human slaughter by the unanimous consent of nations.

Gunpowder and fire-arms were held to be savage and anti-christian, yet the club, the sling, the battle-axe, the bow and arrow, the balister or cross-bow with the tormentum, javelin and spear, gave way to the match-lock musket, and that to the flint-lock, and that to the percussion.

The rifle is now fast superseding the musket, being of further range, more accurate in direction and breech-loading.

The battering-ram and catapult gave way to the smooth-bore cannon, chain, bar and spherical shot, which is now yielding, except in enormous calibre 15-inch and more, to rifle-bores and elongated chilled shot (yet, on account of inertia, rifle calibre should never exceed ten inches).

Torpedoes come next in the catalogue of destructives, the modern ne plus ultra of warlike inventions.

The world indeed is in throes of fire and marine monsters. While war is looming up between Russia and Turkey, other nations are striving in guns, iron-clads and torpedo ships, for maritime supremacy. The powers of electricity in light-giving and heat-controlling to examine and blind an adversary by its glare at night, and fire-torpedoes for his destruction at all times, and the capability of steel and iron with Professor Barff's superheated steam in endurance, offensive and defensive, will be called into action to resist the 100-ton guns of Italy and other formidable calibres, also torpedo boats like the Thornycroft of France, the Lightning of England, and the Porter Alarm of the United States.

Iron-clads are said to master the world, but torpedoes master the iron-clads, and must so continue on account of the almost total incompressibility of water and the developed gasses of the fired gunpowder of the torpedo under the vessel's bottom passing through it, as the direction of least resistance.

While other nations are pursuing the science of assault and defence theoretically and experimentally, the United States has had more practical experience with the torpedo, and better understands its capabilities, wisely discarding the iron and steel leviathians of the deep for models, as the Dreadnaught, Inflexible, Devastation, Alexandria, Iron Duke, Duillio, &c.

During the war with the Confederacy, there were 123 torpedoes planted in Charleston harbor and Stono river, which prevented the capture of that city and its conflagration. There were 101 torpedoes planted in Roanoke river, North Carolina, by which, of twelve vessels sent with troops and means to capture Fort Branch, but five returned. One was sunk by the fire from the fort, and the rest by torpedoes. Of the five iron-clads sent with other vessels to take Mobile, Alabama (one was tin-clad), three were destroyed by torpedoes. There were fifty-eight vessels sunk by torpedoes in the war, and some of them of no small celebrity, as Admiral Farragut's flag-ship the Harvest Moon, the Thorn, the Commodore Jones, the Monitor Patapsco, Ram Osage, Monitor Milwaukee, Housatonic and others. （Cairo in Yazoo river). Peace societies we must acknowledge a failure in settling national differences by arbitration, since enlightened nations go to war for a mere political abstraction, and vast armies in Europe are kept ready for action, to be frustrated, however, by this torpedo system of mining, carried out according to views.

For three years the Confederate Congress legislated on this subject, passing each house alternately for an organized torpedo corps until the third year, when it passed both houses with acclamation, and $6,000,000 appropriated, but too late, and the delay was not shortened by this enormous appropriation.

Could a piece of ordnance be made to sweep a battle field in a moment of time, there soon would be no battle field, or could a blast of wind loaded with deadly mephitic malaria in one night, sent like the destroying angel in Sanacherib's army, or the earth be made to open in a thousand places with the fire of death for destruction, as in the days of Korah, Dothan and Abiram, to which this system tends, then and then only may we beat the sword into the ploughshare, the spear into the pruning-hook, and nations learn wars no more.

The following will show who is the founder of this arm of service:

The first torpedo.

In the experiments with the torpedo lately in the Florida channel, says an Eastern paper, the country has been furnished with a more complete exhibition of the destructive capacities of this submarine projectile, than is now known to military and naval science. Admiral Porter, in his recent report, called particular attention to the torpedo as a defensive and offensive weapon, and urged upon the navy a thorough study of its powers as a destructive agent in warfare. We therefore congratulate the service upon the success of the torpedo exercises, believing that they will command the attention of all the navies in the world. Enthusiasts claim that naval warfare has been substantially revolutionized by its invention; and the exercises of the squadron during the closing days of February, prove that this newfangled concern is not to be despised, as the navy often learned to its sorrow during the protracted blockade of the Southern coast at the time of the recent war. The Wabash, Congress, Ticonderoga, Canandaigua, Ossipee, Colorado, Brooklyn, Wachusett, Kansas, Lancaster, Alaska, Franklin, Fortune and Shenandoah, participated in the practice. This recalls to mind the following narration, well known to some of our readers: During the war with the Seminole Indians in Florida, April, 1840, the Seventh United States infantry was stationed at posts in the interior of the peninsula, and the country had been divided into squares of twenty miles each, and the headquarters located at Fort King, the former agency, which was commanded by Colonel Whistler, and Captain G. J. Rains commanded at Fort Micanopy, just twenty-five miles distant.

Though there was, and had been since the beginning of hostilities, an Indian town within sound of drum at Fort King; yet it was so surrounded by swamp that it had not been discovered, and some twenty miles journey was required to reach it, and the Indians so located their depredations in

Micanopy square

, that Colonel Whistler made representation that there the enemy was to be found and not at Fort King, and General Taylor changed the headquarters accordingly. The colonel's command, consisting of several companies of infantry and dragoons, was transferred to Fort Micanopy, and Captain Rains and his command, one company with diminished numbers, to Fort King.

Here the Captain soon discovered he was in a hornet's nest, and so reported, but was unheeded. The Indians perceived at once the disparity in numbers from their spies, and that their opponents were few at that post, and they became bold accordingly. Captain Rains' men were so waylaid and killed that it became dangerous to walk even around the post, and finally two of his best men were waylaid and murdered in full view thereof. Desperate diseases often require desperate remedies, and as the preservation of the lives of his command required it, the following was resorted to by the Captain. The clothing of the last victims was made to cover a torpedo invented by him, and it was located at a small hammock and pond of water in a mile or two of the post where the Indian war parties had to get water.

Some day or two elapsed, when early one night the loud booming sound of the torpedo was heard, betraying the approach of a hostile party. Quickly Commander Rains and some dragoons who happened to be at the post rode to the spot; yet all was still and but an opossum found, which the Indians with tact, near where the torpedo had been, left to deceive. A yell indeed was heard, but the dragoons supposed it to be from the infantry which were arriving, and the latter thought it to come from the former. On returning to the post the facts of the yell appearing and the animal found, discovered to have been killed by a rifle bullet, early next morning Captain Rains with sixteen men, all which could be spared from garrison duty, for the dragoons had left, repaired to the hammock, some four or five acres in extent, and, spreading out his men as skirmishers, swept through it. The copse was surrounded by pines and was full of bushes and beds of needle palmettoes, impenetrable except next to the roots, where lay concealed some hundred and more infuriated savages, all ready for action. They were passed undiscovered until the soldiers had reached the pond, a small one of five or six yards across, and were examining the spot of the torpedo, which gave evidences of its destructive effects.

A little dog which had accompanied the command here became furious, barking in the thicket of bushes and needle palmettoes. What is that dog barking at? said Captain Rains. Nothing, sir, said one of the soldiers, but a rabbit. Quickly he changed his place and again became furious, barking on the opposite side of the pond. Sergeant Smith, said Captain Rains to his first sergeant near by, see what that dog is barking at? The poor fellow turned and advanced some four or five paces with the soldiers near him, and, shouting Indians, he and his men fired their guns simultaneously with the enemy lying in covert.

The whole hammock in a moment was alive with Indians, yelling and firing rapidly. The little party of soldiers was surrounded, and the captain shouted, men clear the hammock, take the trees and give them a fair fight. No sooner commanded than executed. The sergeant came to his officer with blood running from his mouth and nose, and said, Captain, I am killed. Too true; it was his last remark. He was a brave man, but his captain could do nothing then but tell him to get behind a tree near by.

As the hammock was occupied by the foe and the military behind the trees at the end furthest from the post, the order was given to charge, and the men rushed into the thicket, driving the enemy right and left flying before the bayonet and getting behind trees outside the hammock, the troops passing through their centre. From the nature of the place on arriving at the other end of the thicket, the soldiers were much scattered, and the firing still going on, no little exertion was required for the captain to rally his men, and while thus engaged he was badly wounded, shot through the body, but continued his efforts until successful and the enemy driven from the ground. The captain was carried to the fort in the arms of his men.

First submarine torpedo.

We have thus numbered them, as all others before made were abortions. We remember the doggerel of the battle of the kegs of the revolution, and a more subsequent attempt to blow up British shipping blockading our ports in the war of 1812, which premature explosions rendered ineffective, and even Lord-Admiral Lyon's flag-ship, at Cronstadt, which had her stern nearly blown out of water by a torpedo, set by the Russians during the Crimean war, was found in the dry-dock at Liverpool not to have had a plank started. Our story of the first torpedo ended in the fighting of sixteen soldiers and an officer with some one hundred or more Indians, and among the casualties the wounding of the officer and his being carried to Fort King in the arms of his men. Another and second torpedo had been previously placed at the post by him, and soon after the fight a thousand or more troops were collected there, and it became such an object of dread to the whole army that a soldier guard was put over it until Captain Rains was able to go and take it in. Suppose, said one officer to another, high in rank, that the Captain had died of his wound, what would you have done? I thought, said he, of firing at it with a six-pounder at a safe distance, and thus knocking it to pieces. The occasion of the first submarine torpedo was as follows: Soon after the battle of Seven Pines (called in Northern prints Fair Oaks ) General R. E. Lee, commanding, sent for General Rains and said to him: The enemy have upwards of one hundred vessels in the James river, and we think that they are about making an advance that way upon Richmond, and if there is a man in the whole Southern Confederacy that can stop them, you are the man. Will you undertake it? I will try, was the answer; and observing that ironclads were invulnerable to cannon of all calibre used and were really masters of rivers and harbors, it required submarine inventions to checkmate and conquer them. So an order was issued forthwith putting General Rains in charge of the submarine defences, and on the James river banks, opposite Drewry's Bluff, was the first submarine torpedo made — the primo-genitor and predecessor of all such inventions, now world renowned, as civilized nations have each a torpedo corps. And if, as has been asserted, that naval warfare has been substantially revolutionized by them, there is no doubt but that is the case on land, and the tactics of the world has been changed, perhaps, under the providence of God, making a vast stride to arbitration of nations and universal peace. Note — Having read the Ms. of General Rains' valuable paper, I desire to say that the total number of vessels sunk by torpedoes in Mobile bay was twelve, instead of three, viz: three ironclads, two tinclads and seven transports.

D. H. Maury, Late Major-General C. S. A. Report of Major-General Samuel Jones of operations at Charleston, South Carolina, from December 5th to 27th, 1864.

[The following Is from the original Ms. kindly furnished us by the gallant soldier who prepared it, and never before published to our knowledge.]

Charleston, South Carolina, January 11th, 1865.

Colonel — The report of operations of the troops under my command, in the late campaign ending in the evacuation of Savannah, called for by the Lieutenant-General commanding on the 2d instant, has been delayed because of my absence from my headquarters on other duty, and the failure of some of the subordinate commanders to forward tome their reports. They have not all yet been received, but as I have been ordered to another and distant command, I respectfully submit, without longer delay, the following report:

The dispatch from the Lieutenant-General commanding, then in Savannah, directing me to establish my headquarters at or near Pocotaligo, was received in this city about sunset on the 4th ultimo. I started by the first train, but owing to detentions on the road, did not reach Pocotaligo until nearly sunset on the fifth. I was not informed as to the number, description or location of the troops in that vicinity, and immediately endeavored to obtain information on those points. I ascertained that the troops, with the exception of the Fifth and Forty-seventh Georgia regiments, a battalion of the Thirty-second Georgia regiment, the artillery, a part of the Third South Carolina cavalry and Kirk's squadron, were composed of Georgia and South Carolina reserves, and South Carolina militia, and occupied positions extending from Pocotaligo to Savannah river, and up that river beyond Sister's ferry. Those at and near Grahamville were commanded by Brigadier-General Chesnut, those at and near Coosawhatchie by Brigadier-General Gartrell. They had arrived but a few days previously, and until my arrival were under the immediate orders of the Lieutenant-General commanding or other officer under him. The reserves were very imperfectly organized, and the militia without organization, and many of the men were without arms. Having obtained as accurate information as I could of their numbers and positions, and the positions and movements of the enemy, I ordered Brigadier-General Chesnut to send the Forty-seventh Georgia regiment and a section of artillery by railroad, to be thrown thence to any point that might be threatened, the train to remain at Coosawhatchie and be held in readiness to move the troops at any moment. This order, I regret to say, was not promptly obeyed. Dispatches received during the night indicated that the enemy was threatening Coosawhatchie by way of Bee's creek and the Coosawhatchie river. At ten o'clock the morning of the 6th, General Gartrell telegraphed me that the enemy was landing from twelve barges at Gregory's point on Tulifinny river; that he had moved forward a part of his force to meet them. The battalion of South Carolina cadets, having arrived at Pocotaligo, was ordered to guard the Tulifinny trestle, and aid in checking any advance on Coosawhatchie. A section of artillery, supported by the battalion of the Thirty-second Georgia regiment, was ordered to a point on the left of the Tulifinny, from which it was thought it could drive off or annoy the enemy's transports and barges, and I started myself to ride to Coosawhatchie. But before reaching Tulifinny bridge, the enemy, having landed in much larger force than was at first supposed, had pressed forward up Gregory's neck to the Coosawhatchie or State road, and having driven back a battalion of the Fifth Georgia regiment (about one hundred and fifty men), interposed between me and Coosawhatchie.

Brigadier-General Gartrell has not submitted a report, but I ascertain from a conversation with him and his subordinate commanders, that on first receiving information of the advance of the enemy, he sent forward only a small battalion (one hundred and fifty men) of the Fifth Georgia, which encountered the enemy on the Gregory's Point road, about a mile from its junction with the State road, and drove back the advance guard. But the enemy, discovering that the handful of men in their front was not the twentieth part of their own number, pressed forward and nearly enveloped the Fifth Georgia, forcing it back. The Georgia reserve and a section of artillery were then sent by Gartrell to the support of the Fifth Georgia, but it was too late; the entire line soon gave way, fell back in confusion, crossed the Coosawhatchie river and partially destroyed the bridge immediately under the guns, and within easy and effective musket range of our works at Coosawhatchie. Major John Jenkins, whom I had sent forward to ascertain the position of the enemy, was conducting the battalion of cadets under Major White into action, and that gallant body of youths was moving at double quick, manifesting an eagerness to encounter the enemy, which they subsequently so handsomely sustained in action, and would in ten minutes have opened fire on the enemy's right, when our line gave way as above stated, and the cadets were withdrawn to the railroad.

The enemy having secured a footing at the junction of the Gregory's Point and State roads, immediately commenced entrenching, and I had no troops at hand with which to attack them that evening. During the night of the 6th, I concentrated on the railroad, near the Tulifinny trestle, all the available troops I could collect, being the Forty-seventh Georgia and a battalion of the Thirty-second Georgia regiments, a company of the First South Carolina artillery, the battalion of cadets and one of North Carolina reserves that had just arrived, and Buckman's battery of artillery; and ordered Colonel Edwards, the senior colonel, to attack the enemy with that force at day-dawn the next morning. General Gartrell was ordered to make a spirited demonstration of attack from Coosawhatchie as soon as he should hear Colonel Edwards' guns, and if Edwards' attack proved successful, to press forward the attack from Coosawhatchie with all vigor. Colonel Edwards attacked as directed, with the result shown by his report, herewith forwarded. The demonstration from Coosawhatchie was not made with any spirit, and this effort to dislodge the enemy failed.

Not having a sufficient number of reliable troops to renew the attack, I endeavored by defensive works to hold the railroad, and the enemy was thus unavoidably allowed time, of which they availed themselves, to strengthen their position on Gregory's neck. In the mean time, I had ordered Brigadier-General B. H. Robertson from his sub-division to the immediate command of the troops from Bee's creek to Pocotaligo. On the morning of the 9th, the enemy, endeavoring to get possession of the railroad, vigorously assailed our left near Tulifinny trestle and were repulsed. Later in the day, they concentrated and attacked our line near Coosawhatchie, and were again repulsed. Failing in this attack they never renewed it, but strengthened their position within less than a mile of the railroad, and established several batteries with which they endeavored, but unsuccessfully, to prevent us from using it.

On the 11th, under instructions from the Lieutenant-General commanding, Brigadier-General Taliaferro was assigned to the immediate command of the troops from Bee's creek to Pocotaligo.

I have stated thus minutely the operations of very small bodies of troops during the 6th, 7th and 9th, because the result of those operations decided my. subsequent action. If the Forty-seventh Georgia regiment and the section of artillery, which I ordered up from Grahamville within an hour after my arrival at Pocotaligo, had been sent to Coosawhatchie, as I directed, or if, instead of sending forward only a battalion, General Gartrell had employed all of his available force to engage the enemy on the Gregory's Neck road, leaving a small support for the guns in the fort at Coosawhatchie, I think the enemy would not have succeeded in establishing themselves on Gregory's neck. The position they succeeded in securing was strong, being on a peninsula, not more than a mile and a half in width, between the Coosawhatchie and Tulifinny, with both flanks protected by those rivers and swamps, some of them thickly wooded. They also occupied Mackey's point, making it necessary that I should employ a part of my small force to watch the enemy on Graham's neck, to guard against a movement on the railroad from that quarter. I was convinced that I could not, with the force at my command, dislodge the enemy from his position by a direct attack in front, and therefore directed my attention to their rear. The only plan offering any prospect of success was an attack in the rear from the Tulifinny side. To do this it was necessary to bridge that stream and concentrate a column of reliable troops to attack the enemy in his entrenchments. The means of bridging the stream were procured, and I selected the most suitable point of passage, but at no time was I able to concentrate for the attack more than a thousand troops reliable for such service; for, by the concurrent testimony of the subordinate commanders, the reserves and militia could not be relied on to attack the enemy in their entrenchments. The number of the enemy on Gregory's neck I estimate at between four and five thousand.

[Note.--It was the same body of troops, General Hatch commanding, that was defeated at Honey Hill, on the 30th November. It was then said to consist of 5,000 men of all arms. General Grant, in an official report, states the Federal loss at Honey Hill to have been 746 in killed, wounded and missing. Six days later, General Hatch landed with his command on Gregory's neck, and it is reasonable to estimate the number between four and five thousand.]

Under instructions from the Lieutenant-General commanding, directing me if I could not dislodge the enemy from his position, to strengthen my own so as to hold the railroad, and send him all the troops I could spare, I sent him the part of General Young's brigade that had arrived, and a few other troops, to operate in the immediate vicinity of Savannah, and directed my attention to holding the road to Savannah river, watching and obstructing the crossings on that stream, and making preparations for dislodging the enemy on Gregory's neck, whenever I could collect the necessary force.

Whilst these operations were in progress near Coosawhatchie, Brigadier-General Chesnut guarded the road from Bee's creek to Harduville, and Colonel Culcork guarded the line of the Savannah river to Hudson's ferry, until the arrival in that vicinity of Major-General Wheeler and Brigadier-General Young.

I regarded it as my especial duty to hold the Charleston and Savannah railroad, and keep open communication to Savannah river. This was done, for though the enemy succeeded in establishing batteries within easy range of the railroad, and used their artillery very freely, we held that road; the passage of trains was never interrupted, and only one locomotive and one box car damaged, and two rails broken, until after Savannah had been evacuated and the troops and material brought from that city secured. Trains were passing over the road up to the 27th December, when, under instructions from the Lieutenant-General commanding, I turned over the immediate command of the troops in that vicinity to Major-General McLaws.

Whilst these operations were going on from Pocotaligo to the Savannah river, the other troops under my command held securely Charleston and its harbor, and all of the coast of South Carolina in our possession. The artillery and other veteran troops behaved throughout with their accustomed steadiness and gallantry, and the South Carolina cadets, Major White commanding, who for the first time felt the fire of the enemy, so bore themselves as to win the admiration of the veterans who observed and served with them.

For the casualties, which considering the heavy fire to which the troops were exposed for many days, were very few; and for other details, I respectfully refer to the reports of subordinate commanders.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Samuel Jones, Major-General. To Colonel T. B. Ray, A. A. G., Department South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, Charleston, South Carolina. headquarters Adams Run, South Carolina, January 5, 1865. Major Charles S. Stringfellow, Assistant Adjutant-General, Charleston, South Carolina:

Major — I have the honor to report that in obedience to instructions from Major-General Jones, I assumed command of all the troops between Bee's creek and Tulifinny trestle on the 8th of December, ultimo.

About 9 o'clock on the morning of the 9th, the enemy opened on the left of my line a very rapid and continuous fire, from some eight guns. His line of skirmishers advanced about 10 o'clock, and immediately after the entire left became hotly engaged, our men fighting behind temporary earth works. Several attempts were made to carry our lines, but all were handsomely repulsed. The troops fought with great spirit. Foiled in his undertaking, the enemy moved to his left, in the direction of Coosawhatchie. The engagement was renewed most vigorously on our right at 3 o'clock P. M., and after an obstinate resistance by the enemy, lasting some two hours, he was driven eight hundred yards from his original line.

The Thirty-second and Forty-seventh Georgia regiments, the Seventh North Carolina battalion, and the battalion of South Carolina cadets, all under the immediate command of Colonel Edwards, occupied the left; the Fifth Georgia regiment, the First and Third Georgia reserves, under Colonel Daniel, the right. It was reported that General Gartrell was .slightly wounded, by a fragment of a shell, before he reached the field.

The German artillery, Captain Bachman, rendered very efficient service on the left, as was proved by the number of dead found in their front. Major Jenkins, commanding the cadets, was particularly conspicuous during the morning fight.

Colonel Edwards deserves especial credit for the admirable disposition of his troops.

The enemy's loss, though not accurately ascertained, must have been heavy, as quite a number of his dead were left on the field.

Our casualties during the day were fifty-two killed and wounded. A tabulated list is herewith enclosed.

Both the officers and men of my command behaved well. Captains Haxall and Worthington and Lieutenants Johnston and Stoney rendered most valuable assistance in the execution of orders while the fight was progressing.

I am, Major, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

B. H. Robertson, Brigadier-General. Headquarters Tulifinny works, South Carolina, December 19, 1864. Major Charles S. Stringfellow, Assistant Adjutant-General, Charleston, South Carolina:

Major — In obedience to instructions from Major-General Jones, dated Pocotaligo, December 6, 1864, directing me to attack the enemy early on the 7th, in his position near this point, I made the following disposition of the force under my command, consisting of about two hundred men of the Forty-seventh regiment Georgia volunteers, commanded by Captain I. C. Thompson; two companies of the Thirty-second Georgia, with the Augusta battalion local troops; one company of the First South Carolina infantry, Captain King, and one hundred and thirty South Carolina militia, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Bacon, of the Thirty-second Georgia, and the battalion of South Carolina cadets, commanded by Major J. B. White, making in all seven or eight hundred men. Early in the morning, four companies were thrown forward as skirmishers, under command of Major White. The line, composed of the Forty-seventh Georgia on the right, and the troops under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Bacon, on the left, moved just in rear of the skirmishers. In a thick wood, near a bend in the old

Pocotaligo road

, the right of my skirmish line struck the enemy. The front was then changed gradually to the right, until the line crossed the said road, at nearly right angles, when it confronted the enemy and became engaged throughout its entire length. At this stage of the action the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Nesbett arrived and was posted on the left of my line of battle. Our skirmishers drove the enemy vigorously until the right of the line became engaged with the enemy's line of battle, our left at the same time overlapping his right. This position was maintained until after Colonel Daniel's demonstration on my right, when the enemy made new dispositions on and extending beyond my left. It becoming apparent that the enemy's force considerably outnumbered mine, which consisted largely of raw troops, it was deemed impracticable to attack him in force, without which it was impossible to drive him from his position. I therefore withdrew, in good order, unpursued by the enemy, to my present position. The troops engaged, which were my skirmishers only, behaved with great gallantry.

By permission of the Major-General commaning, we began, on the morning of the 8th, to fortify our position. The work was continued uninterruptedly until the morning of the 9th, when the enemy drove in our pickets and advanced in force to within two hundred and fifty yards of our position. We opened upon him with artillery and musketry, and in a very short time drove him back with considerable loss. On the afternoon of the same day, in the attempt to re-establish our picket line, the enemy was found in the wood on our right within a hundred yards of the railroad. After severe fighting for about two hours, he was driven off and our line re-established. On the next morning it was ascertained that he had fallen back to his original position, and our picket line was advanced four or five hundred yards beyond its former position.

The casualties amounted in all to four killed, one commissioned officer and thirty-one men wounded, many of them very slightly.

Judging from the unburied dead, the graves and other evidences found upon the field, the enemy must have suffered a loss of not less than two hundred and fifty in the fighting of the 9th, and not less than fifty in that of the 7th, making in all a loss of not less than three hundred (300).

Respectfully submitted,

A. C. Edwards, Colonel Commanding.

I omitted to mention, in enumerating the force under my command on the 7th instant, the three pieces of Captain Bachman's battery, which, owing to the character of the country, it was found impracticable to use in the action.

Respectfully,

A. C. Edwards, Colonel Commanding.

Sketch of the late General S. Cooper. By General Fitz. Lee.

[We cannot, as a rule, publish obituary notices or biographical sketches of even our most distinguished men; but we are sure all will recognize the propriety of giving the following sketch of our Senior General, whose death has been so widely lamented.]

Students of military history cannot fail to be impressed, when war is au fait accompli, with the great advantage possessed by those nations who have justly placed a value upon system and organization in the preparation of their armies.

The military genius implanted by nature in a Caesar, a Hannibal, a Wellington, or a Napoleon, might never have burst forth with such overpowering light as to dazzle with its rays a wondering world, had not the human tools with which they worked been so formed, so fashioned, as to be perfectly flexible when placed in their hands by some almost hidden but powerful agent, who, grasping the subject with a master's mind, adapted the various departments of war in such a way as to work harmoniously together, and to be most effective. Strategy and grand tactics are indeed a powerful machine, but to be used to full working strength, requires an exact adjustment of all component parts.

To set a squadron in the field, there must be arms, subsistence stores, transportation and shelters, clothing and medical supplies. The quartermaster's, commissary, ordnance and medical departments, though separate and distinct in their several spheres, must be made conformable with each other, with scrupulous care, by the constitutional commander-in-chief and his war secretary; and their chief counsellor is the soldier at the head of the adjutant-general's department, through whom all official orders are promulgated. An efficient executive leader in that department is felt from an army corps to a corporal's guard.

Chronicles of the important events in the rise and fall of nations are filled with instructive instances that might be drawn upon in illustration of this fact, whilst the pages of history, where results are summed up and explanatory reasons given for them, abound in examples. To keep this paper within proper limits, I shall only briefly refer to one, viz: the Franco-Prussian war of 1870.

The French Emperor, it is recollected, declared war because the King of Prussia would not promise that the head of the Catholic branch of the royal family, Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern, should never again be a candidate for the throne of Spain. The great and unquestioned ability of Louis Napoleon was deemed evidence that all things were duly weighed, and that his organization and preparations were at least complete. The French army numbered some 350,000 trained soldiers. The population of France was 38,067,064, in relation to which, says the president of the legislative body to the Emperor, as he was about to depart for the frontier: Behind you, behind our army accustomed to carry the noble flag of France, stands the whole nation, ready to recruit it.

On the other side, Prussia had a population of some twenty-four millions, or, including the North German Confederation (of which she is a part) of some thirty millions. Her standing army numbered less than 400,000. To what was due, then, the astounding results of that conquest, for the world was prepared for a gigantic and not unequal combat? Why, in the short space of six months, do we witness a Sedan, with a capitulation by McMahon of 90,000 men? a Metz, with a surrender of nearly 200,000 by Bazaine? a Strasburg, giving up 17,000 soldiers? and speedily the fall of Paris, with a war indemnity to be paid the victors of five milliards of francs? Why such a series of victories for Germany, such inglorious defeats for France? Why such a rapid fall of the curtain upon such a striking tableau vivant? We trace it to the weakness and inefficiency of the military organization of France, and to the wisdom of the system which gave the preponderating power of the reserves to Germany — the marvellous comprehensive military method that brings, at the tap of the drum, thousands of drilled, disciplined men to the support of the main body, as opposed to a conscription or enlistment of raw levies from the population at large.

King William and Von Moltke strongly felt the hand of Shamhorst, who undertook the reorganization of the military resources of Prussia after Jena in 1806--an honor in our war which such leaders as Albert Sydney Johnson, Lee, Johnston, Beauregard and Jackson must share with a Cooper. It is the astute, clear, calm and penetrating minds of Shamhorst and Cooper, whose judgment and masterly ability quietly plan, arrange and direct the machinery which is to be put in motion by the brilliant army chieftains, such as I have mentioned, that wins success.

General Samuel Cooper possessed an inheritable right to his enviable eminence.

From Dorsetshire, England, his great grandfather came, and settled in Massachusetts. This paternal ancestor had three sons — John, the grandfather of General Cooper, Samuel and William. Samuel was President of Harvard University during the Revolutionary War, and was proscribed by General Gage of the British army, and a reward offered for his head. The son of John, also called Samuel, was the father of General Cooper. At eighteen years old, we find him at Lexington, forming one of seventy men that assembled in front of the meeting-house, to whom Major Pitcairn, commanding the British advance, called out disperse, you rebels, throw down your arms and disperse, on the morning of the 19th April, 1775. Early manifesting such a heroic spirit, it was not surprising that he should have been found upon the night of 16th June marching with Prescott, and working all night upon a redoubt on Breed's Hill (mistaken for Bunker Hill, in the darkness of the night), and obeying sturdy old Putnam's orders on the morning of the 17th, not to fire till they could see the whites of the eyes of the British.

He afterwards served with distinction in Knox's regiment of artillery, and upon his tombstone appears the following inscription: Sacred to the memory of Major Samuel Cooper of the Revolutionary Army, who in the first onset struck for liberty. He fought at Lexington, Bunker Hill, Brandywine, Monmouth, Germantown, and on other sanguinary fields, and continued to wield the sword in defence of his country until victory crowned her arms.

At the close of the Revolutionary War, Major Cooper married Miss Mary Horton, of Dutchess county, New York. Two sons and six daughters were born from this marriage. George and Samuel (the subject of this memoir) were the sons. The former graduated at West Point, but afterwards went into the navy.

Adjutant-General Cooper was born in 1798, at Hackensack on the Hudson river, at the family seat of his maternal ancestors, the Hortons. He entered the United States Military Academy at West Point when only fifteen years old, the term of service there then being two years only. His first service was as a lieutenant of light artillery. He was promoted a first lieutenant in the Third artillery, and in 1824 was transferred to the Fourth. From 1828 to 1836 he served as aid-de-camp to General Macomb, then commanding the American army, and was promoted to rank as captain 11th June of that year.

Upon the 7th July, 1838, he first entered the War Department as an assistant adjutant-general. During the Florida war he served as chief of staff to General Worth, and was in the action of Pila-Kil-Kaha on the 19th April, 1842. In 1848 he was brevetted colonel for meritorious conduct in the prosecution of his duties in connection with the Mexican war, and on the 15th July, 1852, was appointed the Adjutant-General of the United States army, General Winfield Scott being then its Commander-in-Chief.

Whilst in the United States army, he compiled his work entitled Tactics for the militia, a book atone time in almost universal use among the volunteer soldiery, and extensively known as <persName n="Cooper,,,,," id="n0118.0042.00272.02678" reg="nearbymention:Cooper,Samuel,,," authname="cooper,samuel"><surname full="yes">Cooper</surname></persName>'s Tactics.

In 1827 General Cooper married a daughter of General John Mason, of Clermont, Fairfax county, Virginia, and a grand-daughter of George Mason, of Gunston, the Solon and the Cato, the law-giver and the stern patriot of the age in which he lived, and to whose memory the constitution of Virginia and her bill of rights are lasting monuments.

At the head of the Adjutant-General's Department, United States army, General.Cooper gave great satisfaction. His qualifications and his ability as an officer, and his private worth as a man, was universally acknowledged by army officers, many of those living to-day giving testimony that he was the best chief of that department the army ever had.

On the 17th March, 1861, he resigned his commission as an officer, having served the United States with a steady faithfulness and a firm adherence to all of her interests for forty-six years. In view of the fact of General Cooper's Northern birth, this step has been the subject of much comment, and some adverse criticism. His Northern friends profess to see no reason why a soldier born in their section, holding a high office of trust for life, honored and respected, should, after forty-six years service, and in the sixty-third year of his life, relinquish a position in which he would not be called upon for field service, and cast his fortunes and tender his services to the Confederate Government. It has been said by them that he was more guided by the counsels of his friend, the Hon. Jefferson Davis, and his brother-in-law, Hon. James M. Mason, than by his native and natural opinion and belief. To those holding such sentiments, it may be truly said they did not indeed know their man. General Cooper, upon such an important issue as the one he was called upon to meet in his own person, allowed no dictation and asked no advice. That he should have cast aside the personal possession of comfort and plenty to the end of his days, and embarked with his family and household gods upon an unknown sea, over which the storm clouds were riding and the winds of war were blowing, and upon which many perils were to be encountered, many difficulties surmounted, many dangers contested, before the waters grew calm or the voyage prosperous, is, in the estimation of his Southern admirers, the strongest proof of the pure and conscientious character of the old hero. Fiat justitia ruat coelum, we can almost hear him exclaim, as he dared to follow his convictions of right, and permit self-interest to be taken prisoner by conscience and duty.

The new Confederacy of States, in the act of breathing life into its corporal substance, and staggering at the amount of organization to be performed to perpetuate national existence, warmly welcomed Adjutant-General Cooper's offer of services, because they found in such a proposal the master mind, the perfect knowledge and vast experience, necessary to put the intricate machinery into successful operation. The President of the Confederate States had served as Secretary of War in Pearce's Cabinet, and was thus brought into close official relations with General Cooper in the discharge of the latter's duties as Adjutant-General in the United States army. No one knew better than he did the character and qualifications of the soldier who joined him at Montgomery, Alabama. His clear conception of this fact was at once manifested by placing him at the head of the Adjutant and Inspector-General's Department, and afterwards making him a full general — the first on the list of five--the remaining four being Generals Albert Sydney Johnston, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston and Beauregard, holding respective rank in the order named.

During the four long years in the life of the Confederacy, General Cooper fully discharged the onerous duties confided to him with a fidelity, an exactness, a loyalty and an honesty, which, whilst perfectly consistent with his conscientiousness and ability, gave great satisfaction to the army and the country.

It is indeed difficult to place a proper estimate upon the value of his service during that trying period, so great was his capacity for work.

Punctiliously and unceasingly he daily discharged the great duties of his office, and at night, when others sought relaxation and rest, in a room in his private residence, his work was steadily carried forward. At the termination of the war, General Cooper returned to his country seat near Alexandria, Virginia, to find his home in ruins.

His house had been torn down and destroyed by the Federal troops, and upon the eminence, in its stead, a Federal fort had been erected.

Adding to another house, which before the war had been his manager's, the remaining years of the old hero were quietly and peacefully passed.

General Cooper died upon the 3d of December, 1876, in the seventy-eighth year of his age.

Well done, thou good and faithful servant, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.

For many years before his death he was a conscientious and consistent communicant of the Episcopal church.

His bereaved family can indeed find consolation, in their irreparable loss, in the belief: Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God.

Letter from ex-president Davis.

Mississippi city, Mississippi, April 5th, 1877. General F. Lee:

My Dear Sir — I am gratified to know that you have under-taken to make a record of the services and virtues of a man than whom none has higher claims upon the regard of all who loved the Confederacy. No one presents an example more worthy of the emulation of the youth of his country. My personal acquaintance with General Cooper began at the time when he was associated with Mr. Poinsett in the War Office, where his professional knowledge was made available to the Secretary, in those army details of which a civilian was necessarily but little informed. His sterling character and uniform courtesy soon attracted the attention and caused him to be frequently resorted to by members of Congress having business with the War Office. Ex-President Pierce, who was then a Senator, spoke in after years of the favorable impression which General Cooper had made upon him, and said his habit had been when he wanted information to go to Cooper instead of to the Secretary; but while he thus brought to the service of the Secretary his professional knowledge, the latter eminently great in other departments of learning, no doubt did much to imbue General Cooper's mind with those political ideas which subsequently marked him as more profoundly informed upon the character of our Government than most others of his profession.

In the midst of his professional duties, he found leisure for high literary culture, had much dramatic taste, and in the dull days of garrison life he contributed much to refined enjoyment. When I became Secretary of War, General Cooper was Adjutant-General of the United States army. My intercourse with him was daily, and as well because of the purity of his character as his knowledge of the officers and affairs of the army, I habitually consulted him in reference to the duties I had to perform.

Though calm in his manner and charitable in his feelings, he was a man of great native force, and had a supreme scorn for all that was mean.

To such a man, a life spent in the army could not fail to have had its antagonisms and its friendships; yet when officers were to be selected for special duties, to be appointed in staff corps, or to be promoted into new regiments, where qualifications were alone to be regarded, I never, in four years of constant consultation, saw Cooper manifest prejudice, or knew him to seek favors for a friend, or to withhold what was just from one to whom he bore reverse relations. This rare virtue — this supremacy of judgment over feeling — impressed me as being so exceptional, that I have often mentioned it as a thing so singular and so praiseworthy that it deserves to be known by all men.

When in 1861 a part of the Southern States, in the exercise of their sovereignty, passed ordinances of secession from the Union, and organized a separate Confederacy, General Cooper was at the head of the corps, in which a large part of his life had been passed. This office was one for which he was peculiarly qualified, and which was best suited to his taste. He was a native of a Northern State; his sole personal relation with the South was that he was the husband of a granddaughter of George Mason, of Virginia--Virginia, not yet belonging to the Confederate States. He foresaw the storm, which was soon to burst upon the seceding States--saw that the power which had been refused in the convention which formed the Constitution of the Union--the power to use the military arm of the General Government to coerce a State, was to be employed without doubt, and conscientiously believing that would be violative of the fundamental principles of the compact of Union, he resigned his commission, which was his whole wealth, and repaired to Montgomery to tender his services to the weaker party, because it was the party of law and right.

The Confederate Government had no military organization, and, save the patriotic hearts of gallant men, had little on which to rely for the defence of their country. The experience and special knowledge of General Cooper was, under these circumstances, of incalculable value. If he would consent, while his juniors led armies in the field, to devote himself to the little attractive labors of the Adjutant-General's office--if he would consent? They little knew the self-sacrificing, duty-loving nature of Cooper, who did not anticipate his modest request to be employed wherever it was thought he might be useful, and with unrelaxing assiduity he applied himself to the labors of the Adjutant-General's office. The many who measure the value of an officer's service by the conspicuous part he played upon the fields of battle, may not properly estimate the worth of Cooper's services in the war between the States, but those who like yourself were in a position to know what he did, what he prevented, what he directed, will not fail to place him among those who contributed most to whatever was achieved.

Faithful to the cause he espoused — unmoved by the prospect of disaster, when the fortune of war seemed everywhere to be against us — Cooper continued unswerving in the discharge of his duty, and when the evacuation of the capital became a necessity, he took with him such books and papers as were indispensable, and although worn down by incessant labor, never relaxed his attention to the functions of his office until disease compelled him to confess his inability to continue the retreat. The affection, the honor and the confidence with which I regarded him made our parting a sorrowful one, under circumstances so hard for us both. Of the events which followed his return to the spot where his house had stood, you are so well informed that I will not protract this already long letter.

I remain with great regard and affectionate remembrance,

Yours,

(Signed)

Jefferson Davis.

Battle of seven Pines-report of General James Longstreet.

[The following report does not appear in the printed volumes of Confederate Battle Reports, and has never, so far as we are aware, been in print. It will be a valuable addition to our series of original reports.]

Major — Agreeably to verbal instructions from the Commanding General, the division of Major-General D. H. Hill was, on the morning of the 31st ultimo, formed at an early hour, on the Williamsburg road, as the column of attack upon the enemy's front on that road. A brigade was placed on each side of the road to advance to the attack, and each was supported by one of the other brigades of the same division.

In advance of each of the columns of attack a regiment as skirmishers was deployed. The plan for the forward movement was that fields should be passed by a flank movement of the regiments of skirmishers, and the woods in front once in our possession, the brigades were to advance rapidly, occupying them, and move steadily forward. Abatis and entrenched positions were ordered to be taken by a flank movement of the brigades or brigade in front of them, the skirmishers engaging the sharpshooters, and the supporting brigade occupying the position of the brigades during the flank movement.

The division of Major-General Huger was intended to make a strong flank movement around the left of the enemy's position and attack him in rear of that flank. This division did not get into position, however, in time for any such attack, and I was obliged to send three of my small brigades on the Charles City road to support the one of Major-General Huger's that had been ordered to protect my right flank.

After waiting some six hours for these troops to get into position, I determined to move forward without regard to them, and gave orders to that effect to Major-General D. H. Hill. The forward movement began about two o'clock, and our skirmishers soon became engaged with those of the enemy. The entire division of General Hill became engaged about three o'clock, and drove the enemy steadily back, gaining possession of his abatis and part of his entrenched camp, General Rodes, by a movement to the right, driving in the enemy's left.

The only reinforcements on the field in hand were my own brigades, of which Anderson's, Wilcox's and Kemper's were put in by the front on the Williamsburg road, and Colston's and Pryor's by my right flank. At the same time the decided and gallant attack made by the other brigades gained entire possession of the enemy's position, with his artillery, camp equipage, &c. Anderson's brigade, under Colonel Jenkins, pressing forward rapidly, continued to drive the enemy till night-fall.

The severest part of the work was done by Major-General D. H. Hills division, but the attack of the two brigades, under General R. H. Anderson--one commanded by Colonel Kemper (now Brigadier-General), the other by Colonel M. Jenkins--was made with such spirit and regularity as to have driven back the most determined foe. This decided the day in our favor.

General Pickett's brigade was held in reserve. General Pryor's did not succeed in getting upon the field of Saturday in time to take part in the action of the 31st. Both, however, shared in repulsing a serious attack upon our position on Sunday, the 1st instant, Pickett's brigade bearing the brunt of the attack and repulsing it.

Some of the brigades of Major-General Huger's division took part in defending our position, but being fresh at the work did not show the same steadiness and determination as the troops of Hill's division and my own.

I have reason to believe that the affair would have been a complete success, had the troops upon the right been put in position within eight hours of the proper time. The want of promptness on that part of the field, and the consequent severe struggle in my front, so greatly reduced my supply of amunition that, at the late hour of the move on the left, I was unable to make the rush necessary to relieve that attack.

Besides the good effect produced by driving back such heavy masses of the enemy, we have made superior soldiers of several brigades that were entirely fresh and unreliable. There can scarcely be a doubt about our ability to overcome the enemy upon any fair field.

Brigadier-General J. E. B. Stuart, in the absence of any opportunity to use his cavalry, was of material service by his presence with me on the field.

The conduct of the attack was left entirely to Major-General Hill. The entire success of the affair is sufficient evidence of his ability, courage and skill. I will refer you to his reports for particular mention of the conduct of his officers and soldiers.

I will mention Brigadier-General Rodes, of that division, as distinguished for coolness, ability and determination. He made one of the most important and decisive movements on the field, and held his command several hours after receiving a severe wound. My own troops have been so often tried and distinguished on other fields that they need no praise from my lips. A truer, better body of men never marched upon a battle-field.

I will mention, however, as distinguished for their usual gallantry and ability, Generals R. H. Anderson, C. M. Wilcox, Geo. E. Pickett, R. E. Colston, R. A. Pryor, and Colonels Kemper and Jenkins (commanding brigades), and Colonels Corse, Winston, Funston and Sydenham Moore--the latter twice shot, once severely wounded.

I desire also to mention the conspicuous courage and energy of Captain James Dearing, of the Lynchburg artillery, and his officers and men. His pieces were served under the severest fire, as his serious loss will attest. Captain Carter, of General Hill's division, also displayed great gallantry and skill in the management of his battery.

My personal staff--Majors G. M. Sorrel, J. W. Fairfax, P. T. Manning, and Captains Thomas Goree, Thomas Walton, and my young aid, Lieutenant R. W. Blackwell--have my kind thanks for their activity, zeal and intelligence in carrying orders and the proper discharge of their duties. Captain Walton was slightly wounded. I am indebted to General Wigfall and Colonel P. T. Moore, volunteer aids, for assistance in rallying troops and carrying orders during the battle of the 31st instant, and kindly aided in carrying orders during the several assaults made by the enemy on that day. I am also indebted to Colonel R. H. Chilton for material aid. Dr. J. S. D. Cullen, Surgeon-in-Chief, and the officers of his Department, kindly and untiringly devoted themselves to the wounded, They have none of the chances of distinction of other officers, but discharge the most important duties. I refer to his report for the conduct of the officers of his department.

Detailed reports of the major-generals, brigadiers and other commanders and chiefs of staff have been called for, and will be forwarded as soon as received. Our loss invaluable officers and men has been severe. Colonels Giles, Fifth South Carolina; Jones, Twelfth Alabama; Lomax, Third Alabama, fell at the head of their commands, gallantly leading them to victory.

Three hundred and forty-seven prisoners, ten pieces of artillery, five thousand small arms, one garrison flag and several regimental standards were taken. A rough estimate of the loss on this part of the field may be put at three thousand killed and wounded. The loss on the part of the enemy may be put at a much higher figure, inasmuch as he was driven from his positions, and some half dozen attempts to recover them were successfully repulsed. List of killed, wounded and missing. Officers.Enlisted Men.Aggregate.Killed,61755816Wounded,2093,5303,739Missing,3293296 Total,2734,5784,851

Headquarters Right Wing, June 11th, 1862.

Respectfully submitted,

(Signed)

J. Longstreet, Major-General Commanding. To Major Thomas G. Rhett, Assistant Adjutant-General. Report of General J. E. B. Stuart of cavalry operations on First Maryland campaign, from August 30th to September 18th, 1862.

[We were suprised to find the following report missing from the published reports of the campaign of 1862, and can only account for the omission by reference to the late date at which it was sent in. As it has never, we believer been printed in any other form, and is a report of importance and value, we give it from the original autograph Ms. of the great cavalryman.]

headquarters cavalry corps, army of Northern Virginia, February 13th, 1864.

Colonel — I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of the cavalry division from the battle of Groveton Heights, August 30th, 1862, to the recrossing of the Potomac, September 18th, 1862.

On the 31st of August, while following up the enemy in the direction of Centreville, Colonel Rosser was sent in the direction of Manassas, where it was understood the enemy were still in some force. He succeeded in driving them from that place with some captures, and rejoined the command, when, in pursuance of the instructions of the Commanding General, I made a flank movement to the left, gained the Little River turnpike, and effected a concentration of Robertson's and Lee's brigades near Chantilly. Near this point, Robertson's brigade captured one entire company of New York cavalry, and Lee's brigade an entire company of the old Second Dragoons (regulars), Captain Thomas Hight, and also his subaltern, Robert Clay, and their horses, arms and equipments.

It was here ascertained that the main body of the enemy was at Centreville and Fairfax Courthouse. A section of the Washington artillery accompanied the movement, designed to attack the enemy on the Centreville and Fairfax Courthouse pike. A position was gained, by a difficult road, commanding this road, which was completely occupied by the enemy with one continuous roll of wagons going toward Fairfax Courthouse. It was discovered also that we were in sight of the sentinels of a camp, the dimensions of which could not be seen.

The artillery was placed in position just after dark, and opened upon the road. A few rounds sufficed to throw everything into confusion; and such commotion, upsetting, collisions and smashups were rarely ever seen. The firing continued as long as it seemed desirable, and the pieces and the command withdrew to camp for the night, two miles north of the Oxhill, on that road. Next morning, I returned by way of Frying Pan to connect with General Jackson, and inform him of the enemy as far as ascertained.

The head of his column was opposite Chantilly, and I disposed part of Robertson's brigade on his right flank between him and Centreville, and reconnoitred in person, but no force but a small one of cavalry was discernible nearer than Centreville. Oxhill was held by my cavalry till General Jackson came up, and having charged General Robertson with the care of the right flank, I first tried to force, with some skirmishers, our way down the turnpike toward Fairfax Courthouse, but the wooded ridges were firmly held by infantry and artillery, and it was plainly indicated that the enemy would here make a stand. General Jackson being in advance, waited for Longstreet to close up. Meanwhile, with Lee's brigade, I moved round toward Flint Hill, directly north of Fairfax Courthouse, to attack the enemy's flank. Passing Fox's mill and following a narrow and winding route in the midst of a heavy thunder-storm, I reached the summit of the ridge which terminates in the Flint Hill, about dark, and discovered in my immediate front a body of the enemy, a portion of which was thrown out as sharpshooters to oppose our further advance. Having thus discovered that Flint Hill was occupied by the enemy in force, and hearing about the same time some shots in my rear, I withdrew my command by the same road. As we approached the mouth of the road, the advance guard, under Colonel Wickham, engaged and drove off a portion of an infantry regiment which had taken position on the steep embankment of the road to dispute our return, and the command continued its march, bivouacking that night in the neighborhood of Germantown.

Meanwhile a heavy engagement had taken place on Jackson's right, the enemy having penetrated to his flank by way of Mollen's house.

On the next day, the enemy having retired, Fairfax Courthouse was occupied by Lee's brigade, and I sent Hampton's brigade, which had just reported to me, having been detained on the Charles City border until the enemy had entirely evacuated that region, to attack the enemy at Flint Hill. Getting several pieces of the Stuart horse artillery in position, Brigadier-General Hampton opened on the enemy at that point, and our sharpshooters advancing about the same time, after a brief engagement, the enemy hastily retired. They were immediately pursued, and Captain Pelham having chosen a new position, again opened upon them with telling effect, scattering them in every direction. They were pursued by Hampton's brigade, which took a few prisoners, but owing to the darkness and the fact that the enemy had opened fire upon us with infantry and artillery from the woods, he considered it prudent to retire, which was done with the loss of only one man.

This proved to be the rear guard of Sumner's column retreating towards Vienna, and I afterwards learned that they were thrown into considerable confusion by this attack of Hampton. With a small portion of the cavalry and horse artillery, I moved into Fairfax Courthouse, and taking possession, obtained some valuable information, which was sent to the Commanding General. On the night of the second the command bivouacked near Fairfax Court-house, except Robertson's brigade, which, by a misapprehension of the order, returned to the vicinity of Chantilly before the engagement.

While these events were occurring near Fairfax Courthouse, the Second Virginia cavalry, Colonel T. T. Munford, had proceeded by my order to Leesburg to capture the party of marauders under Means which had so long infested that country and harassed the inhabitants. Colonel Munford reached the vicinity of Leesburg on the forenoon of the 2d, and learning that Means with his command was in the town, supported by three companies of the Maryland cavalry, on the Point of Rocks road, he made a circuit toward Edward's ferry, attacked from that direction, and succeeded, after a heavy skirmish, in routing and driving the enemy as far as Waterford, with a loss on their part of eleven killed, nine severely wounded, and forty-seven prisoners, including two captains and three lieutenants. Our own loss was Lieutenant Davis killed, and several officers and privates wounded. In this engagement, Edmund, a slave belonging to one of the men, charged with the regiment and shot Averhart, one of the most notorious ruffians of Means' party. The enemy's papers acknowledged that there entire force, of 150 men of the First Maryland and Means' company, were, all but forty, killed or captured, stating that our force was 2,000. Colonel Munford's entire force was 163 men, of whom but 123 were in the charge.

On the morning of the 3d, General Fitz. Lee, pursuant to instructions, made a demonstration with his brigade and some horse artillery toward Alexandria, Hampton's brigade moving by way of Hunter's mill to the Leesburg turnpike below Dranesville, encamping near that place. Robertson's brigade, having also crossed over from the Little River turnpike, encamped near the same place on the same night. Meantime the main army was moving by a flank toward Leesburg. Demonstrations were also kept up toward George-town and the Chain bridge, Robertson's brigade moving in the direction of Falls church. Between Vienna and Lewinsville he encountered the enemy's pickets, and after a brief skirmish drove them in. Having posted a portion of his cavalry with one piece of artillery near Lewinsville to prevent surprise, he then drew up the remainder of the cavalry in a conspicuous position near the church, and opened with his two remaining pieces. The enemy replied with two guns, and the firing continued until nearly sundown, when perceiving several regiments advancing to assail his position, General Robertson, in accordance with his instructions, retired.

The cavalry followed the rear of the army to Leesburg, and crossing the Potomac on the afternoon of the 5th, Lee's brigade in advance, moved to Poolesville. He encountered at that point a body of the enemy's cavalry, which he attacked, capturing the greater portion. The reception of our troops in Maryland was attended with the greatest demonstrations of joy, and the hope of enabling the inhabitants to throw off the tyrant's yoke stirred every Southern heart with renewed vigor and enthusiasm.

The main army moving to Frederick, the next day the cavalry resumed their march on the flank, halting at Urbanna, Hampton's brigade in advance. The advance guard had the good fortune to rescue, from a member of the enemy's signal corps, a bearer of dispatches from President Davis to General Lee. The dispatches, fortunately, by the discreetness of the bearer, had not fallen into the hands of the enemy, and were eventually safely delivered. At Urbanna the main body was joined by Robertson's brigade, at this time under command of Colonel T. T. Munford.

Near this place I remained with the command until the 12th of September, covering the front of the army then near Frederick city, in the direction of Washington. My left, consisting of Lee's brigade, rested at New Market, on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad; my centre, Hampton's brigade, near Hyattstown; and my right, Robertson's brigade, Colonel Munford commanding, in the direction of Poolesville, with one regiment (the Twelfth Virginia cavalry) at that point.

The enemy having advanced upon my front, Hampton's brigade became engaged in several skirmishes near Hyattstown, driving the enemy back on every occasion; and on the 8th September, ascertaining that the enemy were about to occupy Poolesville, I ordered Colonel Munford to proceed to that point and drive them from the place. Munford's advance guard had just reached the town when the enemy appeared, with three regiments of cavalry and four pieces of artillery. Munford selected a position and opened fire with a Howitzer and Blakely, when the enemy also brought up two pieces and returned the fire. Their guns had scarcely opened when their cavalry suddenly advanced and charged the Howitzer. They were, however, received with two rounds of canister, which drove them back, and the Seventh Virginia cavalry, Captain Myers commanding, charged them. They also charged the Blakely, but Colonel Harman, with about seventy-five men of the Twelfth Virginia cavalry, met and repulsed them. Lieutenant-Colonel Burks, in temporary command of the Second Virginia cavalry, held the crossroads commanding the approach to Sugar Loaf mountain and kept the enemy in check with his sharpshooters. The loss on this occasion was fifteen, killed, wounded and missing. The cross-roads were successfully held for three days, during which regular skirmishing and artillery firing took place, when on the 11th the enemy advanced in force with infantry. Having maintained the present front even longer than was contemplated by the instructions covering the investment of Harper's Ferry, found in the orders appended to this report, the cavalry was withdrawn to within three miles of Frederick.

Lee's brigade having fallen back from New Market and crossed the Monocacy near Liberty, Robertson's brigade was ordered to retire in the direction of Jefferson, and Hampton's brigade was directed to occupy Frederick city, in the rear of the army then moving toward Middletown. Hampton's pickets were thrown out on the various roads leading in the direction of the enemy's approach, and about midday on the 12th he was notified that a heavy force was advancing on the National road. As two squadrons had been left on picket at the bridge over the Monocacy, between Frederick city and Urbanna, it was of great importance to hold the approaches by the National road until the squadrons were withdrawn, and with this end in view, a rifle piece was added to the two guns already in position on the turnpike, and a squadron from the Second South Carolina cavalry, under Lieutenant Meighan, sent to support the battery. The enemy soon appeared, and opened fire on the cavalry, when, the squadrons at the bridge having rejoined him, General Hampton slowly retired to the city, sending his artillery on before to occupy a position commanding the ground between the city and the mountain. The enemy now pressed forward, and planting a gun in the suburbs of the city, supported by a body of cavalry and a regiment and half of infantry, opened fire upon the crowded thoroughfares of the place. To secure a safe retreat for the brigade, it was necessary to charge this force, which was gallantly done by the Second South Carolina cavalry, Colonel Butler, Lieutenant Meighan leading his squadron in advance.

The enemy were scattered in every direction, many of them killed and wounded, ten prisoners taken, among them Colonel Moore, Twenty-third Ohio, and the gun captured. Unfortunately, five of the horses attached to the piece were killed; so that it could not be removed. The enemy's account, subsequently published, admits the repulse of their force and the capture of the gun. After this repulse the enemy made no further efforts to annoy our rear. The brigade retired slowly, bringing off the prisoners captured, and bivouacked that night at Middletown--Lieutenant-Colonel Martin having been left with his command and two pieces of artillery to hold the Catoctin mountain. Munford was in the meanwhile ordered to occupy the gap in this range near the town of Jefferson. The force under his command consisted at this time of only the Second and Twelfth Virginia cavalry--the Sixth Virginia having been left at Centreville to collect arms, etc., the Seventeenth battalion detached before crossing the Potomac on an expedition into Berkely, and the Seventh Virginia cavalry having been ordered a day or two before to report to General Jackson for operations against Harper's Ferry. Every means was taken to ascertain what the nature of the enemy's movement was, whether a reconnoisance feeling for our whereabouts, or an aggressive movement of the army. The enemy studiously avoided displaying any force, except a part of Burnside's corps, and built no camp fires in their halt at Frederick that night. The information was conveyed promptly to the Commanding General, through General D. H. Hill, now at Boonsboroa; and it was suggested that the gap which I held this night was a very strong position for infantry and artillery. Friday, the day on which (by the calculation of the Commanding General) Harper's Ferry would fall, had passed, and as the garrison was not believed to be very strong at that point, I supposed the object already accomplished. I nevertheless felt it important to check the enemy as much as possible, in order to develop his force. With a view to ascertain what the nature of this movement was, I had, before leaving Frederick, sent instructions to Brigadier-General Fitz. Lee to gain the enemy's rear from his position on the left.

On the morning of the 13th, I moved forward all of Hampton's command to the support of Colonel Martin. Foiled in their attack on the preceding evening, the enemy appeared in front of Colonel Martin, at daylight on the 13th, and endeavored to force their way through the mountain. Their advance guard was driven back, when they posted artillery on the turnpike and opened fire on Colonel Martin, who held the mountain crest. This was responded to by a section of rifle guns under Captain Hart, whose fire was so effective that the enemy's battery was forced several times to change its position. The skirmishers on both sides had meanwhile become actively engaged, and the enemy was held in check until he had marched up to the attack two brigades of infantry, which was the only force we were yet able to discover, so well did he keep his troops concealed. About 2 P. M. we were obliged to abandon the crest, and withdrew to a position near Middletown. All this was duly reported in writing by me through General D. H. Hill, to the Commanding General.

In the engagemts at the gap in the Catoctin and near Middletown, the Jeff. Davis Legion and First North Carolina cavalry, respectively under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Martin and Colonel Baker, conducted themselves with the utmost gallantry, and sustained a hot fire of artillery and musketry without flinching or confusion in the ranks. Captain Siler, a gallant officer of the First North Carolina cavalry, had his leg broken during the engagement.

The enemy soon appeared in force crossing the mountain, and a spirited engagement took place, both of artillery and sharpshooters, the First North Carolina, Colonel Baker, holding the rear and acting with conspicuous gallantry. This lasted for some time, when, having held the enemy in check sufficiently long to accomplish my object, I withdrew slowly toward the gap in the South mountain, having given General D. H. Hill ample time to occupy that gap with his troops, and still believing that the capture of Harper's Ferry had been effected. On reaching the vicinity of the gap near Boonsboroa, finding General Hill's troops occupying the gap, I turned off General Hampton with all his cavalry, except the Jeff. Davis Legion, to reinforce Munford at Crampton's gap, which was now the weakest point of the line. I remained myself at the gap near Boonsboroa until night, but the enemy did not attack the position. This was obviously no place for cavalry operations, a single horseman passing from point to point on the mountain with difficulty.

Leaving the Jeff. Davis Legion here, therefore, and directing Colonel Rosser, with a detachment of cavalry and the Stuart horse artillery, to occupy Braddock's gap, I started on my way to join the main portion of my command at Crampton's gap, stopping for the night near Boonsboroa. I had not up to this time seen General D. H. Hill, but about midnight he sent General Ripley to me to get information concerning roads and gaps in a locality where General D. H. Hill had been lying for two days with his command. All the information I had was cheerfully given, and the situation of the gaps explained by map. I confidently hoped by this time to have received the information which was expected from Brigadier-General Fitz. Lee. All the information I possessed, or had the means of possessing, had been laid before General D. H. Hill and the Commanding General. His troops were duly notified of the advance of the enemy, and I saw them in line of battle awaiting his approach, and myself gave some general directions concerning the location of his lines, during the afternoon in his absence.

Early next morning I repaired to Crampton's gap, which I had reason to believe was as much threatened as any other.

Brigadier-General Hampton proceeded as directed toward Burketsville. As General Jackson was then in front of Harper's Ferry, and General McLaws with his division occupied Maryland Heights to prevent the escape of the Federal garrison, it was believed that the enemy's efforts would be against McLaws, probably by the route of Crampton's gap. On his way to the gap, Brigadier-General Hampton encountered a regiment of the enemy's cavalry, on a road parallel to the one which he was pursuing, and, taking the Cobb Legion, Lieutenant-Colonel Young, at once charged them, dispersing them, killing or wounding thirty, and taking five prisoners. Our loss was four killed and nine wounded; among the former Lieutenant Marshall and Sergeant Barksdale, and among the latter Lieutenant-Colonel Young and Captain Wright, all of whom acted with remarkable gallantry.

General Hampton then drew near the gap, when Colonel Munford, mistaking his command for a portion of the enemy's cavalry, ordered his artillery to open upon him. This order was on the point of being executed, when Hampton, becoming aware of his danger, exhibited a white flag, and thus averted this serious misfortune.

Hampton's brigade remained at the gap for the night. Next morning upon my arrival, finding that the enemy had made no demonstration toward Crampton's gap up to that time, and apprehending that he might move directly from Frederick to Harper's Ferry, I deemed it prudent to leave Munford to hold this point until he could be reinforced with infantry, and moved Hampton nearer the Potomac. General McLaws was advised of the situation of affairs, and sent Brigadier-General Howell Cobb with his command to hold Crampton's gap. General Hampton's command was halted at the south end of South mountain, and pickets sent out on the roads toward Point of Rocks and Frederick. I proceeded myself to the headquarters of General McLaws to acquaint him with the situation of affairs, and also to acquaint myself with what was going on. I went with him to the Maryland Heights overlooking Harper's Ferry, which had not yet fallen. I explained to him the location of the roads in that vicinity, familiar to myself from my connection with the John Brown raid, and repeatedly urged the importance of his holding with an infantry picket the road leading from the Ferry by the Kennedy farm toward Sharpsburg; failing to do which the entire cavalry force of the enemy at the Ferry, amounting to about 500, escaped during the night by that very road, and inflicted serious damage on General Longstreet's train, in the course of their flight.

I had ordered Colonel Munford to take command (as the senior officer) at Crampton's gap and hold it against the enemy at all hazards. Colonel Munford gave similar instructions to the officers commanding the two fragments of infantry regiments from Mahone's brigade then present, and posted the infantry behind a stone wall at the eastern base of the mountain. Chew's battery and a section of Navy Howitzers belonging to the Portsmouth battery were placed on the slope of the mountain, and the whole force of cavalry at his command dismounted and disposed on the flanks as sharpshooters. The enemy soon advanced with overpowering numbers to assail the position-his force in sight amounting to a division (Slocum's) of infantry. They were received with a rapid and steady fire from our batteries, but confined to advance, preceded by their sharpshooters, and an engagement ensued between these and our infantry and dismounted cavalry. Colonel Parham, commanding Mahone's brigade, soon after arrived with the Sixth and Twelfth Virginia infantry, scarcely numbering in all three hundred men; and this small force, for at least three hours, maintained their position and held the enemy in check without assistance of any description from General Semmes, who, Colonel Munford reports, held the next gap below, and witnessed all that took place. General Cobb finally came with two regiments to the support of the force holding the gap. At his request, Colonel Munford posted the new regiments, when the infantry which had been engaged, having exhausted their ammuntion, fell back from their position. The enemy took advantage of this circumstance and suddenly advanced, and the fresh regiments broke before they were well in position. General Cobb made great efforts to rally them, but without the least effect, and it was evident that the gap could no longer be held. Under these circumstances, Colonel Munford (whose artillery had exhausted every round of ammunition and retired) formed his command and moved down the mountain on the Boonsboroa road to the point where the horses of the dismounted sharpshooters were stationed. The enemy were at the forks of the Harper's Ferry and Boonsboroa roads before many of the cavalry reached it — the infantry having retired in great disorder, and the cavalry were the last to give up their position. In this hot engagement, the Second and Twelfth Virginia cavalry behaved with commendable coolness and gallantry, inflicting great injury with their long range guns upon the enemy, and their exertions were ably seconded by the troops under Colonel Parham, who held his position most gallantly until overpowered.

Hearing of the attack at Crampton's gap, I rode at full speed to reach that point, and met General Cobb's command, just after dark, retreating in disorder down Pleasant valley. He represented the enemy as only two hundred yards behind, and in overwhelming force. I immediately halted his command, and disposed men upon each side of the road to meet the enemy, and a battery, which I had accidentally met with, was placed in position commanding the road. The enemy not advancing, I sent out parties to reconnoitre, who found no enemy within a mile. Pickets were thrown out, and the command was left in partial repose for the night. The next morning, more infantry and a portion of the cavalry having been brought up to this point, preparations were made to repulse any attack--Major-General R. H. Anderson being now in immediate command at this point. The battle of Boonsboroa or South Mountain having taken place the evening previous, resulted unfavorably to us, and the troops occupying that line were on the march to Sharpsburg.

The garrison at Harper's Ferry surrendered during the forenoon. Late on the afternoon previous, Brigadier-General Fitz. Lee arrived at Boonsboroa and reported to the Commanding General, having been unable to accomplish the object of his mission, which his report will more fully explain.

His command was assigned to the important and difficult duty of occupying the line of battle of the infantry to enable it to withdraw during the night, and early next morning his command was charged with bringing up the rear of that column to Sharpsburg, while Hampton accomplished the same for McLaws' command moving out of Pleasant Valley to Harper's Ferry. I reported in person to General Jackson at Harper's Ferry, and thence rode, at his request, to the Commanding General at Sharpsburg, to communicate to him General J.'s views and information.

Our army being in line of battle on the heights overlooking the Antietam, I was assigned to the left, where Brigadier-General Fitz. Lee's brigade took position after his severe engagement near Boonsboroa between the enemy and his rear guard, Munford's small command being on the right.

On the afternoon of the 16th, the enemy was discovered moving a column across the Antietam to the pike, with the view of turning our left beyond the Dunkard church. This was duly reported, and the movement watched. A little skirmishing took place before night. I moved the cavalry still farther to the left, making way for our infantry, and crowned a commanding hill with artillery, ready for the attack in the morning. General Jackson had arrived in time from Harper's Ferry, with a part of his command, on the night before to take position on this line, and the attack began very early next morning. The cavalry was held as a support for the artillery, which was very advantageously posted so as to bring an enfilading fire upon the enemy's right. About this time, Lieutenant-Colonel John T. Thornton, of the Third Virginia cavalry, was mortally wounded, at the head of his regiment. To the service he was a brave and devoted member. In him one of the brightest ornaments of the State has fallen.

This fire was kept up with terrible effect upon the enemy; and the position of the artillery being somewhat endangered, Early's brigade was sent to me by General Jackson as additional support. The enemy had advanced too far into the woods near the Dunkard church for the fire to be continued without danger of harming our own men. I accordingly withdrew the batteries to a position further to the rear, where our own line could be seen, and ordered General Early to rejoin his division, with the exception of the Thirteenth Virginia infantry, commanded by Captain Winston, which was retained as a support for the artillery.

The artillery opened from its new position at close range upon the enemy, with still more terrible effect than before: the Thirteenth Virginia infantry being within musket range, did telling execution. Early's division now pouring a deadly fire into their front, while the artillery and its. support were bearing so heavily upon their flank, the enemy soon broke in confusion, and were pursued for half a mile along the Williamsport turnpike. I recognized in this pursuit part of Barksdale's and part of Semmes' brigades, and I also got hold of one regiment of Ransom's brigade, which I posted in an advantageous position on the extreme left flank, after the pursuit had been checked by the enemy's reserve artillery coming into action. Having informed General Jackson of what had transpired, I was directed by him to hold this advance position, and that he would send all the infantry he could get in order to follow up the success. I executed this order, keeping the cavalry well out to the left, and awaiting the arrival of reinforcements. These reinforcements were, however, diverted to another part of the field, and no further engagement took place on this part of the field beyond a desultory artillery fire.

On the next day it was determined, the enemy not again attacking, to turn the enemy's right. In this movement I was honored with the advance. In endeavoring to pass along up the river bank, however, I found that the river made such an abrupt bend that the enemy's batteries were within 800 yards of the brink of the stream, which would have made it impossible to have succeeded in the movement proposed, and it was accordingly abandoned.

The Commanding General having decided to recross the Potomac, the delicate and difficult duty of covering this movement was assigned to Brigadier-General Fitz. Lee, while I was directed to ford the river that afternoon with Hampton's brigade, at an obscure ford, and proceeding to Williamsport, cross the river again at that point so as to create a diversion in favor of the movement of the army. Hampton's brigade did not reached the ford until dark, and as the ford was very obscure and rough, many got over their depth and had to swim the river. The duty assigned to Brigadier-General Fitz. Lee was accomplished with entire success, and he withdrew his command safely to the south side of the Potomac on the morning of the 19th.

Hampton's brigade crossed the Potomac a short distance above Williamsport, while a part of the Twelfth Virginia cavalry dashed across the river immediately at Williamsport, chasing a few of the enemy's pickets from the place. I was also aided in this demonstration by a battalion of infantry, under Captain Randolpth, of the Second Virginia, also by a detachment of the Eleventh Georgia, and it may be by small detachments of other regiments, and a section of the Salem artillery, and one of the Second company Howitzers.

The bridge over the canal was destroyed, but a very good road was constructed, without much labor, under the aqueduct, over the Conochocheague. Having moved out the command, including Hampton's brigade, upon the ridges overlooking Williamsport, active demonstrations were made toward the enemy.

On the 20th the enemy were drawn toward my position in heavy force, Couch's division in advance. Showing a bold front, we maintained our position and kept the enemy at bay until dark, when, having skirmished all day, we withdrew to the south bank of the Potomac, without loss.

During the Maryland campaign my command did not suffer on any one day as much as their comrades of other arms, but theirs was the sleepless watch and the harassing daily petite guerre, in which the aggregate of casualties for the month sums up heavily. There was not a single day from the time my command crossed the Potomac till it recrossed, that it was not engaged with the enemy, and at Sharpsburg was several times subjected to severe shelling. Their services were indispensable to every success attained, and the officers and men of the cavalry division recur with pride to the Maryland campaign of 1862.

I regret exceedingly that I have not the means of speaking more in detail of the brave men of other commands whose meritorious conduct was witnessed both at Sharpsburg and Williamsport, but whose names owing to the lapse of time cannot be now recalled, and I have no reports to assist me. Brigadier-General Early at the former place behaved with great coolness and good judgment, particularly after he came in command of his division, and Colonel (since General) William Smith, Forty-ninth Virginia infantry, was conspicuously brave and self-possessed.

One of the regiments of Ransom's brigade, also becoming detached from the brigade, behaved with great gallantry, and for a long time held an important detached position on the extreme left unaided.

The gallant Pelham displayed all those. noble qualities which have made him immortal. He had under his command batteries from every portion of General Jackson's command. The batteries of Poague, Pegram and Carrington, the only ones which now recur to me, did splendid service, as also did the Stuart horse artillery, all under Pelham. The hill held on the extreme left so long and so gallantly by artillery alone, was essential to the maintenance of our position.

Major Heros Von Borcke displayed his usual skill, courage and energy. His example was highly valuable to the troops.

Cadet W. Q. Hullihen, Confederate States army, was particularly distinguished on the field of Sharpsburg for his coolness, and his valuable services as acting aid-de-camp. I deem it proper to mention here also a young lad named Randolph, of Fauquier, who, apparently about 12 years of age, brought me several messages from General Jackson under circumstances of great personal peril, and delivered his dispatches with a clearness and intelligence highly creditable to him.

Private--------, Cobb's Georgia legion, one of my couriers, was killed while behaving with the most conspicuous bravery, having borrowed a horse to ride to the field. He had been sent to post a battery of artillery from his native State.

Captain Frayser, signal corps, rendered important services to the Commanding General from a mountain overlooking the enemy on the Antietam.

I have the honor to be,

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)

J. E. B. Stuart, Major-General. Colonel R. H. Chilton, Chief of Staff, Army of Northern Virginia.

Field telegrams.

[A deeply interesting volume might be made by collecting together the field telegrams and letters sent by our leading Generals on the eve of or during important battles. Unfortunately the full material for such a volume has been destroyed, or is scattered so widely that it would be almost impossible to collect it. We have in our archives, however, a large amount of such material, and propose, from time to time, to give some specimens of it. We have recently received from Mr. R. M. J. Paynter, of this city, the loan of files of telegrams sent principally from army headquarters on the south side of the James during the summer of 1864. The telegrams themselves (written generally on scraps of Confederate paper, and frequently in the autograph of the officer sending them), possess a curious interest. They are valuable as giving the information received of the movements and intentions of the enemy, and the consequent orders in reference to the movements of our troops. We give the following selections from these telegrams.]

headquarters Drewry's Bluff, May 10--1 P. M. His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President C. S. A., Richmond:

I have just received the following dispatch from General Ransom: Thus far we are doing well; the fight is progressing. This is about all the information I can give you.

Very respectfully,

G. H. Terrett. headquarters army of Northern Virginia,

12 K. 45, P. M. 1, via Mc2d.

General G. T. Beauregard:

It would be disadvantageous to abandon line between Richmond and Petersburg; but as two-thirds of Butler's force has joined Grant, can you not leave sufficient guard to move with balance of your command to north side of James river and take command of right wing of army?

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. headquarters army of Northern Virginia, 7 A. M. General R. E. Lee:

I have ordered a forced reconnoisance to ascertain more of enemy's position and condition. Have ordered Ransom's brigade to Bottom's bridge, as requested by General Bragg. I am willing to do anything for our succor, but cannot leave my department without orders of War Department.

G. T. Beauregard. Shady Grove Church, 1st June, 4 P. M. General G. T. Beauregard, Hancock House:

General Grant appears to be gradually approaching the York River railroad, whether with the view of touching James river or not, I cannot ascertain. I am ignorant of the movements of the enemy in your front, or whether it would be in your power to take position north of James river.

R. E. Lee, General. Drewry's Bluff, 4 A. M., 16th June, 1864. General B. Bragg, Richmond:

Just arrived at this point with Pickett's division; have informed General Beauregard. Direct to me here.

R. E. Lee. Drewry's Bluff, 16th June, 1864. General A. P. Hill, Riddel's Shops, via Savage Station:

Send a brigade to vicinity of New Market station, intersection of

Kingsland

and

New Market roads

R. E. Lee. Drewry's Bluff, 9.40 A. M., 16 June, 1864. General Beauregard, Petersburg:

Please inform me of condition of affairs. Pickett's division is in vicinity of your lines and front of Bermuda.

R. E. Lee. Drewry's Bluff, 10.30 A. M., 16th June, 1864. General Beauregard, Petersburg:

Your dispatch of 9.45 receive; it is the first that has come to hand. I do not know the position of Grant's army; cannot strip north bank of James river; have you not force sufficient?

R. E. Lee. Drewry's Bluff, 3 P. M., 16th June.

General-Dispatches 12.45 received. Pickett had passed this place at date of my first dispatch. I did not receive your notice of intended evacuation till 2 A. M; troops were then at Malvern Hills, four miles from me. Am glad to hear you can hold Petersburg. Hope you will drive the enemy. Have not heard of Grant's crossing James river.

R. E. Lee. 16TH June, 1864, 4 P. M. General Beauregard, Petersburg:

The transports you mentioned have probably returned Butler's troops. Has Grant been seen crossing James river?

R. E. Lee. headquarters Drewry's Bluff, 5.30 P. M., 16th June, 1864. Mr. D. H. Wood, Transportation Office, Richmond, Virginia:

Trains are not wanted at Rice's turnout, about which inquiry was made this morning; do not send them.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Drewry's Bluff, June 16th, 1864, 8 P. M. General Wade Hampton, Pole Cat Station:

Dispatches of to-day received. Our cavalry north and south of Chickahominy have been advised of movements of bearer of dispatches; also to endeavor to ascertain movements of Sheridan, and to unite with you when practicable to crush him. Keep them advised of his movements.

R. E. Lee. Drewry's Bluff, Midnight, 16th June, 1864. President or Superintendent Richmond and Petersburg Railroad, Richmond, Virginia:

The line of breastworks across Bermuda Neck is being reoccupied by our troops. General Anderson reports that the enemy tore up and burned about half a mile of the railroad below Walthall junction. Preparations should be made to repair this portion of the track as soon as it is practicable.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Drewry's Bluff, June 17th, 1864, 6 A. M. E. H. Gill, Superintendent Richmond and Petersburg Railroad, Richmond, Virginia:

About half a mile of railroad at Port Walthall junction was torn up yesterday by enemy during their temporary possession. Please replace the rails and open the road at once.

R. E. Lee. Drewry's Bluff, June 17th, 1864, 6 A. M. General G. T. Beauregard, Petersburg:

I am delighted at your repulse of the enemy. Endeavor to recover your lines. Can you ascertain any thing of Grant's movements? I am cut off now from all information. At 11 P. M. last night we took the original line of breastworks at Howlett's house, and the rest of the fine is being recovered. I have directed that the battery of heavy artillery be re-established, and the rails at Walthall junction be replaced and the road reopened.

R. E. Lee. headquarters Clay's House, 10.30 A. M., 17th June, 1864. His Excellency Jefferson Davis, Richmond, Virginia:

At 11 o'clock last night took breastworks at Howlett's house; other portions of same line were retaken. Pickett's division now occupies trenches from Howlett's to front of Clay's; Field's division is on the right, but I believe whole of front line not occupied. Battery at Howlett's is being re-established.

Saw five vessels sunk by enemy in French's reach. Behind lie the monitors; counted ten (10) steamers within the reach. Enemy made two attacks last night on Beauregard, but were repulsed with loss; 400 prisoners, including 11 commissioned officers captured. He has not entirely recovered his original position. Some fighting has occurred there this morning without result. Have ordered railroad at Port Walthall destroyed by enemy yesterday to be repaired and reopened.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Clay's House, 10.45 A. M., 17th June, 1864. General G. T. Beauregard, Petersburg:

Battery at Howlett's is being re-established; hope your new line will protect the city. I would recommend it being established sufficiently in advance. Your line from Howlett's to Clay's is re-occupied. Enemy still hold some portion on right of Clay's.

R. E. Lee. Clay's House, 12 M., 17th June, 1864. General G. T. Beauregard, Petersburg, Virginia:

Telegrams of 9 A. M. received. Until I can get more definite information of Grant's movements, I do not think it prudent to draw more troops to this side of the river.

R. E. Lee. headquarters army of Northern Virginia, June 17th, 1864. General Wade Hampton, Vernon Church, via Hanover Junction:

Grant's army is chiefly on south side of James river. Chambliss has been ordered to co-operate with you. Communicate with him.

R. E. Lee. Official: C. S. Venable, A. D. C. Clay's House, 1.45 P. M., 17th June, 1864. General G. T. Beauregard, Petersburg, Virginia:

Fifth corps (Warren's) crossed Chickahominy at Long bridge on 13th; was driven from Riddel's shop by General Hill, leaving many dead and prisoners on our hands. That night it marched to Westover. Some prisoners were taken from it on the 14th; have not heard of it since. All prisoners taken here are from Tenth corps.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Clay's House, 3.30 P. M., 17th June, 1864. Major-General W. H. F. Lee, Malvern Hill, via Meadow Station:

Push after enemy, and endeavor to ascertain what has become of Grant's army. Inform General Hill.

R. E. Lee. Lieutenant-General A. P. Hill, Riddel's Shop, via Meadow Station, Y. R. R. R.:

As soon as you can ascertain that Grant has crossed James river, move up to Chaffin's Bluff, and be prepared to cross.

R. E. Lee. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Clay's House, 4.30 P. M., 17th June, 1864. General G. T. Beauregard, Petersburg, Virginia:

Have no information of Grant's crossing James river, but upon your report have ordered troops up to Chaffin's Bluff.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Clay's House, 4.30 P. M., 17th June, 1864. Lieutenant-General A. P. Hill, Riddel's Shop, via Meadow Station:

General Beauregard reports large number of Grant's troops crossed James river above Fort Powhatan yesterday. If you have nothing contradictory of this, move to Chaffin's Bluff.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G. Clay's House, 5 P. M., 17th June, 1864. His Excellency Jeff. Davis, Richmond, Virginia:

At 4 P. M. assaulted that portion of our front line held by enemy and drove him from it; we again have the entire line from Howlett's to Dunn's mill.

R. E. Lee, General. Official: W. H. Taylor, A. A. G.

Editorial paragraphs.

We Consolidate our May and June numbers, and will be thus enabled to make our issue hereafter the 1st instead of the last of the month, as many of our readers seem to prefer. It is all the same to our subscribers, and they will not object to our issuing the two under one cover since it is a convenience at this time to us.

The Nation has very quietly refused to accept our challenge to a full discussion of the question of the Treatment of prisoners during the war. Immediately after the appearance of our last issue containing our reply to its review, we addressed them the following private letter:

office Southern Historical Society,

No. 7 State Capitol,

Richmond, Virginia, April 27th, 1877. Editors The Nation:

I send you by this mail a copy of the April number of our monthly Southern Historical Society Papers, which is just out.

You will find that we publish in full in this number your reply to our papers on the Treatment of Prisoners, with such comments as we think proper, and that we propose to you a full discussion of the whole question, promising to publish your articles in full if you will reciprocate.

Awaiting your reply, I am, yours very respectfully,

J. William Jones, Secretary Southern Historical Society.

To this letter we have received no reply.

But in The Nation for May 10th, we find the following among the notes: The April number of the <orgName n="Southern Historical Society" type="society">Southern Historical Society</orgName> papers republishes in full the criticism published in these columns of its articles on the Treatment of Prisoners at the South, with comments. It proposes a full discussion of the whole question, promising to publish your [our] articles in full, provided you [we] will reciprocate. We are compelled to decline this polite offer for want of space.

Want of space is a very good excuse; but there are those (unreasoning Rebels the Nation would probably call them) who will be uncharitable enough to conclude that the real reason why this able champion declines the discussion is not so much want of space as the want of facts and arguments to put into the space--that The Nation is more fully convinced than it is willing to admit that the stain upon the National honor can be best wiped out, not by a manly discussion, but by silence and forgetfulness.

For ourselves, while we claim no special experience or skill in the field of polemics, we feel that our position on this question is so impregnably fortified by the facts, that we stand ready to defend it against all comers.

The Philadelphia Weekly times is publishing a series of annals of the war written by both Confederate and Federal actors in the great drama. The papers are well written, and exceedingly interesting, and some of them valuable contributions to the history of the stirring events to which they relate. At some future time we propose to notice some of the articles in detail. But we can only say now that Confederates will thank the Times for allowing its readers to see so much of our side of the story (e. g., Judge Ould's able and unanswerable statement of the Exchange question). We are very glad to be able to see the other side presented in papers which are, in the main, so courteous, and which are so much fairer than our experience has led us to expect from that side.

The appreciation of competent Judges of the work in which we are engaged has been very gratifying. Not only has the press been warm in its commendation of the interest and value of our work, but we have also received private assurances from leading Confederates, from friends in Europe, and from prominent Northern soldiers, that our publications have been of great historic value. We have rarely alluded to this in our Papers, and do it now only because we feel that we ought to let our readers see the following letter from ex-President Davis, whose opinions in reference to anything pertaining to Confederate history ought to have (and do have) the highest consideration with our people.

We give his letter entire, and beg that our friends will catch its spirit, and give us practical proof of their interest by sustaining us in our work, and asking others to help us. Mississippi city, Harrison county, Miss., 15th May, 1877. Rev. J. William Jones, Secretary:

My Dear Sir — I have read with great satisfaction the back numbers of the Papers of the Southern Historical Society. The future historian, to do justice to our cause and conduct, will require the material which can only be furnished by contemporaneous witnesses, and a great debt is due to the Society, and especially to you, for what you have done and are doing to save, while there is yet time, the scattered records and unwritten recollections of the events of the war against the Southern States.

Various causes, and not the least among them, such entire confidence in the rightousness of our cause as gives assurance of a favorable verdict, have prevented our people from presenting, or even carefully preserving, the material on which the verdict must be rendered by future generations.

The Society has done much in exposing and refuting the current slanders in regard to the treatment of prisoners of war. That was most needful for the restoration of good feeling, and should be welcome, beyond the limits of the vindicated, even to all who respect truth and eschew deception.

There are many brilliant exploits, concerning some of which there are no official reports extant. In such cases, the recollection of actors would be a valuable contribution to our war history. You have done so much to excite a willingness to furnish the material for history, that it may be hoped you will be able to draw from those to whom it is rather a dread than a pleasure to see themselves in print, special statements, such as any one can prepare who can write a business letter. It is not syle, but facts which are to be regarded.

With the hope that the interest felt by the public in the patriotic work of the Society will be increased by the manifestation of its power for usefulness, and with cordial regard for you personally,

I am, yours faithfully,

Jefferson Davis.

Contributions to our archives continue to come in and are always acceptable.

Since our last we acknowledge, among others, the following:

From Yates Snowden, Esq., of Charleston, South Carolina--Bible view of slavery, by Rev. M. J. Raphall, M. A., Ph. Dr., Rabbi preacher at the Synagogue,

Green street

, New York. Declaration of the causes of the Secession of South Carolina, together with the Ordinance of Secession and its signers. Address of the people of South Carolina to the people of the slave-holding States; printed by order of the Convention in 1860. Fast-day sermon of Rev. James H. Elliott, November 21st, 1860. Report on the address of a portion of the members of the General Assembly of Georgia, 1860. The Battle of Fort Sumpter, April 13th, 1861. The correspondence of the Commissioners of South Carolina and the President of the United States, together with the statement of Messrs. Miles and Keitt. Hon. Jere Black on Wilson and Stanton, and Thurlow Weed on Early Incidents of the Rebellion. Journal of the Proceedings of the General Council of the Protestant Episcopal church in the Confederate States of America, held in Augusta, Georgia, November 12-22, 1862. In Memoriam of George Alfred Trenholm. Ninth Annual Report of the Home for the Mothers, Widows and Daughters of the Confederate soldiers. Map of Mobile Bay. Map of Charleston Harbor. Mr. Snowden has been a warm friend of the Society, and a frequent contributor to its archives.

From Graves Renfroe, Esq., of Talladega, Alabama--The Cradle of the <rs>Confederacy</rs>, or the Times of Troup, Quitman and Yancey, by Joseph Hodgson, of Mobile, Alabama, 1876. Speech of Hon. William L. Yancey, of Alabama, delivered in the National Democratic Convention, Charleston, April 28th, 1860.

From Rev. H. E. Hayden, Brownsville, Pennsylvania--Report of Adjutant-General of Pennsylvania for 1863.

From ex-Governor John Letcher--Report of General Charles Dimmock, Chief of Ordnance of Virginia, of February 9th, 1863. Governor Letcher is constantly placing the Society under obligations for valuable papers and documents, and promises still others in future.

Major J. M. McCue, of Rockingham--Several newspapers of value.

From Graham Daves, Esq., of Wilmington, North Carolina--Roster of the Confederate officers who, while prisoners of war, were placed under fire of dour own guns at Morris Island.

From Colonel William Allan, of Baltimore (former Chief of Ordnance, Second Corps, Army of Northern Virginia)--Two papers on the battle of Gettysburg-valuable additions to our series.

From Robert Clarke & Co., Cincinnati--The Washington-Crawford letters concerning Western lands, arranged and annotated by C. W. Butterfield.

From R. M. J. Paynter, Esq., of Richmond--The loan of files of telegrams sent from the Confederate army headquarters on the south side of James river, May, June, August and September, 1864. Many of these telegrams are autographs of Generals R. E. Lee, Beauregard, Ransom, Hoke, Heth, Pickett, &c., and are both interesting and valuable.

From the Wisconsin State Historical Society--Catalogue for 1873-1875, in three volumes.

From General C. M. Wilcox--A paper on the defence of Fort Gregg.

From Captain W. L. Ritter, Secretary Society of the Army and Navy of the Confederate States in Maryland--Resolutions passed by the Society on the death of General Cooper.