Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, who won distinction both as a soldier and as a citizen, for the State of Maine, and for the whole country, was born in Brewer, Maine, September 8, 1828. His parental lineage is traced back to England, but on the mother's side he is descended from Jean Dupuis, who came, in 1685, with other Huguenots, from La Rochelle to Boston. Young Chamberlain was brought up in the country district of Brewer. As Greek was not included in the curriculum of the school where he prepared for college, with the aid of a tutor he attacked that language at home, and in six months, at the age of nineteen, had mastered the amount required for entrance to Bowdoin. In his college course, he took honors in every department. After his graduation in 1852, he entered the Theological Seminary at Bangor, and for several years gave attention to the reading of theology, and of church history in Latin and German. His work included the study of the Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic languages. He earned an ample income for his sojourn in the seminary by teaching classes of young ladies the German language and Literature, while he also served as Supervisor of Schools in his native town of Brewer. He continued his interest in Sunday-school work, helping to maintain a flourishing school some three miles from Bangor.

In 1856, as a result of his Master's oration on Law and liberty, he was appointed instructor in Bowdoin in Natural and Revealed Religion, a post that had been vacated by Professor Stowe. A year later, he was elected a Professor of Rhetoric and Oratory, which place he held for four years. In 1861, he was elected Professor of Modern Languages, and in July, 1862, was granted leave of absence for two years for the purpose of pursuing studies in Europe. The need at this time of the Republic for all its able-bodied citizens caused him, however, to give up the European trip and to offer his services for action in the field. In August, 1862, he went to the front as Lieutenant-Colonel of the Twentieth Regiment of Maine Volunteers. In May, he received commission as Colonel, the duty of which post he had been fulfilling for some months. His regiment was included with the Fifth Corps, and at Gettysburg on the second of July, 1863, it held the extreme left of the Union line. Colonel Chamberlain's conduct in the memorable defense of Little Round Top (a position which with admirable judgment had been seized by General Warren) was recognized by the Government in the bestowal of the Congressional Medal of Honor for conspicuous personal gallantry and distinguished service.

After Gettysburg, Colonel Chamberlain was placed in command of the Light Brigade, which he handled with marked skill in the action at Rappahannock Station. The wounds received in that battle made necessary retirement for a time to the Georgetown Hospital, but during his convalesence he gave valuable service as member of a Court-Martial. He returned to the front in May, 1864, when General Warren, at that time in command of the Fifth Corps then stationed at Spottsylvania, made Colonel Chamberlain the commander of a forlorn hope of nine regiments which had been selected to make a night assault on the enemy's works. The position was gained, but Chamberlain found his line outflanked, and was compelled to withdraw under heavy fire. Shortly after the action at Cold Harbor, while still holding the rank of Colonel, he was placed in charge of six regiments, consolidated as a veteran brigade. With this brigade, he made a charge on the enemy's main works at Petersburg, as a result of which action he was promoted on the field by General Grant to the rank of Brigadier-General for gallant conduct in leading his brigade against the superior force of the enemy and for meritorious service throughout the campaign. Such promotion on the field was most exceptional, and there is possibly no other instance during the war. In this charge General Chamberlain was seriously wounded, and his death was in fact announced. His life was saved through the activity of his brother Thomas, late Colonel of the Twentieth Maine, and the skill and tireless fidelity of the regimental surgeon, Dr. Shaw.

During the last campaign of the war, General Chamberlain, with two brigades, led the advance of the infantry with Sheridan, and in the fight on the Quaker Road he was twice wounded and his horse was shot under him. For his conspicuous gallantry in this action, he was promoted to the brevet rank of Major-General. In the fight at

History is written for the most part from the outside. Truth often suffers distortion by reason of the point of view of the narrator, some pre-occupation of his judgment or fancy not only as to relative merits but even as to facts in their real relations. An interior view may not be without some personal coloring. But it must be of interest, especially in important transactions, to know how things appeared to those actually engaged in them. Action and passion on such a scale must bear some thoughts that run before and after. It has been deemed a useful observance to see ourselves as others see us, but it may sometimes be conducive to a just comprehension of the truth to let others see us as we see ourselves.

The view here presented is of things as they appeared to us who were concerned with them as subordinate commanders,--having knowledge, however, of the general plan, and a share in the responsibility for its execution. This is a chapter of experiences,--including in this term not only what was done, but what was known and said and thought and felt,--not to say, suffered; and in its darkest passages showing a steadfast purpose, patience, and spirit of obedience deserving of record even if too often without recompense, until the momentous consummation.

These memoirs are based on notes made nearly at the time of the events which they describe. They give what may be called an interior view of occurrences on the front of the Fifth Corps, Army of the Potomac, during the last essay in Grant's Virginia campaign. This was so distinctive in character, conditions, and consequences, that I have ventured to entitle it The last campaign of the armies.

I trust this narrative may not seem to arrogate too much for the merits of the Fifth Corps. No eminence is claimed for it beyond others in that campaign. But the circumstance that this Corps was assigned to an active part with Sheridan during the period chiefly in view — the envelopment and final out-flanking of Lee's army warrants the prominence given in this review.

It may be permitted to hope that this simple recital may throw some light on a passage of the history of this Corps, the record of which has been obscured in consequence of the summary change of commanders early in the campaign.

The Fifth Corps had a certain severity of reputation quite distinctive in the comradeship of the army. Early in its history, Porter's Division — the nucleus of it-had drawn the especial praise of General McClellan for its soldierly bearing and proficiency, being unfortunately referred to in orders as a model for the rest of the army. This had the effect of creating on the part of others a feeling of jealousy towards that Division or an opposition to apparent favoritism shown its commander, which was extended to the whole Corps on its formation in the summer of 1862, when the Regulars were assigned to it as its Second Division, and the choice Pennsylvania Reserves became its Third Division. This feeling certainly was neither caused nor followed by anything like boastfulness or self-complacency on the part of the Fifth Corps; but, if anything, created a sense of responsibility and willingness to endure hardness as good soldiers to make good their reputation. And no doubt the discipline of the Corps was quite severe. Most of its commanding officers in the superior grades were West Pointers, and experienced officers of the old army, and prided themselves on strict observance of Army Regulations and military habitudes. The required personal relations between officers and men were quite novel and but slowly acquiesced in by volunteers who were firstclass citizens at home,--many of them equal to their official superiors. For example: my young brother, Tom, when a private in my regiment came sometimes to see me in my tent, but would not think of sitting down in my presence unless specially invited to do so. But he went home from Appomattox Lieutenant-Colonel of his regiment and Brevet-Colonel of United States Volunteers--and this on his own merits, not through any suggestion of mine.

Passages in the history of the Corps had endeared its members to each other, and brought out soldierly pride and manly character; but boastful assertion and just glorification of their Corps were remarkably less manifest among its members than with those of every one of the other splendid Corps of the Army of the Potomac.

It may not be improper to state here that there was a manifest prejudice against the Fifth Corps at Government Headquarters,--particularly at Stanton's,--on account of the supposed attachment for McClellan and Porter among its members. This was believed to be the reason why no promotion to the rank of General Officers was made in this Corps for a long time, unless secured by political influence. Brigades and even divisions were in many cases commanded by colonels of State regiments. This worked a great injustice in the fact that officers of similar commands in the different Corps were not of similar relative rank, and some were therefore unduly subordinated to those who were not in fact their superiors in service. There was also a practical injustice in the added expense of supporting headquarters above lineal rank, which, with no extra pay or allowance, quite cancelled the compliment.

It had not been the habit in the Fifth Corps to encourage detailed reports on the part of subordinates, and in the rush and pressure of this last campaign there was less opportunity or care than ever for such matters, and the impressiveness of its momentous close left little disposition to multiply words upon subordinate parts or participants. The fact also of an early and sudden change in the grand tactics of the campaign confused the significance and sometimes the identity of important movements; and the change of commanders in the crisis of its most important battle induced consequences which, even in official reports and testimony afterwards called for, affected the motive in sharply defining actions where personal concern had come to be an embarrassing factor.

Very naturally, the immediate reports of those days are meager in the extreme; and very much of what has come out since, partaking of official character, has been under the disadvantage of being elicited as ex parte testimony before military tribunals where the highest military officers of the Government were parties, and the attitudes of plaintiff and defendant almost inevitably biased expression.

In the strange lull after the surrender of Lee and the sudden release from intense action and responsibility, but as yet in the field and in the active habit not readily relinquished, it occurred to me, impressed with the deep-wrought visions of those tragic days, to write down, while fresh in mind and mood, some salient facts of that last campaign, within my personal knowledge and observation, to serve for fireside memories in after years, and for the satisfaction of some others who had given of their best for the great issues in which these scenes were involved.

It has been suggested to me of late that these reminiscences might be of interest to a wider circle whose hearts respond to the story of things done and suffered for truth and honor's sake, which they would have gladly shared in their own persons. In preparing for this more exacting demand I have availed myself of additional material which, in the later consolidations in the Fifth Corps, successive assignments brought into my hands: particularly the office-copy of the Corps field-orders for the last campaign, and also the invaluable original records of the Medical Inspector of the Corps for that period. Later, came the (now suppressed) volumes of the records of the Warren Court of Inquiry, and the extensive Records of the War of the Rebellion. In revising this personal memoir, I have diligently consulted these, but have found no occasion to correct or modify the account given from my own point of view, however limited. Qualifying or corroborative testimony from these sources, when introduced, has been clearly indicated.

I confess some embarrassments of a personal nature in giving forth certain passages of this record. These facts, however simply stated, cannot but have some bearing on points which have been drawn into controversy on the part of persons who were dear to me as commanders and companions in arms, and who have grown still dearer in the intimacies of friendship since the war. Alas! that no one of them can answer my greeting across the bar. I feel therefore under increased responsibility in recounting these things, but assure myself that I know of no demand of personality or partisanship which should make me doubtful of my ability to tell the truth as I saw and knew it, or distrust my judgment in forming an opinion.

It was a dreamy camp along the lines investing Petersburg in the winter following the all-summer campaign of 1864,--that never-to-be-forgotten, most dismal of years. Although shadowed at the very beginning by melancholy tokens of futile endeavor and grievous losses,--consolidations of commands which obliterated the place and name of proud and beloved corps and divisions,flags made sacred by heroic service and sacrifice of noble manhood now folded away with tender reverence, or perhaps by special favor permitted to be borne beside those of new assignments, bearing the commanding presence of great memories, pledge and talisman of unswerving loyalty, though striking sorrow to every heart that knew their history,--yet this seemed not to make for weakness but rather for settled strength. We started out full of faith and hope under the new dispensation, resolved at all events to be worthy of our past and place.

Now all was over. The summer had passed, and the harvest was but of death. New and closer consolidations, more dreary obliterations, brought the survivors nearer together.

For this dismal year had witnessed that ever repeated, prolific miracle,--the invisible, ethereal soul of man resisting and overcoming the material forces of nature; scorning the inductions of logic, reason, and experience, persisting in its purpose and identity; this elusive apparition between two worlds unknown, deemed by some to be but the chance product of intersecting vortices of atoms and denied to be even a force, yet outfacing the solid facts of matter and time, defying disaster and dissolution, and, by a most real metempsychosis, transmitting its imperishable purpose to other hearts with the cumulative courage of immortal energies.

Give but the regard of a glance to the baldest outline of what was offered and suffered, given and taken, lost and held, in that year of tragedy. That long-drawn, tete baissee (bull-headed), zig-zag race from the Rapidan to the Appomattox; that desperate, inch-worm advance along a front of fire, with writhing recoil at every touch; that reiterated dissolving view of death and resurrection: the Wilderness, Spottsylvania, the North Anna, Cold Harbor, Petersburg; unspoken, unspeakable history. Call back that roseate May morning, all the springs of life athrill, that youthful army pressing the bridges of the Rapidan, flower of Northern homes, thousands upon thousands; tested in valor, disciplined by experience, hearts swelling with manly courage, confident trust, and supreme devotion,--to be plunged straightway into hell-like horrors; the murderous maze where desperate instinct replaced impossible tactics; men mowing each other down almost at hand-reach, invisible each to each till the flaming muzzles cut lurid windows through the matted brush and bramble walls, and underneath the darkened woods low-lying cannon and bursting shells set the earth itself on fire, and wrapped in winding sheets of flame unnumbered, thick-strewn bodies of dead and dying, never to be found or known on earth again.

Then the rushing, forced flank-movements, known and overmatched by the ever alert enemy; followed by reckless front attacks, where highest valor was deepest loss; buffetings on bloody angles; butcherings in slaughter pens,--all the way down to the fateful Chickahominy once more — a campaign under fire for twenty-seven days and nights together; morning reports at last not called for, and when we asked explanation our superiors answered,--confidentially, lest it seem disloyal: Because the country would not stand it, if they knew.

What wonder that men who have passed through such things together,--no matter on which side arrayed,--should be wrought upon by that strange power of a common suffering which so divinely passes into the power of a common love.

A similar fate befell the new hope kindled by Grant's sudden change to a new base of operations,--a movement bold if not hazardous, being practically a change of front under fire for the whole army on a grand scale. Skillfully withdrawing from the enemy's front by secret orders and forced marches, swiftly crossing the James River on transports and pontoons, hurrying forward to strike a surprise on weakly-defended Petersburg, and thus cut Lee's main communications and turn his entire position-seemed good generalship. But the bold plan and generous following stultified by confusion of understandings and supine delays of subordinates, brought all to nought once more with terrible recoil and reckoning. Then the long slow fever of profitless minor action and wasteful inaction, with the strange anomaly of a mutual siege; crouching in trenches, skulking under bombproofs and covered ways, lining parapets where to show a head was to lure a bullet, picketing a crowded hostile front where the only tenure of life was the tacit understanding of a common humanity, perpetual harassing by spasmodic raid or futile dash, slow creepings flankward yet never nearer the main objective;--such was the wearisome, wearing experience, month after month, the new year bringing no sign nor hope that anything better could be done on that line than had been so dearly and vainly tried before.

The resultant mood of such a front was not relieved by what reached us from the rear. The long-suffering, and helpless grief of homes; the sore-tried faith and patience of the whole North almost faltering; recruiting disenchanted, supplemented by enormous bounties and finally by draft and conscription; newspapers jeering at the impotence of the army; self-seeking politicians at the Capitol plotting against the President; hosts of spoilsmen at all points seizing advantage of the country's distress, enriching themselves out of the generous, hard-earned offerings to meet her needs and repair her losses; cabal and favoritism in places of power, perpetrating a thousand injustices upon officers and soldiers in the field;--through all this, seen and known and felt, from first to last, these men of the Army of the Potomac,--godlike, if something short of sainthood,--this army, on which the heaviest brunt had fallen and was to fall, held up its heart where it could not hold up its head; with loyalty unswerving, obedience unquestioning, courage that asks not cheer, and devotion out-vying all that life holds dearest or death most terrible.

This army-but what army? Is this identity a thing of substance, or spirit, or of name only? Is this the army which bright as its colors thronged the bridges of the Rapidan on that May morning less than a year before, and vanished into the murk of the Wilderness? Or is it scarcely the half of them; stern-faced by realities, saddened and perchance also strengthened by visions of the lost, the places of these filled by fresh youth's vicarious offering, united as one by the comradeship of arms and strong with the contagion of soul?

But perhaps this vein of emotion is tiresome. Let us seek relief in figures,--which some people regard as the only reliable facts.

The number of men of all arms present for duty equipped in the Army of the Potomac at the opening of Grant's campaign, as shown by the consolidated morning reports of May 4, 1864, was 97,162. In the Annual Report of Secretary Stanton, November 22, 1865, this total is stated as 120,384. He evidently takes the number as borne upon the rolls in his office, which by no means always agrees with the field lists of those present for duty equipped, the absent on leave or detail, or otherwise, being usually at a high percentage of the total. The careful compilation of Adjutant-General Drum made from official field returns at this time gives the number present for duty equipped at 97,273-in remarkable agreement with the figures taken in the field.

Compare the admirable showing of that clear-headed officer, General A. A. Humphreys, Virginia Campaign, Appendix, p. 409.

Grant's general plan involved an alternative: to cut Lee's communications or turn the right flank of his entrenched line, and in case of the success of either, to take Petersburg by direct front attack. To carry out this plan he appointed Sheridan with the cavalry of the Army of the Shenandoah, two divisions, under General Merritt, and the cavalry division now commanded by General Crook, formerly belonging to the Army of the Potomac. He was to have the Fifth Corps as infantry support, to be followed, if necessary, by the Second Corps. General Meade, commanding the Army of the Potomac, was to accompany the movement. The former places of these corps on the left of our entrenchments before Petersburg, were to be taken by troops of the Army of the James. On the right of these, our Sixth and Ninth Corps were to hold their old positions in front of Petersburg, ready to break through the enemy's works if they should be stripped somewhat of troops by the necessity of meeting our assault on their right.

The scope of Grant's intentions may be understood from an extract from his orders to Sheridan, March 28, 1865:

The Fifth Army Corps will move by the Vaughan Road at three A. M. to-morrow morning. The Second moves at about nine A. M. . . . Move your cavalry at as early an hour as you can, . . . and passing to or through Dinwiddie, reach the right and rear of the enemy as soon as you can. It is not the intention to attack the enemy in his entrenched position, but to force him out, if possible. Should he come out and attack us, or get himself where he can be attacked, move in with your entire force in your own way, and with full reliance that the army will engage or follow the enemy as circumstances will dictate. I shall be on the field, and will probably be able to communicate with you. Should I not do so, and you find that the enemy keeps within his main entrenched line, you may cut loose and push for the Danville Road. If you find it practicable, I would like you to cross the Southside Road between Petersburg and Burkesville, and destroy it to some extent. . . . After having accomplished the destruction of the two railroads, which are now the only avenues of supply to Lee's army, you may return to this army or go on into North Carolina and join General Sherman. . ..

General Grant evidently intended to rely more on tactics than strategy in this opening. In his personal letter to General Sherman, of March 22d, giving the details of his plans for Sheridan's movement, he adds: I shall start out with no distinct view, further than holding Lee's forces from following Sheridan. But I shall be along myself, and will take advantage of anything that turns up.

The general plan was that Sherman should work his way up to Burkesville, and thus cut off Lee's communications, and force him to come out of his entrenchments and fight on equal terms. Sherman says he and General Grant expected that one of them would have to fight one more bloody battle. He also makes the characteristic remark that his army at Goldsboro was strong enough to fight Lee's army and Johnston's combined, if Grant would come up within a day or two.

Sherman's Memoirs, vol. II., p. 325. This seems to imply a reflection on the fighting qualities of the Army of the Potomac, as at that time Sherman's army did not exceed in number the Army of the Potomac but by six thousand men. But it must be remembered that the Army of the Potomac confronted an enemy covered by entrenched works for sixteen miles,--a circumstance which gave the Confederates the great advantage of three to one in effective numbers.

It will be observed that we had abundance of commanders independent among each other,--Sheridan, Meade, and Ord commanding the Army of the James, subordinate only to Grant who was present in the field. The result of this the sequel will show.

We were all good friends,--those who were to constitute the turning column. Warren of our Fifth Corps had once commanded the Second; Humphreys of the Second had formerly commanded a division in the Fifth; Miles, division commander in the Second, had won his spurs in the Fifth; Meade, commanding the army, had been corps commander of the Fifth. Crook's cavalry division of our army, now about to go to Sheridan, had been our pet and pride; Sheridan was an object of admiration and awe.

Of the Fifth Corps, the division commanders of the First and Second were Griffin and Ayres of the regular artillery, and veterans of the Mexican War, who had served with their batteries in the Fifth Corps early in its career; and Crawford of the Third, who was with Anderson at Fort Sumter, was identified with the Pennsylvania Reserves, whose whole history was closely connected with this Corps.

As for the First Division, the morning report for March 29, 1865, showed 6547 men present for duty. This number being on various duty elsewhere or sick in hospital was 4000 short of its full ranks. The remnants of the old First Division had been consolidated into the Third Brigade, formerly my own, consisting of about 3000 men, commanded by the able General Joseph J. Bartlett of the Sixth Corps. The Second Brigade, about 1750, commanded by the experienced and conscientious Colonel Edgar M. Gregory, of the gist Pennsylvania Volunteers, Brevet Brigadier-General of Volunteers, consisted of three new regiments from New York, the 187th, the 188th, and 189th, new regiments but mostly old soldiers. My own brigade, the First, consisting of like new regiments, had about 450 short of its normal numbers, mustering 1750 men for duty. These regiments were the 198th Pennsylvania, composed of fourteen full companies, being a special command for a veteran and brave officer, Colonel Horatio G. Sickel, Brevet Brigadier-General, and the 185th New York, a noble body of men of high capability and character, and a well-disciplined regiment now commanded by Colonel Gustave Sniper, an able man and thorough soldier.

Gregory and Sickel had both ranked me formerly as Colonels, but accepted the new relations with sincerity and utmost courtesy.

The ground about to be traversed by us is flat and swampy, and cut up by sluggish streams which, after every rain, become nearly impassable. The soil is a mixture of clay and sand, quite apt in wet weather to take the character of sticky mire or of quicksands. The principal roads for heavy travel have to be corduroyed or overlaid with plank. The streams for the most part find their way southeasterly into the tributaries of the Chowan River. Some, however, flow northeasterly into the waters of the Appomattox. Our available route was along the divide of these waters.

The principal road leading out westerly from Petersburg is the Boydton Plank Road, for the first ten miles nearly parallel with the Appomattox, and distant from it from three to six miles. The Southside Railroad is between the Boydton Road and the river. South of the Boydton is the Vaughan Road; the first section lying in rear of our main entrenchments, but from our extreme left at Hatcher's Run inclining towards the Boydton Road, being only two miles distant from it at Dinwiddie Court House. Five miles east of this place the Quaker Road, called by persons of another mood, the

With customary cognizance of our purposes and plans, Lee had on the 28th of March ordered General Fitzhugh Lee with his division of cavalry — about 1300 strong — from the extreme left of his lines near Hanover Court House, to the extreme right in the vicinity of Five Forks, this being four or five miles beyond Lee's entrenched right, at which point it was thought Sheridan would attempt to break up the Southside Railroad. Longstreet had admonished him that the next move would be on his communications, urging him to put a sufficient force in the field to meet this. Our greater danger, he said, is from keeping too close within our trenches.

Manassas to Appomattox, p. 588.

After such a day and night as that of the 31st of March, 1865, the morning of April 1st found the men of the Fifth Corps strangely glad they were alive. They had experienced a kaleidoscopic regeneration. They were ready for the next new turn-whether of Fortunatus or Torquemada. The tests of ordinary probation had been passed. All the effects of humiliation, fasting, and prayer, believed to sink the body and exalt the spirit, had been fully wrought in them. At the weird midnight trumpet-call they rose from their sepulchral fields as those over whom death no longer has any power. Their pulling out for the march in the ghostly mists of dawn looked like a passage in the transmigration of souls — not sent back to work out the remnant of their sins as animals, but lifted to the third plane by those three days of the underworld,--eliminating sense, incorporating soul.

The vicissitudes of that day, and the grave and whimsical experiences out of which we emerged into it, exhibited the play of that curious law of the universe seen in tides, reactions, or reversals of polarities at certain points of tension or extremes of pressure, and which appears also in the mixed relations of men and things. There are pressure-points of experience at which the insupportably disagreeable becomes a jolly good time. When you cannot move in the line of least resistance, you take a very peculiar pleasure in crowding the point of greatest resistance. No doubt there is in the ultimate reasons of human probation special place for that quality of manhood called perseverance, patience, pluck, push, persistence, pertinacity, or whatever name beginning with this explosive mute, the excess of which, exhibited by persons or things, is somewhat profanely referred to as pure cussedness.

The pleasantries associated with April 1st were not much put in play: none of those men were going to be fooled that day.

When we joined the cavalry, some of us were aware of a little shadow cast between the two chief luminaries,--him of the cavalry and him of the infantry; but that by no means darkened our disks. If not hale fellows, we were well met. The two arms of the service embraced each other heartily, glad to share fortunes. Particularly we; for the cavalry had the habit of being a little ahead, and so, as the Germans said, got all the pullets. And we thought the cavalry, though a little piqued at our not going down and picking up what they had left at Dinwiddie the night before, were quite willing we should share whatever they should get to-day. Sheridan had also come to the opinion that infantry was a good thing to have around, --however by some queer break in the hierarchy of honor subordinated to the chevaliers, the biped to the quadruped, and by some freak of etymology named infantry --the speechless-whether because they had nothing to answer for, or knew too much and mustn't tell. We were glad to be united to Sheridan, too, after the broken engagements of the day before, perhaps renewed reluctantly by him; glad to fight under him, instead of away from him, hoping that when he really struck, the enemy would hurt more than friends.

We cannot wonder that Sheridan might not be in the best of humor that morning. It is not pleasant for a temperament like his to experience the contradiction of having the ardent expectations of himself and his superior turned into disaster and retreat. It was but natural that he should be incensed against Warren. For not deeply impressed with the recollection that he had found himself unable to go to the assistance of Warren as he had been ordered to do, his mind retained the irritation of vainly expecting assistance from Warren the moment he desired it, without considering what Warren might have on hand at the same time. Nor could Warren be expected to be in a very exuberant mood after such a day and night. Hence the auguries for the cup of loving-kindness on this crowning day of Five Forks were not favorable. Each of them was under the shadow of yesterday: one, of a mortifying repulse; the other, of thankless success. Were Warren a mind-reader he would have known it was a time to put on a warmer manner towards Sheridan,--for a voice of doom was in the air.

That morning, two hours after the head of the Fifth Corps column had reported to General Sheridan, an officer of the artillery staff had occasion to find where the Fifth Corps was, evidently not knowing that under orders from superiors it had been like all Gaul, divided into three parts,and went for that purpose to the point where Warren had had his headquarters the night before. Warren, in leaving at daybreak, had not removed his headquarters' material; but in consideration for his staff, who had been on severe duty all night, told Colonel Locke, Captain Melcher, and a few others to stay and take a little rest before resuming the tasking duties of the coming day. It was about nine o'clock in the morning when the artillery officer reached Warren's old headquarters, and suddenly rousing Colonel Locke asked where the Fifth Corps was. Locke, so abruptly wakened, his sound sleep bridging the break of his last night's consciousness, rubbed his eyes, and with dazed simplicity answered that when he went to sleep the Fifth Corps was halted to build a bridge at Gravelly Run on the Plank Road. No time was lost in reporting this at headquarters, without making further inquiries as to the whereabouts of the Fifth Corps, now for three hours with Sheridan on the