ga\r—takes up a)/rxetai and introduces the narrative. So c. 49, to\ me\n gar e)/tos takes up dhlw/sw. e)ne/meinan—the aor. of a single historical fact. M. T. 56, 57 (sometimes called ‘complexive).’

*eu)boi/as a(/lwsin—Euboea revolted at the same time as Megara, 445 B.C. See I. 114, 115. The place of the article is taken by the gen., as often. Cf. I. 1 dia\ xro/nou plh=qos. Comparing this phrase with c. 49, 4 meta\ tau=ta lwfh/santa, VI. 3, 3 meta\ *surakou/sas oi)kisqei/sas, II 68 a)po\ tw=n *)amprakiwtw=n cunoikhsa/ntwn, VI. 80, 2, and similar predicative uses of the partic. collected by Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 28, we might suppose that Thuc. could have written meta\ *eu)/boian a(lou=san, just as below we have e)pi\ *xrusi/dos i(erwme/nhs, but, with the solitary exception of a(/ma with expressions of time, as a)/ma tw=| si/tw| a)kma/zonti, it is improbable that this convenient use of the partic. was ever employed unless the expression made sense without the partic., which would not be the case here. This convenient use is of course much commoner in Latin than in Greek.

e)pi\ *xrusi/dos —Argos, though humbled by Sparta, 495 B.C., was still the third state in Greece. The Argives reckoned by the number of years during which the priestess of Hera had held office. Hellanicus had written a work on the Priestesses of Argos, using them as marks for the dates.

*ai)nhsi/ou—sc. e)pi/: so with *puqodw/rou. e)fo/rou—i.e. the Ephor e)pw/numos. The omission of o)/ntos, for which cf. v. 25, 1, is rare except in dates. e)fo/rou o)/ntos = e)foreu/ontos. te/ssaras mh=nas—the archons entered on office on the 1st of Hecatombaeon, which in 431 B.C. fell on August 1st. To express a period of time, the pres. (or imperf.) or perf. (or pluperf.) participle is used: to supply the reference to the completion of the period, (a) h)/dh is added, in primary sequence, which becomes to/te in secondary sequence: both refer to a period past at the time of speaking: (b) e)/ti referring to the completion of a period in the future. Thus v. 112, 2 ou)/t' e)n o)li/gw| xro/nw| po/lews e(ptako/sia e)/th h)/dh oi)koume/nhs th\n e)leuqeri/an a)fairhso/meqa, and observe to/te i(erwme/nhs and e)/ti a)/rxontos here. The four months are Elaphebolion, Munychion, Thargelion, Scirophorion.

*)aqhnai/ois—cf. 1. 93 a)rxh\n a)/rxein *)aqhnai/ois, but in v. 25 a)/rxontos *)aqh/nhsi. The dative is probably local. Cf. c. 86 and 92 a)po\ tw=n *)aqhnai/wn for a)po\ tw=n *)aqhnw=n. [

meta\ th\n mhni\ e(/ktw|]. Reasons for regarding these words as a later addition to the text are 1. Nearly a year (I. 125) intervened between the day on which the allies of Sparta decided to go to war and the first invasion of Attica (c. 19). Between the battle of Potidaea and the decision came the events recorded in I.63-88, 118-125. The invasion was 80 days after the attempt on Plataea (c. 19). So for the period between the battle at Potidaea and the attempt on Plataea we get nearly a year minus 80 days and the time occupied by the events of I. 63-88, 118-125. The result must clearly be more than six months But Lipsius' e(/ktw| kai\ deka/tw| probably gives too much time: thus, from battle at Potidaea to attempt on Plataea = 15 months; from attempt on Plataea to invasion of Attica = 80 days. Total about 17 1/2 months. Deducting nearly a year for the time between the decision of the allies and the invasion, we get about 6 1/2 months, at least, for the events of I.63-88, 118-125. These events were as follows: the Athenians built a wall on the north side of Potidaea and garrisoned it. After a considerable interval (xro/nw| u(/steron) Phormio was sent from Athens with 1600 hoplites. He spent some time on the road (kata\ braxu\ proiw/n). On arriving, he built a wall south of Potidaea. The Corinthians called a meeting of allies at Sparta. The Spartans sent to Delphi. Then a general meeting of allies was held at Sparta. at which the decision was come to. It is not clear whether the Corinthians proposed the first meeting after the north wall was built, or only after the south wall was finished. It is however highly improbable that they waited to take action till Potidaea was completely shut in; for they were most anxious about Potidaea, and were anxious to force on war. The Athenians would occupy about a month in building the north wall. Thus the Corinthians probably suggested the meeting about 40 days after the battle. Thus, the whole time would only be about 40 days + the time taken in the mission to Delphi and the calling of the second meeting. 2. The bracketed words give no additional indication of the date of the attempt on Plataea. Thuc. wishes to be precise here, but he has given no definite indication of the date of the battle at Potidaea, nor was it necessary to do so. He says (1) the decision of the allies was some 11 months before the invasion, (2) the invasion was 80 days after the attempt. All that could be found from mhni\ e(/ktw| would be the date of the battle of Potidaea. If any event were here referred to it would rather be the decision of the allies.

a(/ma h)=ri a)rxome/nw|—the last day of Anthesterion, in 431 April 4th. See c. 4, 2

boiwtarxou=ntes—the 11 chiefs of the Boeotian confederacy, of whom Thebes elected two, the other cities one each.

peri\ prw=ton u(/pnon—cf. VII. 43 a)po\ prw/tou u(/pnou. When the article is omitted with expressions of time, a preposition is usually present, except with h(me/ras and nukto/s. See Rutherford, Syntax, p. 4. There were three watches, the first beginning about 10 o'clock.

cu\n o(/plois—in later Attic, except Xenophon, su\n has only two uses; (1) the old phrase su\n (toi=s) qeoi=s, (2) in enumerating things which are thrown together in a sum total; so that su\n is very rare with persons, and it never implies a willing connection. Andoc. II. 7 to\n pate/ra su\n e)mautw=| a)poktei=nai. Of (1) Thuc. has 1 example, II. 86; of (2) 11 examples, e.g. (a) with things—c. 13, 77,; v. 26 cu\n tw=| prw/tw| pole/mw| tosau=ta e)/th. Cf. VII. 42; VIII. 90, 95: (b) with persons, comparatively common in Thuc., I. 12; II. 6, 13; IV. 124; v. 74. Besides these, Thuc. has the old military phrase, cu\n (toi=s) o(/plois, 8 times. Cf. Eur. Hec. 112. Aristoph. Nub, 560. In the same class fall cu\n e(ni\ i(mati/w|, II. 70, yiloi\ cu\n cifidi/w| and cu\n dorati/ois III. 22. Cf. the Homeric su\n teu/xesi. Further, 6 cases of verbal nouns which modify the meaning of a verb, viz.: cu\n e)pai/nw| e)cotru/nein I. 84, cu\n kathgori/a| parocu/nein ib., cu\n xalepo/thti paideu/esqai ib., cu\n fo/bw| e)/xein ti I. 141, cu\n a)na/gkh| ti paqei=n III. 40, cu\n profa/sei kakw=s poiei=n ib. The absence of this archaic idiom from the later books is remarkable. Lastly, 3 cases of a connection willingly formed, viz.: II. 58; III. 90; VII. 57. This is common in Tragedy and Xenophon. In inscriptions of the classical period only the Attic use marked (2) above is found, and that never with persons.

e)phga/gonto—the ta/cis (see on c. 1) of this c. is dramatic, the causes which led to the attempt being given parenthetically in 2 and 3, while the narrative is continued at 4.

*plataiw=n a)/ndres—the Thebans call them, III. 65, a)/ndres oi( prw=toi kai\ xrh/masi kai\ ge/nei. These leaders of the aristocratic party represent the great land-owners as distinct from the merchants.

a)/ndras tou\s u(penanti/ous—the order, noun, art, adj., puts emphasis on the adj. Cf. c. 34, 4.

e)/pracan—of manipulation or diplomacy, as often. Cf. c. 5, 7. An abuse of the meaning ‘to succeed.’

e)/soito —was certain. Cf. c. 13, 1.

e)/ti e)n ei)rh/nh|—cf. III. 13 e)/ti e)n th=| ei)rh/nh|, and c. 5, 4. Here te kai\ joins a positive to a negative expression which merely repeats it from another point of view. Cf. v. 9, 2 tw=| te kat' o)li/gon kai\ mh\ a)/pantas kinduneu/ein.

mh/pw—the sentence expresses a wish.

h(=| kai\ ra=|on—cf. h(=| kai\ ma=llon I. 11, 25; III. 13; IV. 1, 103. h(=| kai\ before a comparative adverb emphasizes an inference.

e)/laqon e)selqo/ntes—see M. T. 144, 146, 887.

prokaqesthkui/as —Pp. compares anteponere vigilias, Tac. An. I. 50.

qe/menoi ta\ o(/pla—cum in foro constitissent, lit. ‘having grounded their arms.’

toi=s e)pagome/nois—the temporal force is lost, and the partic. becomes a substantive, as in oi( prodido/ntes c. 5.

e)pei/qonto w(/ste—cf. c. 101, 5.

w(/ste is often inserted with verbs which take simple infin., the main emphasis is transferred from the finite to the infin. M. T. 588.

e)/rgou e)/xesqai —rem aggredi. Cf. 1.49, 7, 78, 3.

i)e/nai e)s—for the hostile sense of i)e/nai cf. v. 69 e)s th\n gh=n e)lqei=n, ‘to attack.’ e)pi\ is commoner than e)s, as I. 58 h)\n e)pi\ *potei/daian i)/wsin. Cf. c. 3, 4. e)/rxomai, ei)=mi, h(/kw, h)=lqon and synonyms are far more supple in sense than our ‘to come.’ Note that the moods of ei)=mi are usually present in meaning, except in Oratio Obliqua.

gnw/mhn e)poiou=nto—i.e. e)gi/gnwskon, ‘came to a decision.’

e)pithdei/ois—so c. 18, 3.

kai\ a)nei=pen—‘and in fact,’ kai\ introducing the parenthesis and emphasizing the word following. Cf. c. 49, 5, 51, 5.

ei)/ tis bou/letai—in a protasis to a condition in Oratio Obliqua, probably only the future indicative is ever changed into optative, so that the optative in protasis in Or. Obl., except in the future, represents either h)\n and subjunctive or ei) and optative of the Recta.

kata\ ta\ pa/tria—in Iliad II. 504 Plataea is enumerated among the Boeotian confederate cities.

cummaxei=n—this may be a gloss on ti/qesqai k.t.l. Cf. IV. 30 prokalou/menoi, ei) bou/lointo, ta\ o(/pla keleu/ein paradou=nai, and so 37; v. 115 e)kh/rucan, ei)/ tis bou/letai, lh/|zesqai, VII. 82 kh/rugma poiou=ntai, ei)/ tis bou/letai, w(s sfa=s a)pie/nai. With bou/lomai an infinitive has often to be supplied from the context.

w(s h)/|sqonto—cf. c. 5, 4, 31, 1, 94, 3. The aorist is usual with w(s, but, whatever tense is used, it is always independent of that of the main verb. In this respect w(s differs from other temporal particles. Thus if imperf. is used, as in c. 77, 1, or pluperf. as in c. 59, 1, it is because that tense is required to describe a continuous or completed act, apart from the main verb. If the act in a temporal sentence is represented as simultaneous with or preceding the action of the main sentence, o(/te or e)peidh\ is used.

h)/|sqonto—‘became aware,’ ingressive aor., a use almost confined to 1st aor. forms.

e)capinai/ws—this and e)capi/nhs, in place of e)cai/fnhs or ai)fnidi/ws, are Ionic, and only found in Thuc. and Xenophon of Attic prose writers. [Dem.] c. Neaeram § 99 is copied from this passage. Cf. c. 48, 2, 93, 3.

katadei/santes kai\ n.— ingressive, ‘having become alarmed,’ etc.

pollw=| plei/ous— sc. h)\ e)sh=lqon. An ellipse with comparative is very common.

e)n th=| nukti\—per noctis caliginem. Cf. e)n nukti\ below, and c. 4 e)n sko/tw| kai\ ph/lw|.

pro\s c. e)xw/rhsan—se converterunt Cf. III. 66 proei/pomen to\n boulo/menon kata\ ta\ pa/ntwn *boiw=twn pa/tria politeu/ein i)e/nai pro\s h(ma=s, IV. 120, VIII. 40, 2.

e)newte/rizon—the subject is changed, as in 4 below. Thuc. assumes that his readers will follow the narrative attentively.

pra/ssonte/s pws—the particle implies that unnecessary details are omitted. Cf. a)/llws pws in brief narrative, I. 99,, VI.2.

krath/sein—Cl. defends krath=sai, on the ground that the aor. expresses confidence in the result of the action in e)piqe/menoi. But the aor. inf. is very doubtful used thus for the future.

tw=| ga\r plh/qei—ga\r gives the writer's explanation, and shows that oi( *plataih=s above was loosely used for to\ plh=qos tw=n *p.

boulome/nw| h)=n—so VII. 35; VIII. 92, 6. M. T. 900. The editors compare Sallust, Jug. 84 plebei volenti putabatur, ib., 100 militibus labor volentibus esset. Livy XXI. 50.

e)pixeirhte/a ei)=nai—cf. I. 118 e)pixeirhte/a e)do/kei ei)=nai pa/sh| proqumi/a|. Plur. neut. forms for sing. are very common in Thuc., especially with verbals.

cunele/gonto—with par' a)llh/lous, dioru/ssontes tou\s t.—cf. toixwru/xos.

a(ma/cas te—the conjunction adds a third and important fact, as often.

h)=|—sc. au)to/, what has just been described, the barrier of waggons.

e(toi=ma—the plur. marks the details of a complex act. See c. 10, 2

fula/cantes e)/ti nu/kta—cf. VII. 83 th=s nukto\s fula/cantes to\ h(suxa/zon. ‘Waited for the time when it was still night.’

e)/ti nu/kta is equivalent to th\n e)/ti nu/kta.

fula/cantes e)/ti nu/kta—cf c. 2, 1.

kai\—adds the more exact time.

peri/orqron —the beginning of that time of night denoted by o)/rqros. Cf. IV. 110 nukto\s e)/ti kai\ peri\ o)/rqron, VI. 101 peri\ o)/rqron, According to Phrynichus (Bekker An. Gr. 54, 8) o)/rqros e)stin h( w(/ra th=s nukto\s kaq' h(\n a)lektru/ones a(/|dousin. a)/rxetai de\ e)na/ths w(/ras kai\ teleuta=| ei)s diagelw=san h(me/ran. So in III. 112, Demosthenes attacked the Ambraciots a(/ma o)/rqrw|, at which time they could not distinguish friend from foe, nukto\s e)/ti ou)/shs. Thus the Plataean rally was at about 2 o'clock.

gi/gnwntai—sc. oi( *qhbai=oi. Cf. I. 143 ou)ke/ti e)k tou= o(moi/ou e)/stai, III. 12, 3.

foberw/teroi—for the passive meaning, ‘timid,’ cf. IV. 128, 4. Conversely a)deh\s which is usually active is occasionally passive =not formidable. See I. 36, 1. Cf. prostro/paios, a)lith/rios, and in Latin formidolosus and others. See Cook on Sallust, Cat. 39, 2. Shil. quotes Soph. O. T. 153 fobera\n fre/na dei/mati pa/llwn.

h(/ssous w)=si th=s—i.e. h(ssw=ntai equivalent to nikw=ntai u(po\ th=s k.t.l. sfete/ras—indirect reflexive, i.e. refers to subject of the main verb, not to that of its own clause. Cf. c. 83, 3, 89, 4; IV. 37, 1; V. 47; VII. 48; VIII. 74, 3. This is the regular use of sfe/teros, whereas sfe/teros au)tw=n is the same as e(autw=n. But Thuc. also uses sfe/teros alone as direct reflexive, as IV. 33 ou)k e)dunh/qhsan th=| sfete/ra| e)mpeiri/a| xrh/sasqai: and in dependent clauses, as c. 71 and IV. 11 tas sfete/ras nau=s katagnu/nai e)ke/leue. ta\ sfe/tera is direct in c. 20, 4; IV. 99, 1, indirect in III. 68, 3.

prose/balo/n te—inferential te, ‘and so.’

e)/gnwsan—‘became aware,’ ingressive.

cunestre/fonto—‘proceeded to rally,’ imperf. expressing difficulty.

sfi/sin au)toi=s—in c. 65, 12, 76, 2 Thuc. has the Ionic use of sfa=s alone as a direct reflexive. See Rutherford, Syntax, p. 11.

di\s me\n ... e)/peita—cf IV. 115 kai\ mi/an me\n h(me/ran a)pekrou/santo, th=| d' u(sterai/a|. As regards e)/peita without de/, the ordinary use is prw=ton (prw=ta) me\n. e)/peita, which Thuc. uses 28 times; see c. 19, 2, 49, 2, 75, 1, 89, 2, 96, 1, 98, 1. He has prw=ton (prw=ta) me\n ... e)/peita de\ 8 times; see c. 55, 84. If kai\ follows e)/peita, de\ is always inserted, e.g. c. 84; IV. 43; VII. 23; VIII. 48; also ma/lista me\n is always followed by e)/peita de/, as c. 54; I. 75; VI. 11, 4, 16, 5, 67, 2. If the more emphatic e)/peita me/ntoi is used, it is preceded by to\ prw=ton or to\ me\n p., as III. 93, 1, 111, 3; VIII. 75, 1, 86, 2. to\ me\n prw=ton .. e)/peita occurs I. 131; V. 41, 3, 84, 2; the same, but e)/peita de\ c. 48; v. 41, 2. prw=ton alone is always answered by e)/peita alone, unless kai\ follows e)/peita, as in VII. 23 to\ me/giston prw=ton, e)/peita de\ kai\ k.t.l. After other phrases, e)/peita is without de\ in 10 cases, has de\ in 2, viz. c. 92, 1; I. 18, 3.

kraugh=|—Moeris says kekragmo\s *)attikoi/, kraugh\ *(/ellhnes, but kekragmo/s, ke/kragma and kraugh/ are all Attic words. Perhaps Moeris really wrote kraugasmo\s *(/ellhnes, which would agree with Phrynichus.

kai\—there is chiasmus here and in li/qois kai\ kera/mw|.

o)lolugh=|—‘cheering,’ this word is used regularly of women. Pollux I. 28 o)lolu=cai kai\ o)lolugh=| xrh/sasqai e)pi\ gunaikw=n. Hence kraugh=| goes with oi)ketw=n, o)lolugh=| with gunaikw=n. Eur. I. T. 1337 a)nwlo/luce kai\ kath=|de of Iphigenia; cf. Aesch. Ag. 587 of Clytaemnestra. Verg. Aen. IV. 667, IX. 477 femineo ululatu.

te ... te—these join xrwme/nwn to ballo/ntwn and represent the two actions as going on simultaneously. Cf. c. 22 e)kklhsi/an te ou)k e)poi/ei ... th/n te po/lin e)fu/lasse.

li/qois kai\ kera/mw|—no doubt the slaves had gathered the stones, while the women removed the tiles. For ke/ramos collective, cf. III. 74, 1; IV. 48, 2. So e)/palcis c. 13, ka/lamos c. 76. Xen. Mem. III. 1, 7 li/qoi kai\ pli/nqoi kai\ cu/la kai\ ke/ramos.

dia\ nukto\s—cf. dia\ panto\s c. 16, 2.

pollou=—predicate with e)pigenome/nou Cf. VII. 87 ai( nu/ktes e)pigigno/menai metopwrinai\ kai\ yuxrai/.

e)pigenome/nou—expresses any sudden or unexpected phenomenon. Cf. c. 64, 1, 70, 1, 77, 5. The other meaning occurs in 4 below.

oi( plei/ous—the subject is here limited by apposition from all to the majority, Cf. I. 2, 6 oi( e)kpi/ptontes ... oi( dunatw/tatoi. So in Latin, Livy XXI.24, 2 Galli ... aliquot populi.

phlw=|—so that progress was impeded. Cf. c. 5, 2. This shows that the streets of Plataea were bad, like Greek streets generally. On the outskirts of the town the soil was certainly soft, and the Thebans fled in the direction of the valley of the Asopus, so that the further they went, the worse the road became. Probably in wet weather the streets of the town resembled water-courses carrying down the water from Cithaeron to the Asopus.

tw=n dio/dwn—belongs like h(=| xrh\ s. to a)/peiroi o)/ntes.

h(=| xrh\— takes the place of a deliberative subj. (why?). Cf. I. 91, 1 ou)k ei)=xon o(/pws xrh\ a)pisth=sai.

kai\ ga\r—explains only e)n sko/tw|, phlw=| being already explained in u(etou= a(/ma. teleutw=ntos tou= mhno\s—there was a new moon on the early morning of the 7th April 431, and, as the Attic months were lunar, assuming the calendar to have been in perfect order (it must have been in fair order), the month Elaphebolion began at sunset on the 6th April. The attempt was made at the end of Anthesterion, on the night of April 4th or 5th. When the calendar month did not correspond with the true lunar month, the true day of the new moon was called noumhni/a kata\ selh/nhn (c. 28).

e)mpei/rous de\ e)/xontes tou\s d.—for e)mpei/rwn de\ o)/ntwn tw=n d. Cf. I. 144 au)tono/mous a)fh/somen ei) kai\ au)tono/mous e)/xontes e)speisa/meqa.

[tou= mh\ e)kfeu/gein—this is taken as ne effugereni. (There is another tradition, due to Kr., that it expresses a consequence, which is not in good Attic.) It must depend on diw/kontas,—which gives the platitude that the enemy pursued them that they might not escape. To avoid this, Cl. explains it as equivalent to tou= mh\ e)a=n e)kfeu/gein and constructs it with e)mpei/rous. But (1) there is no other case of gen, of inf. with adjectives in Thuc., (2) e)mpei/rous tou= e)kfeu/gein ought to mean ‘experienced in escaping.’ Supply tw=n dio/dwn with e)mpei/rous. w(/ste diefqei/ronto oi( p.]—the article, found in BCEFGM and in A corrected, contradicts to\ plei=ston in 5 below, and o)gdoh/konta kai\ e(kato\n c. 5, 7, the number captured out of a force of few over 300 (c. 2, 1), when many others had been killed or had escaped (4 below). Bekker omits oi(, followed by most edd., and the imitation of Aen. Pol. 2, 6 is quoted oi( me\n ga\r e)/fugon a)/peiroi o)/ntes h(=| xrh\ swqh=nai, oi( de\ e)mpei/rws diw/kontes pa/nu pollou\s e)/fqeiran. But on reading the whole chap. to 4, it becomes clear that no results of the flight are given till 4, where the fate of the whole number is told: so that these words break the continuity of the narrative.

sturaki/w| a)konti/ou—stura/kion labw/n tis e)n tw=| moxlw=| th=s qu/ras e)ne/balen, Schol. The stura/kion is the spike at the top of a small javelin for fixing it in the ground; = Homeric saurwth/r. This was used instead of the ba/lanos or iron pin which was driven through the mo/xlos (bar) and the door, and could not be removed without a key (balana/gra, klei/s), which fitted into it. Arnold remarks that the action is the same as spiking a gun. Cf. Aristoph. Av. 1159 a(/pant' e)kei=na pepu/lwtai pu/lais kai\ bebala/nwtai kai\ fula/ttetai ku/klw|. xrhsa/menos e)s —cf. c. 49 e)/drasan e)s ta\ fre/ata.

diwko/menoi .. a)naba/ntes e)/rriyan—the 1st partic. gives the cause of a)na/bantes, while the latter is temporal to e)/rriyan. Cf. c. 59, 3, 76, 1, 90, 3. The 2nd partic. tends to become a mere adverb to the verb, as c. 90, 1 boulo/menoi proagagei=n au)tou/s, a)nagago/menoi e)/pleon. oi( me/n tines ... oi( de\ ... a)/lloi de\ ... to\ de\ plei=ston—the partic. diwko/menoi is subdivided. Also oi( me/n tines is restricted by oi( plei/ous.

[laqo/ntes kai\]—it is evident that gunaiko\s dou/shs pe/lekun must be joined with diako/yantes, but kai\ is in the way of this. But, though Stahl's reading is given, perhaps Thuc. wrote gunaiko\s dou/shs pe/lekun kai\ diako/yantes to\n moxlo\n laqo/ntes e)ch=lqon. There would then be no objection to kai/. For the want of symmetry in dou/shs kai\ diako/yantes, see c. 25, 1. For the two participles diako/yantes, laqo/ntes, the first temporal, the second defining the verb, see c. 33, 3. The objection to bracketing kai\ only is that Thuc. would have written la/qra| diako/yantes, as IV. 110; VIII. 84.

a)/lloi de\ a)/llh| th=s—cf. c. 76 a)/llas de\ a)/llh| tou= tei/xous.

to\ plei=ston ... e)spi/ptousin—plur. verb after a collective, as often. Rutherford, Syntax, p. 21.

o(\ h)=n tou= tei/xous—cf. I. 134 oi)/khma o(\ h)=n tou= i(erou=. It was not usual in early times to have buildings adjacent to the walls. Cf. c. 17, 1 note. Hence the Thebans thought the building was part of the gate-way, supposing it to be double like the Dipylon at Athens. Thebes prided herself on her seven great gates, and it is highly improbable that the pomoerium was thus violated in that city. There cannot have been many such buildings at Plataea, for in c. 76 we see there was room for a curved wall between the tei=xos and the mass of the buildings.

a)new|gme/nai e)/tuxon—in order to represent the action as complete, the perf. partic., not aor., has to be used with tugxa/nw, lanqa/nw, fqa/nw, unless the verb is in imperf, or pres. See M. T. 144, 146, 147, 887. Cf. I. 103 *nau/pakton e)/tuxon h(|rhko/tes. au)tou=—in the second member of a relative sentence the relative is not repeated, but a demonstrative or personal pron. takes its place. Cf. c. 34, 5, 72, 1, 74, 3. Exceptions are c. 43, 3, 44, 1, where the relative is repeated. Cf. ‘Whose fan is in His hand, and He shall throughly purge His floor.’

pu/las—pu/lai tou= tei/xous, qu/rai tou= oi)/kou Schol. Cf. tei=xos and toi=xos. a)/ntikrus—‘right through.’ In VI. 49 it means direct. In all other places in Thuc. downright, complete, as VIII. 64 e)pi\ th\n a)/ntikrus e)leuqeri/an. It is said that a)/ntikrus = fanerw=s, a)/ntikru (not found in Thuc.) = e)c e)nanti/as.

katakau/swsin—cf. c. 52 ou)k e)/xontes o(/ ti ge/nwntai. w(/sper e)/xousin—sc. oi( *qhbai=oi, on the spot. Often in Thuc., but later Atties use ou(/tws in much the same sense.

ta\ o(/pla kai\ sfa=s au)tou\s—the phrase is common, and the order is always the same. Cf. IV. 21, 3, 30, 4, 37, 2, 38, 3. Livy XXII. 60, 24 and 26 arma et vos ipsos traditis.

xrh/sasqai o(/ ti a)\n b.—with xrh/sasqai supply sfi/si only. Cf. c. 24, 2. xrh/sasqai expresses purpose, the act. or mid. being regular in this construction even when the pass. might seem more suitable. M. T. 770. The phrase is regular in the terms of a complete surrender. Cf. IV. 69, 3; VII. 85, 1. Andoc. I. 11, 26.

me\n dh\—dismisses the subject.

e)pepra/gesan—the pluperf shows that Thuc. has anticipated: in c. 5 he goes back.

e)/dei paragene/sqai—‘ought to have reached Plataea.’ M. T. 415. Cf. c. 92, 7, 95, 3.

ei)/ ti a)/ra—cf. c. 12, 1. The following are noteworthy: (1) ei)/ mh\ a)/ra = nisi forte, e.g. Xen. Mem. I. 2, 8 pw=s a)\n ou)=n o( toiou=tos a)nh\r diafqei/roi tou\s ne/ous; ei) mh\ a)/ra h( th=s a)reth=s e)pime/leia diafqora/ e)stin. (2) ei/ a)/ra in indirect questions, e.g. Plat. Phaedo, 95 B peirw/meqa ei/ a)/ra ti le/geis. (3) ei) a)/ra or h)\n a)/ra in protasis, as I. 140 h)\n a)/ra ti kai\ sfallw/meqa. a)/ra implies a quite unlikely contingency.

proxwroi/h—the apodosis is only implied in e)/dei paragene)sqai. M. T. 696. h)\n proxwrh=| might have been kept. proxwrei=n is a favourite word with Thuc.

a(/ma—belongs to r(hqei/shs, as c. 4 u(etou= a(/ma e)pigenome/nou. r(hqei/shs—more usually e)lqou/shs, but the former is better suited to a hurried announcement to an army on the march.

tw=n gegenhme/nwn —the Theban reinforcements were ignorant of the destruction of their friends when they arrived, see 4 below. Hence these ta\ gegenhme/na told them were not complete. The message was doubtless brought by those who escaped kata\ pu/las e)rh/mous, who did not know all.

e)peboh/qoun—‘increased their speed.’ Cf. III. 110, 1.

e(bdomh/konta—probably rather over the direct route, but approximately correct measured by the road.

geno/menon —of natural phenomena, as often. Cf. c. 77 e)ge/neto flo/c, u(/dwr kai\ bronta\s genome/nas. e)rru/h me/gas—cf. c. 75 h)/|reto me/ga.

te—‘and so.’

u(/steron—‘late,’ cf. c. 80 u(/steron h)=lqon.

tw=n a)ndrw=n—apposition with tw=n me\n ... tw=n de\, as in 4, 4.

zw/ntwn—predicative.

kataskeuh/—‘property,’ viz. household effects and farming implements. kataskeuh\ means anything that makes a place habitable and worth living in. See L. and S.

oi(=a —Ionic for a(/te.

e)bou/lonto ei)/ tina la/boien k.t.l.—M. T. 695. The second protasis is not co-ordinate with the first. In a more certain form the sentence would run o(/ntina la/boiein u(pa/rxein e)bou/lonto a)nti\ tw=n e)/ndon e)zwgrhme/nwn.

diabouleuome/nwn—reciprocal mid., like diale/gomai, diapra/ttomai. When a compound of dia\ is not available, the same sense is given by e)n e(autoi=s or sfi/sin au)toi=s, as IV. 25, 9 parakeleuo/menoi e)n e(autoi=s, VIII. 76 paraine/seis e)poiou=nto e)n sfi/sin au)toi=s, sometimes by e)n a)llh/lois, for which see c. 65, 11.

u(potoph/santes—rare and poetical, used by Thuc. 8 times, only in aor. inf. or partic.

peri\ toi=s e)/cw—the dat. with peri\ gradually disappeared in Attic and occurs but once in the orators, Isocr. Ep. 9, 10. It is regular in Thuc. with verbs of fearing.

o(si/ws—when used of states, o(/sios means in accordance with those principles of right dealing universally recognised (jus gentium). Cf. III. 56 e)timwrhsa/meqa kata\ to\n pa=si no/mon kaqestw=ta, to\n e)pio/nta pole/mion o(/sion ei)=nai a)mu/ne/sqai. ib. c. 58, 3. See on c. 52, 3. Eur. Hec. 788.

sfw=n —with po/lin. The position is for the sake of emphasis.

peiraqe/ntes—the Attic aor. of peirw=mai is e)peira/qhn, cf. c. 33, 2. But Thuc. uses also the lonic e)peirasa/mhn in c. 44 and 85.

e)/legon—interrupts the structure of ou)/te ... te, but the irregularity is very slight. le/gw in sense of keleu/w regularly takes infin., mh\ being the neg.

ei) de\ mh/—cf. I. 28 ei) de\ mh/, kai\ au)toi\ a)nagkasqh/sesqai e)/fasan. The addition of e)/fasan, suspected also by Kr. in both places, certainly adds clearness, yet Thuc. proceeds in a quite different way in c. 13. But the difference in the nature of the matter of these chapters (the one narrative, the other reflective) may account for the difference of style.

a)naxwrhsa/ntwn ... au)toi=s—the use of the gen. abs. in spite of the dat. following, makes the act in the partic. more prominent, and prevents it from being a mere appendage of a)podw/sein. A common sacrifice of form to sense in Herod. and Thuc. au)toi=s is wrongly bracketed in the text.

e)pomo/sai—jusjurandum addere. Does not occur elsewhere in Thuc.

eu)qu\s—with a)podw/sein. as the following words show.

h)/n ti cumbai/nwsi—closely with genome/nwn, ‘with a view to an arrangement.’ h)\n cumbw=si would be ‘if they come to an arrangement.’

d' ou)=n—doubtful statements are dismissed and the narrative of facts resumed.

ou)de\n a)dikh/santes—contrast ou)de\n a)dikou=ntes=‘guiltless.’

ta\ e)k th=s xw/ras e)sekomi/santo —the preposition attracted to the verb, for e)n. Cf. c. 13, 2, 14, 1.

a)pe/kteinan—assuredly justified as an act of reprisal, but most impolitic, as calculated to provoke Thebes and Sparta.

ei(=s au)tw=n h)=n—the so-called partitive gen. is often used thus without ei(=s, which is wanting in C. Cf. I. 85 ei(=s tw=n e)fo/rwn to/te w)/n, v. 59, 5; VIII. 39, 2.

pro\s o(/n e)/pracan —so I. 131, I; IV. 114, 3. This is only a variant for pra/ssein with dat., as IV. 110, 2; v. 76, 3. But when many persons are dealt with, pra/ssein e)s is also used, as I. 132, 4. The same three constructions follow le/gein: pro/s, Andoc. I. 48; dat., ib. I. 69; e)s, ib., l.c. Eur. Hec. 303 ei(=pon ei)s a(/pantas, ‘proposed in the general assembly.’

oi( prodido/ntes —see on c. 2, 4.

e)/pempon—the imperf. with verbs of ‘going’ and ‘sending,’ presenting the details of an elaborate negociation involving a journey, is common. Cf. c. 85, 2; I. 10, 5, 26, 1, and 3 below. But the aor. is also used. M. T. 57.

kai\ —has nothing to do with the te preceding, which is answered by the te following. Thus the sentence consists of two members joined by te .. te. Cf. I. 69, 1 to/ te prw=ton e)a/santes . . kai\ u)/steron ta\ makra\ sth=sai tei/xh, e)s to/de te ai)ei\ a)posterou=ntes. So in 4 below.

h)gge/lqh eu)qu\s—does not refer to e)/pempon a)/ggelon, but to two previous messages mentioned in 3 below. Plataea is something over 30 miles from Athens.

kai\ .. cune/labon— parataxis, presenting the two facts as almost concurrent. The second was prompt and hurried. Cf. I. 61 h)=lqe kai\ toi=s *)aqhnai/ois eu)qu\s h) a)ggeli/a ... kai\ pempousin. e)/pemyan ... keleu/ontes—the activity of the sender is continued in the person sent. Cf. c. 85, 1.

new/teron poiei=n—i.e. newteri/zein. Cf. I. 132, 5; IV. 55 mh\ new/tero/n ti ge/nhtai. pri\n a)\n—after historic tenses, pri\n a)\n and subj. is used only in Oratio Obliqua. Cf. c. 84, 1, 102, 5.

a(/ma th=| e)so/dw| gignome/nh|—see c. 2, 1.

ou(/tw dh\— gives the result of facts just stated, contrast c. 19, 1.

ou)k ei)do/tes—sc. o(/ti teqnh/kasin. e)pe/stellon—see 1 above.

e)gkate/lipon—so e)gkaqe/zomai III. 1; e)gkaqi/sthmi I. 4; e)gkaqormi/zomai IV. 1; e)gkatoikodomei=n III. 18; e)gkataskh/ptein c. 47.

tou\s a)xreiota/tous—sunt a)xrei=oi omnes inhabiles militiae,’ Pp. Cf. c. 44. Juv. 15, 126 imbelle et inutile vulgus. For the deeper application of a)xrei=os, see c. 40, 2.

e)ceko/misan—c. 78, 3.

lelume/nwn—before the attempt on Plataea, each side had interpreted the other's action as spondw=n cu/gxusis (I. 146), but there had been no open violation of the letter of the truce.

lamprw=s—cf. I. 49, 7; VIII. 66, 3, 75, 2.

pareskeua/zonto de\—the anaphora would have been more perfect with pareskeua/zonto me\n preceding, but Thuc. often omits me/n in cases where it is not required, though a writer more careful about symmetry would msert it: perhaps he purposely avoids a rhetorical formula in narrative. The common cases in Thuc. are very simple, as polloi\ me\n ... polloi\ de/, ei) me\n .. ei) de/, a(/ma me\n ... a(/ma de/. Cf. I. 28 with pe/mpete; VI. 20, 4; also c. 41, 3 mo/nh ga\r kai\ mo/nh. me/llontes—belongs to both subjects, as poiou/menoi below. Probably both intended sending to Persia, though the Athenians did not carry out their intention. See c. 67.

pe/mpein—M. T. 73, 96.

a)llo/se—see c. 29.

e(autw=n—for sfete/ras. Cf. c. 92, 4, and see c. 3, 4.

*lakedaimoni/ois ... e)peta/xqh—i.e. *lakedaimo/nioi e)pe/tacan. This dat. of the agent is very rare with other parts of the pass. than perf. It occurs in I. 51 toi=s *kerkurai/ois ou)x e(wrw=nto, IV. 64 ti/nes a)\n dikaio/teron pa=si ... misoi=nto, ib. 109 po/leis oi)kou=ntai cummi/ktois e)/qnesi. There are only two instances in the Orators.

au)tou=—in the harbours of Peloponnese.

e)c *)i. kai\ *s.—with toi=s e(lome/nois, but placed first for the sake of the antithesis with au)tou=. Cf. c. 18, 3 kata\ th\n a)/llhn porei/an h( sxolaio/ths. nau=s e)peta/xqh—Stahl supports his reading with great ability. It will be noticed that these Dorian cities, reckoned by Sparta among her allies, are not mentioned in c. 9 with the cu/mmaxoi, because there only those who actually contributed to the armament are given, and these cities contributed nothing. III. 86, 2.

poiei=sqai—middle, nau=s being the object. Cf. I. 14, 2.

e)s to\n pa/nta a)—‘in all.’ When the article precedes pa=s, the whole is regarded as the sum of its component parts.

pentakosi/wn—by no means realised. The Spartan navy in the Archidamian War was contemptible. See c. 66 and 85. Thuc. speaks with some irony.

ta/ t' a)/lla—perhaps ta)=lla should be read here, the t' being due to dittography.

h(suxa/zontas—the change from the dat. e(lome/nois is due to the infin. This change from gen. or dat. is always possible except when a word is the predicate to a gen. or dat., as I. 71 boulome/nwn u(mw=n ei)=nai proqu/mwn. See c 24, 1.

mia=| nhi\—si singulis navibus venissent; nam pluribus venientes timendum esse ne hostiliter agerent, Pp. This gives an example to show how they were to refrain from hostile acts (h(suxa/zontas).

e(/ws a)\n— whereas with pri/n, me/xri and me/xri ou(= Thuc. occasionally omits a)\n when subjunctive is used, according to the older Attic idiom, this is never the case with e(/ws. Cf. c. 72, 3.

ta\ peri\ *p.—‘in the neighbourhood of P.’ like circa. Cf. c. 99, 3.

ma=llon—‘more than elsewhere,’ so ‘especially.’ Cf. c. 15 e(te/rwn ma=llon. *ke/rkuran— the places are given in inverse order, the final point reached coming first. Cf. c. 93, 1. Eur. Bach. 13 fol. At present only an e)pimaxi/a existed between Athens and Corcyra. See Intr. p. LXVI.

*kefallhni/an—it took no part in the war at first, but joined Athens towards the end of the summer. See c. 30. *)akarna=nas—except the Oeniadae, c. 102, 2, the Acarnanians were reckoned as allies from the first, though no treaty was concluded till the autumn of 430. See c. 68. *za/kunqon—its interests and policy coincided with those of Corcyra. Cf. c. 9, 4; I. 47, 2.

ei) ... ei)/h— Recta, e)a\n ... h)=|. See 2, 4.

bebai/ws—cf. IV. 20, 3 fi/lous gene/sqai bebai/ws. pe/ric katapolemh/sontes—se undique impugnaturos.

o)li/gon ou)de\n—cf. VII. 59, 3, 87, 6; VIII. 15, 2. o)li/gon is predicate.

te—‘in fact,’ summing up the preceding remarks. Cf. 3 below.

e)/rrwnto—totis viribus incumbebant. Thuc. uses the literal sense only once, VII. 15.

ou)k a)peiko/tws—so ei)ko/tws in the Orators is often followed by ga/r. Cf. I. 77, 5. So ou)k a)kousi/ws below.

a)rxo/menoi—i.e. there is greater enthusiasm at the beginning of an undertaking than after the first excitement has worn off.

a)ntilamba/nontai— sc. tw=n pragma/twn, rem capessunt.

to/te de\—contrasted with pa/ntes. kai\—an additional reason existed then.

neo/ths —juventus. Cf. c. 20, 2, 21, 2. The abstract term, like h(liki/a, represents the young men as a power in the State. Cf. Pericles' remark, quoted by Aristot. Rhet. A. 7, 34 th\n neo/thta e)k th=s po/lews a)nh|rh=sqai w(/sper to\ e)/ar e)k tou= e)niautou= ei) e)caireqei/h. u(p' a)peiri/as—so u(po\ is used with any noun denoting any state of mind which is the immediate cause of action. See c. 47, 4. paroimi/a: gluku\s a)pei/rw| po/lemos [Pindar, frag. 87 Bergk] Schol.

h( a)/llh *(ella\s—all States in or outside Greece. Cf. I. 1, 1, 6, 1.

cuniousw=n—pres. not fut. Cf. v. 59, 5, 71, 1.

lo/gia—a general term for all words, whether prose or verse, supposed to be ominous. Probably old stories of strange things in the past are here meant Pind Pyth. 1, 92.

e)le/geto—in other places the plur. verb appears after a neut. sing. (see not. crit.), viz.: I. 126, 5 e)ph=lqon *)olu/mpia (where CEG read e)ph=lqen); v. 75, 2 *karnei=a e)tu/gxanon o)/nta: though elsewhere names of festivals have the sing.; v. 26, 2 a(marth/mata e)ge/nonto; VI. 62, 4 e)ge/nonto e(kato\n ta/lanta. Ita rarus est hic plur, numeri usus apud veteres scriptores Atticos, ut fere suspiceris librariorum errores esse e Byzantinorum sermone illatos, Herw.

polla\ de\—i.e. xrhsmoi/, which are collected and interpreted by xrhsmolo/goi. h)=don—contrasted with e)/le/geto, since the xrhsmoi\ were in verse; ‘recited.’ Cf. c. 54, 2. So cano often.

*dh=los e)kinh/qh—the centre of the Ionian race, which by its unique ki/nhsis foreshadowed an equally unique ki/nhsis of all Greece. Cf. I. 1, 2.

ou)/pw—either Thuc. did not know of Herod. VI. 98, or he ignores it.

e)pi\—‘in view of.’ c. 36, 4.

shmh=nai—intrans., shmei=on ei)=nai. Cf. c. 43, 3, 49, 7.

a)nezhtei=to—cf. VIII. 33, 4. Bloomf. quotes Aristoph. Lys. 28 pra=gm' a)nezhthme/non, pollai=sin a)grupni/aisin e)rriptasme/non.

e)poi/ei e)s—a)nti\ tou= eu)noikw=s ei)=xon Schol. Mira locutio, says Herw. The phrase is only found here in Attic, but is imitated by late writers.

proeipo/ntwn—cf. c. 5, 5; M.T. 850; and for Latin, Riemann, S.L. § 263; a convenient use of the gen. abs., in spite of the proximity of another case, to make a fresh predication without a new sentence. Cf. c. 83, 3; I. 114, 1; III. 13, 6, 22, 1.

e)leuqerou=sin—the claim continually put forward by S., that she was a Liberator. She traded on the insane craving for au)tonomi/a, the evil spirit by which the Greeks were possessed. A wanton abuse of terms must lead to disaster, and after misusing the word Freedom for a century, Greece ‘buried her Liberty’ on the field of Chaeronea.

kai\ lo/gw| kai\ e)/rgw|—sive ... sive. There are some 50 cases of this antithesis between l. and e)/. in Thuc., which is not surprising considering that (1) great importance was attached to words at Athens, apart from their truth or falsity; (2) Thuc. had but too good reason to contrast the professions of men with their deeds during the war. The antithesis underlies all diplomacy. The opening of the Funeral Oration, c. 35, is a contrast of lo/gos and e)/rgon. Cf. c. 40, 1, 41, 2, 4, 42, 2, 4, 43, 1, 2, 46, 1, 65, 9, 72, 1, 81, 2.

e)n tou/tw| ... w(=|—‘in any enterprise in which he did not take part.’ w(=| depends on pare/stai, as in I. 22 oi(=s au)to\s parh=n. kekwlu=sqai—i.e. kekw/lutai ei) mh\ au)to\s pare/somai, the perfect being used of something bound to happen in the future if the condition is fulfilled. Livy XXI. 43, 2 vicimus for vicerimus. Cf. IV. 46, 3 w(/st' e)a/n tis a(lw=| a)podidra/skwn, a(/pasi lelu/sqai ta\s sponda/s. The description of the friends of Sparta is not without a touch of sarcasm.

<e)n> o)rgh=| ei)=xon—c. 59, 2.

a)rxqw=si—ingressive, ‘become subjects.’

fobou/menoi—the government of Sparta kept all its proceedings too secret for them to know the true nature of the Spartan oligarchy, which was to conduct them in many cases from democracy to decarchy.

paraskeuh=| ... kai\ gnw/mh|—c. 7 and 8 are resumed by a chiasmus (see analysis of 7, 8).

w(/rmhnto—‘made ready for war.’ Cf. I. 32, 5.

*lak, me\n ... *pe/l. me\n ... e)/cw de\ *)aq. de/—the extremes and the means are contrasted, as usually with this double use of me\n ... de/. *peloponnh/sioi—in the geographical sense, the dwellers in Peloponnese of whatever stock.

[oi( e)nto\s *)isqmou=]—usually in Thucydides *peloponnh/sioi means ‘the allies of Sparta.’ In c. 11 indeed, Archidamus is made to address the officers as *pel. kai\ cu/mmaxoi, i.e. as politically connected and as comrades in arms, but, after that it is generally taken for granted that all the allies are included in the term *pel. But before the war, *peloponnh/sioi means ‘the inhabitants of Peloponnese,’ and only in this sense can the Argives and Achaeans be included in the term. If oi( e)nto\s is in the text, the P. of Peloponnese are contrasted with those P. outside it (*peloponnh/sioi e)/cw *peloponnh/sou), i.e. *pel. must mean ‘the allies of Sparta,’ which is impossible.

*pellhnh=s—near Zougra. Pellene seems to have been connected politically with Sicyon (10 miles) and Phlius (14 miles) rather than with Achaea.

e)/peita de\ u(/steron—cf. III. 94, 1; IV. 102, 2; v. 61, 4. In 417 the Lacedaemonians became more closely connected with Achaea. See v. 82, 1.

e)/cw de\ *p.—on the land side, Athens was wedged in between enemies. This both exposed her to invasion and hampered her own undertakings. It was with a view to breaking up this hostile combination that Demosthenes undertook the expedition into Aetolia in 427.

*lokroi/—the Opuntian Locrians, with the Epicnemidian, whereas the Ozolian Locrians were allies of Athens.

nautiko\n—scarcely anything was done by S. with the fleet in the 1st year. Intr. p. LXXII.

*kori/nqioi—for their naval operations, see c. 33, 80, 3, 83. *megarh=s—c. 92. *sikuw/nioi—c. 80, 3.

*)amprakiw=tai—c. 80. [parei=xon]— Intr. p. XXXIX.

au(/th—the omission of me\n here and in I. 125, 1. in both of which C inserts me/n, raises a difficulty. Elsewhere it is left out only when a participle prevents its use, as in the opening of c. 65, 72, 75. It is possible that au(/th *lak. cummaxi/a is inserted wrongly from 6 below. (This omission is not similar to that noticed above, c. 7, 1.)

*xi=oi, *le/sbioi— the only islands on the Aegean then retaining the position of independent allies of Athens.

e)n *naupa/ktw|—placed there by Athens at the close of the third Messenian War. See c. 27, 2.

oi( plei/ous—Astacus (c. 30) and Oeniadae (c. 102) did not join Athens.

a)/llai—‘and other cities (besides the au)to/nomoi cu/mmaxoi just mentioned), namely.’

*kari/a—the e)/qnh are added in the nom., in spite of the dat. preceding, because these are the four financial divisions of the po/leis u(potelei=s, so that the nominatives are as much in apposition with po/leis as with e)/qnesi. *kari/a ... pro/soikoi—called in the tribute lists o( *kariko\s fo/ros, and so *)iwni/a = o( *)iwniko/s, *(ellh/spontos = o( *(ellhspo/ntios, ta\ e)pi\ *q. = o( e)pi\ *q. f., nh=soi ... *qh/ras = o( nhsiwtiko\s f. From 436 B.C. Ionia and Caria were grouped together.

*karsi\ pro/soikoi—for the omission of oi( cf. c. 85, 5. It is explained by the fact that this is an official title, Kr. Gr. Gr. 50, 2, 11.

nh=soi...pa=sai ai( a)/llai —for o(/sos Iimited by plh/n, cf. IV. 32, 2, and for oi\ a)/lloi V. 27, 2.

*mh/lou kai\ *qh/ras—both colonized by the Dorians about the time of their settlement in Crete, circ. 1100 B.C.

nautiko\n—this was a privilege belonging only to the independent allies. Cf. Intr. p. LXXIV. They were au)totelei=s.

cummaxi/a—abstract for concrete.

kai\ paraskeuh\ —the chapter is summarised in inverse order, as in c. 7, 8.

perih/ggellon—often takes the construction of keleu/w but with the dat., which keleu/w never has.

ta/ te e)pith/deia —sc. paraskeua/zesqai. oi(=a ei)ko\s—quae deceret.

w(s e)sbalou=ntes—because Athens was exposed to attack from the Isthmus. The corresponding Athenian incursion was merely into the Megarid; but Athens was unable to strike at Sparta herself directly. For the system adopted in consequence, see Intr. p. LXIX.

e(toi=ma—not with e)pith/deia, but as in c. 3, 4, 98, 1.

gi/gnoito—iterative; hence cunh=|san imperf.

ta\ du/o me/rh— the denominator exceeding the numerator by 1 is invariably omitted. Contrast tw=n pe/nte ta\s du/o moi/ras I. 10. ta\ d. me/rh is in limiting apposition to the subject of cunh=|san. Cf. c. 47, 2.

tou\s . . a)ciologwta/tous—an indefinite expression, suited to the different circumstances and arrangements of the various contingents.

a)ciologwta/tous—forming one group with tou\s e)n te)lei, but not identical with them. Cf. I. 10 ta\s megi/stas kai\ e)laxi/stas.

a)/ndres—Thuc. shows exquisite judgment in selecting the places in which to insert speeches. They are the occasions on which it is necessary for the reader to understand the exact situation of affairs and to realise what were the infiuences at work. They stand in place of explanation and abstract reasoning. The occasions selected for this purpose in this book are (a) the first invasion of Attica (this speech shows the feelings of the Spartans); (b) the close of the first campaign (the Funeral Oration is an exposition of the form and theory of the Athenian polity by the ablest citizen); (c) the close of Pericles' administration and life, the speech containing a vindication of his policy; (d) the victories of Phormio, the one event of great importance outside Athens in 429, and the most splendid example of Athenian prowess in the whole war. Dion. Hal. totally misunderstood the significance of the speeches. Far juster is Lucian's estimate (pw=s dei= i(stori/an suggra/fein c. 44): he knew that Thuc.'s object was safw=s dhlw=sai kai\ fanw/tata e)mfani/sai ta\ pra/gmata.

[oi(] —inserted through confusion with oi( pate/res. Thuc. never puts in the article in such addresses.

cu/mmaxoi—there are two elements in the force, but Archidamus groups them together, and carefully draws no distinctions. a)/ndres goes with cu/mmaxoi also.

kai\ oi( p. . kai\ au)tw=n—paratactic, the 2nd member being the more prominent.

oi( pate/res—an opportune reference to the wars which were the glory of the Dorian race. Thuc. however avoids any commonplaces about the Persian wars such as become frequent in later writers.

stratei/as e)poih/santo— = e)stra/teusan. h(mw=n oi( presbu/teroi ei)si/n—with the ‘partitive’ genitive 1st or 2nd person, the verb is generally in 3rd person, but the writer always passes quickly to the 1st or 2nd. Cf. III. 62 ske/yasqe e)n oi(/w| ei)/dei e(ka/teroi h(mw=n tou=to e)/pracan. VII. 64 e)nqumei=sqe o(/ti oi( e)n tai=s nausi\n u(mw=n nu=n e)so/menoi kai\ pezoi\ toi=s *)aqhnai/ois ei)si\ kai\ nh=es. So I. 87. When for the subject a relative clause is substituted, the 3rd person is rare: e.g. Andoc. I. 46 o(po/soi u)mw=n parh=san (= oi( paro/ntes) a)namimnh/skesqe. Lys. 12, 97, Aeschin. 3, 60. The same phenomenon may be seen in Latin poets, as Ov. Trist.III. 4, 75 et qua quisque potest aliqua mala nostra levate.

mei/zona—litotes, as plei=stoi shows.

nu=n e)rxo/meqa—sc. h(mei=s, whereas oi( pate/res kai\ oi( presbu/teroi was subject to e)ch/lqomen. strateu/ontes—sc. e)rxo/meqa, the antithesis being between po/lin and au)toi/, dunatwta/thn and plei=stoi kai\ a)/ristoi strateu/ontes.

di/kaion ou)=n—the topic is to\ kalo/n, as in 9 below. Index s. v. to/poi. It is a common subject in Thuc., especially in military harangues.

h(mw=n au)tw=n—put first for the sake of the antithesis. See c. 7, 2.

e)ph=rtai—cf. Dem. 4, 49 toi=s pepragme/nois e)ph|rme/non. eu)/noian e)/xousa—with infin. = e)piqumou=sa, as c. 86, 5 gnw/mhn ei)=xon mh\ e)kplei=n. A periphrasis for a simple verb is very common in Tragedy.

ou)/koun xrh\—the topic of the pi/stis is to\ cumfe/ron, as the Schol. says. It is the commonest of all forms of argument in Thuc.

plh/qei—of superior numbers, as c. 89, 1.

a)/dhla ga\r—Thuc. is extremely fond of gnw=mai or general truths as arguments, whereas he does not use paradei/gmata or examples at all. The gnw=mai have been collected by several critics, and, as might be supposed, they show a profound insight into the fundamental principles that actually guide human conduct.

e)c o)li/gou—‘suddenly.’

di' o)rgh=s— ‘on impulse.’

ai( e)pixeirh/seis gi/gnontai—the passive of ta\s e)pi. poiei=sqai I. 70, 7.

te—adds a third and important fact. [

dedio\s a)/meinon]— 1. dedio\s obscures the point, which is that a large force, caught off its guard, has often been defeated by a small force. There is no room here for any reference to the apprehension or precautions of the smaller force.2. No passage supports the idea that Archidamus is pointing out the advantage of de/os in action, e)n tw=| a)mu/nesqai. It is then too late for de/os, which is valuable only e)n tw=| paraskeua/zesqai.3. The assumption that dedio\s is answered by dia\ to\ katafronou=ntas ... gene/sqai is not borne out by the form of the sentence.4. Archidamus merely says ‘do not be careless, lest you be caught unprepared.’ 5. Of a)/meinon there are two explanations（a) = a)/meinon h)\ oi( plei/ones to\ e)/lasson plh=qos. But h)mu/nanto is used only of the side on the defensive; nor is there any reference to superiority in courage such as a)gaqo/s suggests.（b) a)/meinon dedio\s h)\ mh\ dedio/s, Cl., a curious paradox worthy only of a rhetorician.Append. II.

h)mu/nato—gnomic. Cf. c. 89 polla\ strato/peda h)/dh e)/pesen u(po\ e)lasso/nwn.

xrh\ de\—a gnw/mh in the form of an antithesis. For ‘figures’ in gnw=mai, cf. c. 40 throughout.

th=| me\n gnw/mh| ... tw=| de\ e)/rgw|—an imperfect antithesis. gnw/mh means ‘feelings,’ e)/rgon ‘actions’ (not gnw/mh ‘plans,’ e)/rgon ‘battle’). Cf. c. 43, 3, 64. 6, and 89 th= duna/mei to\ ple/on pi/sunoi h)\ th=? gnwmh?. Herod. VII. 49 a)nh\r ou(/tw a)/n ei)/h a)/ristos ei) bouleuo/menos me\n a)rrwde/oi e)n de\ tw=| e)/rgw| qrasu\s ei)/h—which is however somewhat different.

paraskeua/zesqai—the reading is now commonly pareskeua/sqai. Cr. says ‘le parfait est nécessaire,’ but gives the present. The perfect is due to a mistaken interpretation of gnw/mh| and e)/rgw|, the latter of which refers to the period before battle. The antithesis between strateu/ein and paraskeua/zesqai must not be too closely pressed. (A quite different view of this passage will be found in Steup, Quaest. Thuc. p. 30.)

pro\s to\ e)pie/nai eu)yuxo/tatoi—cf. III. 44, 3 cumfe/ron pro\s to\ h(=sson a)fi/stasqai; VIII. 76, 6. The use of the infinitive with article in all constructions is far commoner in the speeches and the passages in the rhetorical manner than in ordinary narrative.

e)pixeirei=sqai—‘to be attacked.’ This sentence puts in the proper light the two points referred to in 3 above: so plh/qei e)pie/nai has become eu)yuxo/tatoi e)pie/nai, a)sfa/leia mh\ a)\n e)pixeirei=sqai has become a)sfa/leia pro\s to\ e)pixeirei=sqai. eu)yuxo/tatoi e)pie/nai results from to\ qarsale/ous strateu/ein, a)sfa/leia pro\s to\ e)pixeirei=sqai from to\ dedio/tas paraskeua/zesqai.

ou(/tw—with a)du/naton. toi=s pa=si—cf. c. 36, 3.

ei) mh\ kai\ nu=n—‘if not already ... at least.’ I see no need to alter the text with Francken, or to assume a misplacement of kai/. For a)lla/, a)lla\ ... ge/, a)ll' ou)=n ... ge, see Kr. Gr. Gr. 69, 4, 5.

o(/tan o(rw=si—usually in Thuc. o(/tan denotes a single act, o(po/tan repeated action. I. 142, 9 is an exception.

ta)kei/nwn—for ta\ e(autw=n, as e)kei=nos can apply to anyone other than the speaker and the person addressed.

fqei/rontas— cf. Livy XXII. 3 Flaminius postquam res sociorum ante oculos prope suos agi ferrique vidit.

pa=si ga\r—the only possible way of taking these words as they stand is the traditional way of Arn., Shil., and Bh., which is supported by A. Grossman, N. Jahrb. 121, p. 523. e)n toi=s o)/mmasi kai\ e)n tw=| parauti/ka are taken after o(ra=n, the infinitive is made to depend on the phrase o)rgh\ prospi/ptei, as though it were lupei=, and o(ra=n pa/sxontas = ‘to see that they are suffering.’ There are grave objections: o(ra=n pa/sxontas would more naturally mean ‘to see others suffering,’ and it is very doubtful whether o)rgh\ prospi/ptei can be considered a periphrasis which could legitimately take an infinitive in prose. Usener proposes pa=si ga\r e)n tw=| parauti/ka o(ra=n pa/sxonta/s ti a)hqe/s, taking e)n tw=| with o(ra=n pa/sxontas. Cf. Steup's proposal in not. crit.

ga\r—this introduces the gnw/mh by which the statement that ‘the Athenians will come out to battle’ is supported. We have here an example of the form of proof called Enthymeme, i.e. a ‘syllogism drawn, not from the premisses proper to any particular science—such, for instance, as medicine—but from propositions relating to contingent things in the sphere of human action, which are the common property of all discussion.’ Jebb, Attic Orators II. p. 289. Cf. c. 60. kai\ logismw=|—i.e. ‘and then men do not pause to think.’ Possibly oi( bracketed represents a lost oi( toiou=toi, = oi( o)rgisqe/ntes. qumw=|—also, like logismw=|, with xrw/menoi.

*)aqhnai/ous—this view of Athenian character is that of Thuc. himself. He began the description of it in the first speech of the Corinthian envoy at Sparta (I. 70) and completes it in the Funeral Oration (c. 35 fol.).

ple/on ti—cf. III. 45, 6, 69, 2; IV. 78, 5; V. 29, 2; VI. 90, 1; VII. 21, 4, 49, 4. For ti with comparative, see 3 above. ma=llo/n ti is commoner in this sense.

tw=n a)/llwn—often e(te/rwn in this idiom.

ei)ko\s—decet, with aorist infinitive, as regularly (sometimes present, c. 10, 1). Rutherford, Syntax, p. 128. The argument is now drawn from to\ ei)ko/s. An orator naturally employs this topic to prove something in the past, but Thuc. to forecast the future. Index s.v. to/poi. tou=to dra=sai—the regular phrase for referring to an action just deseribed. Cf. c. 49, 5; I. 5, 2, 6, 5. Of course Thuc. refers to the actual indignation of the Athenians at seeing their land ravaged. See c. 21, 2. It was a source of great pride that the beautiful country of Attica had never been plundered plh\n ta\ *mhdika/. Cf. Eur. Med. 826—the play was produced this very year— where the Athenians are addressed as i(era=s xw/ras a)porqh/tou t' a)poferbo/menoi. o(ra=n—sc. dh|oume/nhn.

do/can e)p' a)mfo/tera—kai\ eu)klei/as kai\ dusklei/as Schol.

oi)so/menoi—cf. c. 60 ai)ti/an fe/resqai. toi=s progo/nois—we should refer to posterity, but the ancients thought far more of the worship due to their ancestors, the qeoi\ xqo/nioi. On the excessive reverence of the Greeks for the past (from which Thuc. was remarkably free), Girard, Essai sur Thuc., p. 13, says ‘Les Grecs ne songeaient qu'aà chercher dans cet âge merveilleux leurs titres de noblesse et à y rettacher étroitement le présent.’

u(mi=n au)toi=s—corrected from h(mi=n au)toi=s with Hude, Comment. Crit., p. 109. e(/pesqe strongly supports him. ‘Nulla in re magis quam in pronominibus h(mei=s et u(mei=s permutandis librarios peccavisse satis constat.’

a)pobaino/ntwn—see c. 50, 2.

o)/cews dexo/menoi—cf. c. 89, 9.

ka/lliston kai\ a)sfale/staton—the identity of to\ kalo\n and to\ a)sfale\s has been the prevailing idea throughout the speech. It is an idea characteristic of Sparta that eu)nomi/a is ka/llos. Thus Spartan tradition did not object to Athens claiming the poet Tyrtaeus for her own, though the claim was probably unfounded; but took care that the lame Athenian singer should only develop into the warrior Tyrtaeus after settling in Sparta.

o)/ntas—the participle adds emphasis to pollou\s and heightens the contrast to e(ni/.

tosau=ta—haec tantum, the regular word after a short speech instead of toiau=ta. ei)/ ti a)/ra—c. 5, 1.

ti ma=llon—not for ma=llo/n ti, but ti belongs to e)ndoi=en, as below, ou)de\n e)ndwsei/ousi.

ou)d'—ou)de/, mhde/, sometimes as here = nedum ‘much less.’

to\ koino\n—the boulh\ and e)kklhsi/a. h)=n ... nenikhkui=a —except with this periphrasis in the perfect passive and middle forms, the tense of ei)mi\ must precede the participle, and is emphatic, representing a state of things existing at the time referred to, Cf. c. 67 h)=n ... poliorkou=n, 80 h)=san ... cumproqumou/menoi, 93 h)=n profula/sson. Then the participle often resembles an adjective.

kh/ruka ... prosde/xesqai—a formal expression for breaking off all political relations. Cf. V, 80..

e)kto\s o(/rwn—without article, as a local expression, akin to e)n a)/stei. Rutherford, Syntax, p. 4.

to\ loipo\n— with presbeu/esqai. a)naxwrh/santas—i.e. retire before thinking of sending any more. The participle is emphatic.

dialu/sesqai—‘part from his escort.’

toso/nde— ‘merely this.’

o(/ti—this convenient form of quasi-oblique speech, where the speaker's actual words follow o(/ti, is colloquial and limited to prose.

h(/de h( h(me/ra—Aristoph. Pax 435 eu)xo/mesqa th\n nu=n h(me/ran *(/ellhsin a)/rcai pa=si pollw=n ka)gaqw=n. Verg. Aen. IV. 169 ille dies primus leti, primusque malorum causa fuit.

e)/gnw—ingressive, ‘learnt.’

e)ndwsei/ousi—though Cobet and Sta. reject this, it is more probable than e)ndw/sousi, since pw is not used with future, and Archidamus' object was to find out what the Athenians were now intending.

ou(/tw dh\—like to/te dh/, gives the decisive moment. Cf. c. 19.

me/ros—of infantry. So the Boeotians did not supply cavalry only. See c. 9, 3.

leipome/nois—for the present, see c. 2, 4.

e)n o(dw=| o)/ntwn—cf. c. 12, 1 and 2, but referring here to the march not of the various contingents to the Isthmus, but of the whole force from the Isthmus. Several meetings of the Ecclesia were held.

*periklh=s—O. Drefke, suggests that Thuc. probably intended to insert a speech here, but changed his mind on finding the subject unsuitable for readers. He thinks that we have here the notes Thuc. had made at the time, which assumption would explain the loose structure of the Oratio Obliqua throughout. Cf. c. 72. de/katos au)to\s—the view of Gilbert, that this phrase means that Pericles was strathgo\s au)tokra/twr, i.e. was irresponsible and had full powers to do anything he deemed necessary, is now generally accepted. Pericles held the same position in the war with Samos 440 B.C.

mh\ polla/kis—as though u(potoph/sas were fobhqei/s. Cf. III. 53, 2 u(popteu/omen mh\ ou) koinoi\ a)pobh=te. polla/kis—forte, a sense which it bears only after ei), e)a/n, mh/. mh\ dhw/sh|—should be ou) dhw/sh|. This very rare irregularity is only possible when the second negative is far removed from the first. M. T. 306.

e)pi\ diabolh|=—the same thing was done by Hannibal to cast odium on Fabius, Livy, xxii. 23, 4. For the order, see c 2, 2.

tou=to ge/nhtai—c. 11, 8.

prohgo/reue—above proei=pon. The rule about compounds of le/gw and a)goreu/w will be found in Rutherford's New Phryn. p. 326.

oi(—the only form of the indirect reflexive singular found in Thuc. and the orators, and rare in them.

e)pi\ kakw=|—the same phrase in V. 44, 3, 77, 6; VIII. 58, 3, 4.

ge/noito—sc. tou=to, as ge/nhtai tou=to above.

tou\s a)grou\s kai\ oi)ki/as—the article not repeated, the two nouns forming one idea between them (viz. the idea th\n fanera\n ou)si/an). Cf. c. 10, 3.

a)fi/hsin—does not depend on prohgo/reue, but is used for a/fie/nai fhsi/n (which is possibly what Thuc. wrote), just as we might say ‘he gives the land’ for ‘he undertakes to give it.’

ei)=nai—like the use of ei)=nai in Homer and Herod., expressing purpose, but redundant. M. T. 774.

gi/gnesqai —this is like the use of the infinitive in the terms of a treaty or any compact. It is in origin probably identical with the so-called infinitive for imperative. But this may be oblique for mhdemi/a moi u(poyi/a gigne/sqw. In any case, Pp.'s explanation, supplying bou/letai, is without doubt wrong. The sentence is probably a note Thuc. wrote in these very words at the time.

parh/|nei de\—cf. V. 38, 2 parh/|noun gene/sqai o(/rkous. kai\ pro/teron—I. 143. ta\ e)k tw=n a). e)skomi/zesqai—cf. c. 5, 7.

e)/s te ma/xhn—the ancient critics noticed that polysyndeton is common in Thuc. There are three main members here, each introduced by te, paraskeua/zesqai/ te ... e)/s te ... ta/ te, and the first two are complicated by an additional member, which however does not affect the main structure, viz. kai\ ... e)skomi/zesqai, a)lla\ e)cartu/esqai. mh\ e)pecie/nai—Intr. p. lxix.

th\n po/lin e)selqo/ntas fula/ssein— cf IV. 70 th\n po/lin e)selqw\n bebaiw/sasqai. When a participle and verb which have different constructions take a common object, the object regularly follows the construction required by the participle, as in I. 114, 2 e)s *)eleusi=na kai\ *qriw=ze e)sbalo/ntes e)dh/|wsan, IV 18 dou=nai e)f' a)\ a/figme/noi u(ma=s ai)tou/meqa, VII. 3, 4 me/ros ti pe/myas pro\s to\ frou/rion ai(rei=, ib. 53, 2 prospeso/ntes toi=s prw/tois tre/pousi. But there is here no need to take th\n po/lin with e)selqo/ntas at all.

dia\ xeiro\s e)/xein— the opposite of a)nie/nai, I 76 a)rxh\n a)nie/nai. So Livy XXI. 35, 9 in manu habere. xei\r means ‘control.’ Eur. Hec. 986. Cf. the legal sense of manus. See also c. 76, 4.

le/gwn ... ei)=nai—a rare construction—c. 57, 1. a)po\ tou/twn ei)=nai tw=n xr. th=s proso/dou—i.e. th\n i)sxu\n th=s proso/dou tw=n xrhma/twn a)po\ tou/twn ( = tw=n cumma/xwn) ei)=nai. Cf. III. 13, 6 e)/sti tw=n xrhma/twn a/po\ tw=n cumma/xwn h( pro/sodos. This sentence must not be pruned, for th=s proso/dou defines the nature of i)sxu/n, and tw=n xrhma/twn is caught up presently by xrhma/twn again: the insertion of tw=n xrhma/twn is stylistic.

ta\ polla\ .. kratei=sqai—‘most successes are won.’

gnw/mh| —‘insight,’ not put in at hap-hazard, but summing up in a word paraskeua/zesqai to e)cartu/esqai. It is on the policy here sketched that Pericles rested his claims to be possessed of gnw/mh, or, as Thuc. says in c. 65 pro/noia. To supply gnw/mh was the statesman's part, to supply xrh/mata the subjects'.

e(cakosi/wn—in I. 96 we see that under Aristides' administration the fo/ros amounted to 460 talents. In the lists of the quota paid to Athene for 450 and 446 B.C., the tribute of some States is seen to be reduced, and the total was probably made up by payments from new subjects. But the tribute was in some cases subsequently raised, so that 600 talents may represent the average (w(s e) ti\ to\ polu\) in 431.

fo/rou—for this genitive of material, cf. a)rguri/ou below. See Rutherford, Syntax, p. 35.

a)po\ tw=n cum—the origin (a)po\) from which money is obtained. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 670 dwrodokou=sin a)po\ tw=n po/lewn (rightly defended by Sobolewski, de praepos. usu Aristoph.).

a)/neu—this is the ordinary meaning of xwri\s as a preposition in Attic, but Thuc. only uses xwri\s as an adverb. The opposite of su\n (toi=s) qeoi=s (see c. 2, 1) is a)/neu (tw=n) qew=n. The opposite of su\n in its other Attic sense in totals, is usually xwri/s. The opposite of meta/ is a)/neu, and more rarely xwri/s (thus Isocrates has two cases, but in both xwri/s, not a)/neu, is used to avoid hiatus).

th=s a)/llhs proso/dou—as rents from public lands, especially the silver mines, the tax paid by resident aliens and by owners of slaves, duties on imports exports and sales, and court fees and fines, amounting in all to at least 400 talents.

e)n th=| a)kropo/lei— in the Opisthodomus of the Parthenon.

e)ge/neto—‘amounted to.’ Cf. c. 20, 4.

ta\ propu/laia—begun 437, completed 432.

ta)=lla—the Odeum, Parthenon and the sculpture on the buildings was paid for out of this fund.

e)s *potei/daian —from first to last the siege cost 2000 talents. It began in the autumn of 433, ended in the winter of 430. Probably Thuc. omits in that sum the expense of Hagnon's expedition (c. 58), which cost 400 talents more.

*xwri\s—‘besides.’ Cf. c. 24, 31, 97. xrusi/ou— depends on tala/ntwn below.

o(/sa—sc. e)sti/. So c. 9, 4, 97 peri/—‘used in.’

sku=la *mhdika\—sc. o(/sa e)sti/, but this might have been e)n sku/lois *mhdikoi=s. The throne of Xerxes and the sabre of Mardonius (Medus acinaces) were among them.

ou)k e)/lasson h)\ p. tala/ntwn—cf. IV. 72 paro/ntos tou= strateu/matos, o(plitw=n ou)k e)/lasson e(cakisxili/wn. The genitive of comparison does not follow e)/lasson here, because tala/ntwn is already in the genitive absolute, sc. u(parxo/ntwn from above.

*ta\ e)k tw=n a)/llwn i(erw=n—i.e. in temples other than the Parthenon. The temple treasures were of great value.

xrh/mata—no doubt Pericles explained the details, whieh he must have known thoroughly after his long tenure of the Generalship, in which he had distinguished himself in Finauce. In this respect he was imitated by many popular leaders who followed him, and, as the war went on, Finance became the most pressing difficulty.

oi(=s xrh/sesqai—cf. c. 102 le/getai ... o(/te dh\ a)la=sqai. This attraction of short relative clauses in Oratio Obliqua into infinitive is less rare in Greek than in Latin (of course qui = et is etc. is different). Thuc. has nine instances.

th=s qeou=—i.e. the statue of Athene. Both in Greek and Latin the name of the person represented is used for the statue itself, as Victoria aurea.

staqmo\n —predicate.

xrusi/ou a).—with ta/lanta. a)pe/fqou—i.e. without alloy.

periaireto\n ei)=nai—sc. e)/fh. mh\ e)la/ssw— often during the war money was borrowed from the i(era\ xrh/mata. The loans were repaid with interest at a low rate, which Pericles probably proposed at this time.

*trisxili/ous kai\ m.—cf. c. 31, 2. 10,000 were on the spot, 3000 at Potidaea.

tw=n e)n toi=s frouri/ois—the garrisons of Attica were supplied mainly from the peri/poloi, young Athenians between 18 and 20 years old. At 18 their age was entered in the lhciarxiko\n grammatei=on, list of the members of the deme capable of arms kept by the demarch. Not till 20 was a man entitled to attend the Ecclesia. The peri/poloi regularly served in Attica.

e)/palcin—eollective. See c. 4, 2. Again the article dropped with a word approximating to a proper name, in prepositional phrases. The line of fortified walls of Athens and Piraeus, including the long walls, is meant. The citizens who manned these were drawn from the presbu/tatoi, those excused by age from serving outside Attica. Legally this age was 60, but in practice it could be, and probably was, reduced.

newta/twn—the peri/poloi.

*tou= *falhrikou=—begun under Themistocles with to\ e)/cwqen (tei=xos), which ran to Piraeus. Under Pericles, about 445, a third wall, to\ dia\ me/sou was built between these two, running to Munychia.

h)=san—were, according to Pericles' narrative.

to\n ku/klon tou= a)/stews—the walls of Athens.

a)fu/lakton h)=n—about 6 stadia: so that the city walls, as rebuilt after Salamis, were about 50 stadia in circumference.

tou= te makrou= = tou= e)/cwqen. ta\ makra\ tei/xh—namely to\ e)/cwqen, the earlier wall, and to\ dia\ me/sou tei=xos, called ta\ ske/lh.

stadi/wn—genitive of description, almost confined to expressions of magnitude. Cf. c. 23, 3.

*cu\n i(ppotoco/tais—including (cu\n) the 200 mounted archers, state slaves who served as police, as did the 1200 *sku/qai who are included in the 1600 toco/tai below.

trih/reis ta\s p.—see c. 2, 2.

triakosi/ous—in III. 17 we read that 250 ships were employed on active service at the beginning of the war. (As the details there given do not correspond with those given in this book with regard to the fleet in 431, the text is probably wrong in III. 17.）

*)es a)po/deicin tou= perie/sesqai—cf. c. 56 e)s e)lpi/da h)=lqon tou= e(lei=n, and for the rare future infinitive with article, I. 144, 1.

tw=| pole/mw|—the dative is temporal. Cf. c. 20 e)kei/nh| th=| e)sbolh=?. It is however rarely that e)n is omitted with a noun used temporally which is not properly temporal.

*)anepei/qonto—both the compound and the tense denote the difficulty of convincing them. Cf. c. 65, 1. Even now they did not feel quite certain, and were liable to change their minds again. (It was do/ca resulting from peiqw/, not e)pisth/mh resulting from ma/qhsis.)

th\n a)/llhn—perhaps the exclusive a/llos, but kataskeuh/, stock, may here include children and wives. See c. 5, 4.

kat' oi)=kon—see on c. 60, 4.

cu/lwsin—materia; several verbal nouns in -is are peculiar to Thuc. Cf. o)lo/fursis c. 51. Pollux and the Schol. regard this one as coined by Thuc.

kaqairou=ntes—this and e)sekomi/zonto both govern cu/lwsin. e)pikeime/nas—‘off the coast.’

*xalepw=s ... e)gi/gneto—passive for xalepw=s th\n a). e)poiou=nto. a)na/stasis—an unwilling (metana/stasis, a willing) removal from one's country.

*)epi\ ga\r—now follows one of the few episodes in Thuc., who never leaves his subject except to comment on some epoch of Athenian history either throwing light on the circumstances he is relating, or imperfectly understood in his day.

kata\ po/leis—cf. the condition of Sparta, referred to I. 10, 2. According to tradition, there were 12 po/leis in Attica; these had arisen by the increase and amalgamation of kw=mai. w)|kei=to—of the political condition of the district, as often.

prutanei=a—these bore the same relation to the community as the oi/ki/a did to the family. Hence the community entertained its guests there.

a)/rxontas—‘princes,’ some of whose names may have been immortalised in the names of Attic demes.

ou) cunh=|san—only common danger brought them together.

e)pole/mhsan—the war between Athens and Eleusis, given as an example of the early wars in Attica, was probably due to a quarrel about the frontier, which was the range of Mount Aegaleos, over which the Sacred Way after wards ran. Whatever the result, the position of Athens in the Dodecapolis was certainly raised by the war.

*qhseu\s—probably the legend of the coming of Theseus to Athens represents a second Ionic invasion of Attica, to which the strife between Athene and Poseidon, who is identical with Aegeus, father of Theseus, also points. See Plut. Thes. c. 13.

e)basi/leuse—‘became king.’ Cf. c. 58 nosh=sai, ‘to fall sick.’

meta\ tou= cunetou=—i.e. uniting power to the ability which he had already.

katalu/sas ... a)podei/cas ... cunw/|kise—the first participle precedes the second in time, and the second gives the action which resulted immediately in that of the main verb. Cf. c. 76 a)rth/santes ... a)nelku/santes a)fi/esan, 93 a)fikome/nous ... kaqelku/santas pleu=sai. cuntelou/ntwn—‘contributed to it,’ in taxes, hence ‘were members of the community.’

cunoi/kia—neuter plural, the annual festival celebrating the Union, held on the 16th of Hecatombaeon. Plut. Thes. c. 24.

poiou=sin—active not middle, of the body appointing the festival, cf. c. 34, 5.

*(h a)kro/polis—i.e. h(\ a)kro/polis nu=n e)sti po/lis h)=n, the city was a mere stronghold. ‘What is now the acropolis, and the ground lying under it to the south was the city’ (J.). (The bracked h( would imply a contrast with some older acropolis.) The same observation is true of London and Paris.

pro\s tetramme/non—here in its literal sense, but oftener metaphorical, as in c. 25, 2; Plat. Phaedo, p. 66 D.

*tekmh/rion de/—Thuc. disregards the Athenian legends, as suited only to poetry. Deposing the picturesque and enthroning the reasonable, he judges the remote past solely hy the indisputable evidence supplied by the present. For the use of tekmh/ria and shmei=a, non-forensic pi/steis like e)nqumh/mata (c. 11, 8) and gnw=mai (c. 11, 9), cf. 39, 2, 41, 2, 50, 2.

kai\ a)/llwn—the lost allusion to the most ancient temple of Athene, namely the shrine of Athene Polias attached to the Erectheum and containing the venerable wooden figure of the goddess (co/anon) and occupying the site of her struggle with Poseidon, would have been the best evidence that the original site of the city was the Acropolis.

ta\ e)/cw—the early temples not on the Acropolis lie at the south of it, viz. the Olympieium at the S.E., begun by Pisistratus, remarkable for its size, and only finished under Hadrian; the Pythium, or temple of Apollo patrw=|os, of which there are no remains, Pausanias says it was close to the Olympieium; the shrine of the Earth-Mother, situated within the te/menos of the Olympieium; and that of Dionysus in the low ground near the Ilissus. The Pisistratids probably did much to make these temples popular.

ta\ a)rxaio/tera—the Anthesteria, held in Anthesterion (11th to 13th). The first day was called h( *piqoigi/a, the second *xo/es, the third *xu/troi. Aristoph. Ran. 215, Eur. I. T. 960, Harpoc. and Suidas s.v. xo/es. [

th=| dwdeka/th|]—gives one day only, and with it *)anqesthriw=nos mhno/s would be required. The date of the xo/es seems inserted from the same source from which Harpocration drew.

poiei=tai—passive of poiou=si, not of poiou=ntai. See 2 above, and c. 11, 4.

oi( a)p' *)a.—i.e. oi( a)/poikoi tw=n *)aqhnai/wn. nomi/zousi —‘are accustomed to do.’ Cf. 5 below, c. 38, 1.

*th=| krh/nh|—S. of the Olympieium, on the Ilissus. The Pisistratids furnished it with nine pipes and beautified it with columns. It was part of the Tyrants' policy to improve their cities and to encourage every form of art.

*kallirro/h| —the name still survives to show the early importance of this spring. See Ruskin, Oxford Lect. on Art, p. 136, Pausanias, I. 14, 1. [

ta\ plei/stou a)/cia]—Thuc. is arguing that in earlier times the spring was in general use.

pro\ gamikw=n— for the loutro\n gamiko/n, the water being brought from the spring by a maid called h( loutrofo/ros. Pollux III. 43, VIII. 66. But Harpoc. says that a boy brought it. e)s a)/lla—e)/qos h)=n kai\ tw=n a)ga/mwn a)poqano/ntwn loutrofo/ron e)pi\ to\ mnh=ma e)fi/stasqai Harpoc. Cf. Dem. in Leoch. 18, 30. Probably a figure holding a pitcher, which contained water from the spring, was placed on the tomb. Eustathius says the object was to show that the dead had never used the nuptial water.

nomi/zetai—‘it is the custom.’ The connection between the loutro\n gamiko\n and the loutro\n tw=n a)poqano/ntwn is as familiar as utraque taeda. In Eur. Hec. 612, the bringing of the water to wash the dead body of Polyxena snggests to Hecuba the loutro\n gamiko/n.

*katoi/khsin—c. 102, 5.

po/lis—this meaning is common in Inscriptions and official documents.

*th=| ... oi)kh/sei—causal, with geno/menoi kai\ oi)kh/santes. d' ou)=n—resumes from c. 14. e)pi\ polu\—temporal.

au)tono/mw|—independent of any capital.

kai\—‘even.’

o(/mws— answers kai\ and may be omitted in translating.

oi( plei/ous —restricting oi( *)aqhnai=oi. panoikesi/a| geno/menoi/ te kai\ oi)kh/santes—all go closely together, ‘having been born and having lived with their whole family.’

a)neilhfo/tes—having recovered from the effects of the Persian Invasion, when they had abandoned their homes. Not merely ‘had restored their homes,’ which took them only a short time. Cf. VI. 26, where it is said that Athens in 415 a)/rti a)neilh/fei e(auth\n a)po\ th=s no/sou kai\ tou= cunexou=s pole/mou.

*kata\ to\ a)rxai=on—lit. ‘according to early custom,’ ‘primitive,’ not to\ a)rxai=on ‘in early times,’ ‘ancient.’ The early po/lis was held together mainly as a religious union, with its local cult.

a)polei/pwn—joined to preceding plural, and might have been a)polei/pontes. Cf. c. 65, 10.

*(gph=rxon—‘had homes ready to receive them.’ It appears that the whole of the country population was opposed to war. The rich landed gentry had town houses, but rarely lived in them and felt the loss of their fine country places. Cf. c. 65; Isocr. VII. 52. The farmers and peasants were ruined by the invasion. Cf. [Lys.] 20. 33.

*)eleusini/ou— at the foot of the Acropolis, at the N.E. It was regarded with great awe, and even in the time of Pausanias some mysterious sanctity belonged to it. The Boule sat there the day after the Eleusinian Festival ended.

to\ *pelargiko\n—（a) a fortification built by the ‘Pelasgians’ on the W. side of the Acropolis, the only side accessible to an enemy; (b) a space below this fortification and also above it. It is to this space on either side that the curse attached. (On the orthography, Herodian says, *pelargiko\n a)nti\ tou= *pelasgiko/n. Cf Lobeck, Phryn. p. 109.

e)pa/raton—what was the reason of this? Only the W. side was ‘cursed’ since only on that side could buildings be placed; but this space was part of the pomoerium of the original settlement, the Acropolis being then the te/menos of Pelasgian Zeus. Hence no human beings were to live there. mh\—due to the prohibition implied in e)pa/raton. toio/nde— i.e. mh\ oi)kei=n au)to/, the relative construction disappearing. See c. 4, 5.

*pelargiko\n a)rgo\n—such paronomasi/a is common in oracles. See c. 54, 2.

a)/meinon—a favourite word at Delphi, suiting well the oracle which worked by suggestion rather than command.

e)cw|kh/qh—‘was filled with settlers.’

*cumbh=nai—‘to have been fulfilled in a manner con- trary to their expectations,’ because the troubles were the cause instead of the result of the occupation.

h)\ prosede/xonto—Haase suggested h)\ {h(=|} prosede/xonto, but the relative may be omitted.

gene/sqai—sc. dokou=si from dokei= above. So Burke, Reflections, ‘In England we are said to learn manners at seeond-hand from your side of the water, and that we dress our behaviour in the frippery of France’ (i.e, it is said that we dress).

proh/|dei—i.e. warned them that the place would some day be inhabited in time of adversity.

mh\ e)p' a)gaqw=|—after oi)=da the regular negative is ou). This mh\ implies a sense of authoritative declaration in oi)=da, and is not a colloquial license. M. T. 688. mh\ belongs to a)gaqw=|.

*kateskeua/santo—‘fonnd quarters.’

w(s e(/kasto/s pou—Aristoph. Eq. 792, Andoc. ap. Suid. s.v. ska/ndic. Andocides refers to the difficulty of getting good food.

e)xw/rhse—from this early trans. use of xwrei=n comes the meaning ‘receive’ of persons, as in St. Matthew xix. 12.

*(/hptonto—cf. Plat. Phaedo, 64 A o)rqw=s a(pto/menoi filosofi/as. Thuc. speaks of the Athenians generally: while the country people were settling down as best they could, the Athenians were meanwhile busy with the details connected with the war, both ta\ e)/cw, cumma/xous a)gei/rontes, and ta\ e)/ndon, nau=s e)cartu/ontes. th=| *p..—c. 56, 1.

e)n tou/tw| p.— cf. VII. 50, 4 e)n panti\ a)qumi/as.

*th=s *)at. e)s *oi)no/hn—for order cf. c. 21, 1, 25, 3.

*oi)no/hn—there were two roads to Attica, the one a bad one by the coast, the other an inland one, leading over Cithaeron by the Pass of the Oak's Heads (*druo\s *kefalai/) and passing Eleutherae, which is probably the site of Oenoe. In any case Oenoe was on the frontier between Attica and Boeotia and just where the road from Athens and Eleusis branched off, one way to Plataea, the other to the Peloponnese.

w(s e)kaqe/zonto —the imperfect implies a prolonged stay. Cf. c. 19, and see c. 3, 1.

prosbola\s—the siege was preliminary to the invasion. See 19, 1.

pareskeua/zonto—for the omission of w(s with the participle, cf. c. 91, 1.

*au)tw=|—follows the gender of the predicate, instead of that of the antecedent.

frouri/w|—because it commanded the pass. A similar importance attached to Phyle and Decelea.

a)/llws—‘in other ways.’

*ai)ti/an te—to the end of the chapter is parenthetical.

e)/laben ... dokw=n ... ou) parainw=n—dokw=n gives the cause of e)/laben, parainw=n the cause of dokw=n. Cf. c. 86 a)nqw/rmoun ... gnw/mhn e)/xontes ... fobou/menoi. au)tou=—of what has just been described, as often.

e)n th=| cunagwgh=|—in bello conflando. So Isocr. oi)=mai to\n po/lemon qew=n tina sunagagei=n. e)peidh/ te— this te joins cunele/geto to e)n th=| cunagwgh=|. Four periods are distinguished, (1) the time when Sparta was seeking a casus belli, (2) the time when the contingents were assembling at the Isthmus, (3) the march to Oenoe, (4) the delay at Oenoe

h(/ te—this te belongs equally to e)peidh\ cun. o( strato/s, but the order is distorted for the sake of the antithesis between the three periods. Cf. c. 13, 2.

kata\ th\n—i.e. h( kata\ th\n a)/llhn p. sxolaio/ths. Cf. Intr. p. xl.

a)/llhn—exclusive, ‘as well.’

ma/lista de\—the most inelegant section in the book. The repetition of what has been said in 2 above is clumsy.

*)epelqo/ntes a)\n—the a)\n belongs to katalabei=n only; of course a)\n is constantly attracted to a partic. which forms the protasis; but sometimes the a)\n also belongs to the partic., which is part of the apodosis, as c. 53, 4 biou\s a)\n ... a)ntidou=nai. (In some cases it is not easy to decide whether the partic. belongs to prot. or apod., as Demosth. Phil. 1, 1.)

*)en ... o)rgh=|—see c. 59, 2.

*pa=san i)de/an—adverbial, = pa/nta tro/pon. peira/- santes—se. au)th=s. In Attic peirw=mai = conari. Only Herod. and Thuc. among prose writers use the aetive in this sense. [

tw=n e). *qhbai/wn]—Intr. p. xxxix.

o)gdohkosth=|—i.e. about June 20th.

a)kma/zontos—denotes the time preeeding ripeness, in Attica the end of May and the greater part of June.

h(gei=to de\—Archidamus has been already referred to again and again as the general. But ef. c. 47, 2, 71, 1; III. 1, 1, 26, 2, 89, 1; IV. 2, 1; V. 54, 1, 57, 1; VII. 19, 1. h\gemw\n is the technieal word for the Peloponnesian general, cf. I. 128 *pausani/as o( h(gemw\n th=s *spa/rths, and the name of the h(gemw\n —generally one of the kings—in command of a Spartan expedition is regularly given as a matter of form. As regards Sparta, h(gemw\n is regularly the title of a king or regent. Thus Brasidas is ealled only strathgo\s or a)/rxwn.

*kaqezo/menoi—for the tense, ef. c. 18, 1.

*)eleu- si=na kai\ to\ *q. pedi/on—the country round Eleusis.

peri\ tou\s *(reitou\s—two salt lakes on the boundary between the land of Athens and Eleusis, at the eorner of the Thriasian plain. From Eleusis Archidamus had followed the Sacred Way.

*ai)ga/lewn—instead of ‘turning off to the eastward,’ as Grote says, Archidamus probably continued along the direct road to Athens, i.e. the Saered Way, erossing the pass of Daphni, and only then turned north towards Mount Parnes. This agrees better with e)n decia=| e)/xontes to\ *ai). (Mount Skarmanga). The question is eomplicated by the uneertainty of the position of the deme Cropia.

xro/non polu\n—with e)/temnon. e)mmei/nantes—‘having settled there.’ e)mme/nein is regularly used of persons: thus e)mme/nw tai=s spondai=s, not ai( spondai\ e)mme/nousin is the ordinary idiom. For exeeptions, see c. 2, 1 not. crit.

[

*(ws ... taca/menon]—by no means in accordanee with the desultory nature of Archidamus' operations. On le/getai, see c. 57, 1.

e)s to\ pedi/on—the Attic plain.

e)kei/nh| th=| e)sbolh=|—temporal. See c. 13, 9, 57, 2. Rutherford, Syntax, p. 68.

*tmhqh=nai—the infinitive after periora=n is found only in Herod. and Thuc.; p. then = e)a=n, the notion of perception or want of it being lost. Cf. c. 18, 5. M. T. 903, 6.

*)enstratopedeu=sai—for e)n in compounds with ad- verbial force, cf. c. 44, 1.

me/ros—see c. 21, 3. There were probably heroes of Marathon to be found among the Acharnians, who were by no means inclined to see their vines cut down without a blow being struck. The deme was proud of its distinction in war. See Aristoph. Ach. 180.

o(rmh/sein —transitive, governing tou\s pa/ntas.

*toiau/th| me\n—resuming and dismissing gnw/mh| toia=|de in 1 above. Cf. 9, 1 and 6.

*kai/ tina—the principal sentence.

*pleistoa/nakta —when Euboea and Megara revolted from Athens 445 B.C., and Pericles had crossed to Euboea, Pleistoanax invaded Attica, but retreated after ravaging the Thriasian plain, as Pericles returned.

memnhme/noi. .o(/te...a)nexw/rhse—‘remembering the time when.’ Cf. c. 54, 4 mnh/mh e)ge/neto . o(/te (o( qeo\s) a)nei=le. Eur. Hec. 112 oi)=sq' o(/te xruse/ois e)fa/nh cu\n o(/plois. Only o(/te is used in prose to mark a date. See c. 98, 1. So ‘audivi eum eum diceret.’

e)sbalw\n ... ou)ke/ti proelqw\n— both temporal; cf. c. 68, 3, 71, 2, where also the time of the first precedes that of the second.

e)s *)e. kai\ *qriw=ze—i.e. e)s *)e. kai\ to\ *qria/sion pedi/on. e)s to\ p. ou)ke/ti—‘without advancing further.’ Cf. I. 114 to\ ple)on ou)ke/ti proelqo/ntes. With the eomparative the -e/ti is superfluous, but idiomatic.

h( fugh\—Thuc. writes as though he had mentioned this before, but nothing is said about it in I. 114, and it is again referred to incidentally V. 16. It must have been a very famous event.

*(ws ei)ko\s—with e)fai/neto. e)n tw=| e)mfanei=—)(e)n tw=| a)fanei= I. 136. e)n in an adverbial phrase is eommon.

plh\n —here an adverb. Cf. c. 34. So ad = w(s, Livy XXI. 22, 3 ad mille oetingenti, though that use is limited to cases in whieh mille or millia intervenes.

ta\ *mhdika\—‘at the time of the Persian war.’ Cf. I. 3, 4 ta\ pro\ *(/ellhnos. Adverbial aceusative, as in to\ prw=ton. mh\ periora=n—distinguish (a) ou)k e)do/kei periora=n, ‘it did not seem good to overlook it,’ (b) e)do/kei ou) periora=n, ‘it seemed that they were not overlooking it,’ (c) e)do/kei mh\ periora=n, ‘it seemed better not to,’ i.e. ‘they determined not to,’ implying ‘preferenee or deprecation.’ Rutherford. Syntax, p. 132.

*kata\ c. g.—so gi/gnomai is often used with participial expressions. Cf. c. 3 e)k tou= i)/sou gi/gnesqai. The style here beeomes more animated, the conflicting passions being described, as usual, in short eo-ordinate sentences.

oi( me\n— apposition to the universal subject. Cf. c. 16, 1.

pantoi/ous, w(s a)kroa=sqai—i.e. every man, to whatever side he belonged, eould quote his own oraele-monger.

w(/rmhto—with infin., as in c. 59. para\—c. 72, 2.

panti/ te—this te sums up the preeeding three.

strathgo\s w)\n—Pericles being strathgo\s au)tokra/twr (speeially given unlimited powers) could prevent any of his colleagues from leading them out.

u(pecaga/goi— cause assigned by the people. Hence optative.

*gignw/skein peri\ tou= mh\—cf. c. 55. For the reason of his action, see Intr. p. lxix.

e)kklhsi/an te ... th/n te—the double te implies two coneurrent acts having the same object in view.

e)poi/ei—‘summon.’ e)kklhsi/a means the regular meeting (kuri/a e)kklhsi/a) which only a strathgo\s au)tokra/twr could prevent. It was ordinarily held in each Prytany. cu/llogos means a special meeting (sugklhto\s e)kklhsi/a). Cf. c. 59 and IV. 114, 120. These were summoned by the Prytanes at the request of the Strategi. (Gilbert, Beitr. zur innern Geschichte, p. 14, explains this passage differently.) As so many eountry people were now in Athens, all opposed to the war, it would have been very dangerous to eall a meeting.

ou)de/na—but he could not prevent the custa/seis: club intrigues and sueh strained eombinations of opposed interests as oecur in times of excitement took the plaee of ordinary politics. In this hazy atmosphere the figure of Cleon looms indistinctly. (We cannot penetrate into the workings of the e(tairei=ai to which Thuc. refers; but Grote is quite mistaken in saying that Cleon rose now ‘as an opposition speaker.’ He was preparing for the great attaek on Pericles that was made in 430 B.C. Intr. p. lxxvi.)

di' h(suxi/as—c. 13, 2.

*tou= mh\—purpose, a rare construction outside Thuc.

e)spi/ptontas e)s kakourgei=n—the eommon object is accommodated to the participle. See c. 13, 2.

a)grou\s—the Attic plain.

*frugi/ois—somewhere between Athens and Acharnae in the plain.

troph\ e)ge/neto—pass. of t. e)poih/santo, c. 19.

*to\ palaio\n c—made 461 B.C., the Thessalians being enemies of the Dorians and Boeotians from early times. The allianee was made when Sparta sent away the foree which Athens sent to help to subdue the helots.

*polumh/dhs kai\ *)aristo/nous—these suggestive names are one outeome of the visit of Gorgias to Larissa, which had previously prided itself on i(ppikh\ rather than sofi/a. Plat. Meno, 70 B, Isoer. 15, 155.

a)po\ th=s sta/sews—the Sehol. says h( *la/rissa e)stasi/ase pro\s e(auth/n: dio\ e(kate/ra meri\s a)/rxonta ei)=xe. le/gei de\ o(/ti e(kate/ra sta/sis du/namin *)aqhnai/ois a)pe/steilen. oi( me\n ga\r dhmokrati/an h)/gagon, oi( de\ o)ligarxi/an. These explanations are based only on the passage. It is more probable that Thue. means that the troops of Larissa were in two divisions, each having its own general Cf. c. 36, 1; VI. 62. The meanings of me/ros and sta/sis are much alike, and as me/ros sometimes has a political, so sta/sis perhaps has a military sense. Cf. centuria. A. Philippi, Rhein. Mus. 36, p. 245, proposes a)rxhgo\s th=s sta/sews for a)po\ t. s. Larissa was the most important state in Thessaly. Its prinees elaimed to be descended from Heracles, Pind. Pyth. 10. (Herodian settles the orthography. It must be admitted that the analogy of Thebes, and of Sparta to some extent, favours the explanation of the Sehol.)

kata\ po/leis —though the cities of Thessaly had separate prinees, they seem to have been connected by allianee.

*brilhssou=—Mt. Pentelicon, N.E. of Athens. See 3 below.

*xili/ous o(pli/tas—10 for each ship, as usual. These marines were generally Thetes. Cf. VI. 43 They were called e)piba/tai. *karki/nos—related to the famous tragic poet of the same name, at whom Aristophanes jests several times.

*prwte/as—had been one of the commanders of the 10 ships sent to Coreyra in 433. Intr. p. lxvii.

*(/osou—see c. 13, 7.

*)wrwpo\n—to get there from Pentelieon, they would pass the demes Cephisia, Aphidna and Oenoe, and cross the pass of Deeelea.

th\n *grai+kh\n—the name of the coast opposite Eretria. It is probably the plaee whieh gave the name Graeci to the colonists of Italy. See Busolt, G. Gesch., I. p. 14

*)aqhnai=oi u/ph/kooi—Oropus fell into the hands of Boeotia in 412 B.C. Thuc. leaves his note, made probably in 431, unaltered.

*)anaxwrhsa/ntwn—then the eountry people returned to their demes.

fulaka\s—to give warning to the eountry people of any fresh invasion and to prevent ships sailing in or out of Megara. Cf. also c. 32, 69. See c. 93, 4. The arrangements were quite different when an enemy was in Attica. Cf. c. 13, 7.

dh\—Thuc. thinks of the changes which were soon found necessary. Cf. c. 94, 5.

e)/docen au)toi=s—in the Ecclesia. The position of Pericles was now improved by the retreat of the enemy, and the departure of the country people. In the eity itself and in Piraeus he had a large majority. Both Diodorus and Plutarch call attention to this inerease of influence, but assign the wrong reason.

poihsame/nois—might have been aecus. (c. 7, 2), but Thuc. and Lysias keep the dat. more than other writers. Cf. v. 9 9.

a)nalou=n—old form of a)nali/skein. ei)ph=|—of the proposer of a motion, e)piyhfi/sh| of the president for the day, who put the question. In VIII. 15, after the revolt of Chios early in 412, ta\ xi/lia t. eu)qu\s e)/lusan ta/s e)pikeime/nas zhmi\as tw=| ei)po/nti h)\ e)piyhfi/santi kai\ e)yhfi/santo kinei=n. kinei=n—only of things disturbed through neeessity.

e)s a)/llo ti—explained by what follows. Cf. c. 1 e(ch=s. nhi/th|—old word for nautikw=| in this phrase. Thuc. is giving the formal language of the yh/fisma. qa/naton—‘the penalty they fixed was death.’ zhmi/an goes elosely with e)pe/qento, whieh is mid. beeause the motion then passed applied to themselves.

*)ecaire/tous—a reserve fleet, distinct from the fulaka/s, inspected yearly; any ships not in first-rate condition were replaeed.

kata\ to\n—the addition of the article adds formal preeision to the language.

trihra/rxous—the ships were docked, so that the eaptains would have nothing to do unless there were an attack by sea. See c. 94. w(=n—goes baek to trih/reis. xrh=sqai—it is easy to supply e)/doce, but by no means certain that Thuc. intended this. See c. 13, 1 gi/gnesqai and 5 oi(=s xrh/sesqai. h)\n de/h|—the apod. is implied in tou= au)tou= k.

*)ekei=—the Messenians of Naupactus, placed there by Athens 455 B.C., the Acarnamans and Zaeynthians.

*meqw/nhn—contrast the order in e. 18, 1 and 3 below. M., now Modon, is in Messenia, but after the Messenian Wars, circa 650 B.C., Messenia belonged to Laeonia. About the same date, the inhabitants of Nauplia, expelled from Argolis, were settled in Methone by Sparta, to hold the port in her interest as the Messenians afterwards held Naupaetus for Athens.

prose/balon—they thought to take it by assault, judging a regular approaeh unnecessary.

o)/nti ... e)no/ntwn—see on e. 4, 4.

ou)k e)no/ntwn—se. tw=| tei/xei. There were however men in the place, but it was ungarrisoned. The attaek was a surprise.

*peri\ tou\s x. t.—the only phrase in which the plur. of xw=ros oceurs in Thue. Cf. c. 101, 2; III. 102, 4.

*brasi/das—Thuc. admired Brasidas and relates many of his adventures. They may be read again, adorned with rhetorieal effects, in Diodorus.

froura\n e)/xwn—‘with an expeditionary force,’ sent to protect the eoast of Messenia. Cf. froura\n fai/nein in Xen., ‘to send out a force.’

tetramme/non—‘with their attention oceupied.’ Cf. c. 40, 2. So versus ad.

e)ph|ne/qh—by a decree passed in his honour, the usual sense of e)painw= in such eases.

*sxo/ntes—cf. c. 33, 3.

*feia\n—now Katakolo, the landing-place for visitors to Olympia.

e)pi\ du/o h(—cf. c. 86, 5. A rare use of e)pi/. Cf. Andoc. II. 8 lu/pas e)pi\ xro/non plei=ston fe/rein. th=s koi/lhs *)/hlidos—the physieal conditions of the eountry as well as the feud between Elis and Pisatis over the management of the games dating from the 7th cent. B.C., prevented any real union in this district. The N. part, in the valley of the Peneus, was h( koilh/, and was taken by the Aetolian Epeans or valei=oi (Lat. vallis) from the earlier population.

loga/das—Ionie for e)pile/ktous, used by no other Attic prose writer. Eur. Hec. 544. Suidas s.v. loga/dhn. au)to/qen—i.e. from the neighbourhood of Pheia itself, whieh, being in Pisatis, belonged to the perioiki/s. e)k th=s perioiki/dos—epexegesis of au)to/qen, but also showing that the relieving party was drawn not merely from the immediate neighbourhood of Pheia, but from Pisatis and Triphylia generally (h( perioiki/s, the sense being political not geographical).

*)ane/mou katio/ntos—cf. c. 84; VI. 2, 4. The regular word of a breeze getting up at sea.

e)pe/bhsan e)pi\—so I. 111; VII. 69; less eommonly simple dat. Contrast e)pibai/nw with gen., ‘to set foot in.’

*)ixqu=n—the promontory on whieh Pheia lay, now C. Katakolo.

to\n ...lime/na—probably Pontikokastro. [

oi(...e)pibh=nai]—this could only apply to a)/lloi tine/s: but it is probably a note on oi( *messh/nioi kai\ a)/lloi.

*prosebebohqh/kei—plup., because this had caused the departure of the Athenians.

*fulakh\n—predicate, kai\ joining the two phrases which express the objects of the expedition. For peri\ of vague reference, cf. c. 7, 3.

*kleo/pompos—was strategus again in 430; c. 58 (? 431/430 or 430/429. See note l.c.）

*qro/nion—some way inland; the capital of the Epi- cnemidian Locrians, on whom see c. 9, 4.

te—introduces the third fact.

au)tw=n—the inhabitants of Thronium, the people being named instead of the plaee, as often.

*)alo/ph| —its ruins, like those of Thronium, are on the road from the modern Atalante to Thermopylae.

*ai)ginh/tas—Athens had been frequently at war with Aegina, the last war being 460-456 B.C., when Aegina surrendered. See I. 67. {

e)n}

tw=| au)tw=| q—Cl. shows that Thuc. always inserts e)n in this phrase. Otherwise he uses the gen.

au)tou/s te—‘brutale applieation du droit du plus fort.’ M. Henry.

ou)x h(/kista—with ai)ti/ous. [th=| *p. e)pikeime/nhn]—had this been the object Athens would have directed her attacks on Peloponnese from Aegina; but we hear nothing of this.

e)poi/kous—i.e. klhrou/xous. This measure was certain to make Pericles very popular.

kai\— ‘and so.’

*qure/an—thus the Aeginetans would form a buffer between Laconia and Argolis. This region was a constant source of dispute between the two.

oi)kei=n ... ne/mesqai— these limit e)/dosan and ‘denote occupation, not property.’ Bloomf. Cf. c. 30. sfw=n—emphatic. ‘We help you because you helped us.’

u(po\ to\n seismo\n—about 464 B.C. Just after, the helots revolted, and the Messenians were expelled in consequence. See c. 25, 1. The Spartans now paid back Athens for placing the Messenians in Naupactus,

*qurea=tis—had been in the hands of Sparta since 495 B.C.

*puqe/w—Ionic gen. of *pu/qhs. Cf. *thre/w below.

ei)=xe—sc. gunai=ka. Cf. Andoc. I. 50 o(\s e)/xei sou th\n a)delfh/n. *sita/lkhs—see c. 95-102. pro/cenon—their representative in the kingdom of the Odrysae.

*th\n mega/lhn basi/leian—the great kingdom existing in 431.

e)pi\ plei=on th=s a)/llhs—there are several ways of explaining this. The old rendering was ‘made it more powerful than the rest of Thrace,’ but this strains e)pi\ plei=on. The others are (1) ‘extended his kingdom over a great part of Thrace,’ (2) ‘established it over a greater territory than the rest of Thrace comprised,’ i.e. it included more than half of Thrace, (3) ‘formed it on a larger scale than the rest of Thraee.’ Probably (2) is right; I. 9, 3, 71, 3 are similar.

*prosh/kei ou)de/n—at a time when Athens was trying to form a conneetion with Thrace, it was natural that people should try to eonneet Athenian history with Thraeian.

to\ e)/rgon—a hint at the murder of Itys by Procne and Philomela. Ovid, Met. VI. 620. For the attitude of Thuc. towards these myths, see Grote I. p. 389.

polloi=s—the ordinary prose rule for the agent with perf. pass, which Thuc. generally follows, is that the dat. is used when the subject is nonpersonal: when the subject is a person, u(po\ and gen. is invariably used.

e)n a)hdo/nos mnh/mh|—‘in referenees to the nightingale.’

ei)ko\s de\—for this argument cf. c. 11, 8. It was used only by orators and historians: philosophers laughed at it.

kh=dos—an Ionie word for ‘a connexion by marriage,’ found in Herod., Tragedy and late writers.

dia\ tosou/tou— ‘at so short a distance.’ Cf. c. 12, 1.

pollw=n h(merw=n— depends on o(dou=, see c. 13, 7.

*ta\ e)pi\ *q—the Chalcidian towns, which were causing much anxiety at the time.

*perdi/kkan—he had acted against Athens in the matter of Potidaea. I. 57-62. cunelei=n— ‘to help to establish their influence over.’

*te—‘and so.’

e)poi/hse—contrast with e)poih/santo in 4 above.

*sa/dokon—this presentation of the freedom of Athens amused and disgusted many. See Aristoph. Acharn. 141.

*)aqhnai=on—Muller-Strubing places kai\ *sa/dokon . .*)aqhnai=on after cu/mmaxon e)poih/santo above, on the ground that Thuc. could not say that an Abderite made a man a citizen: but it is plain that Thuc. refers to formalities earried out by the Proxenus when a member of his state was made a citizen of the state of which he was Proxenus. (So muei=n, ‘to initiate’ into the mysteries, a privilege belonging to the Eumolpidae, and Ceryees is used inexaetly of the man who introduces a candidate for initiation. Cf. [Dem.] 59, 21, Andoc. 1, 132.

*cunebi/base—a great gain to Athens. Cf. Intr. p. lxviii.

*qe/rmhn—eaptured by Athens in 432. I. 61, 2. t'—‘and so.’

*formi/wnos—he had gone with reinforeements to Potidaea in 432. See c. 2, 1. He had been Strategus in the Samian War, and again held offiee in 430 and 429. I. 64, 117; e. 69, 80, 102.

*ou(/tw me\n—the usual way in whieh Thue. summarises and dismisses a subject to pass to another. Cf. e. 4, 9, 15, 20.

*oi(—the influence of the art. extends to *pelopo/nnhson, so that o)/ntes is attributive.

e)/ti—where they were left c. 25. *so/llion—here Demosthenes landed in Aetolia in 426. It remained in the possession of Athens to the peace of Nicias. It appears to be S. of Astacns.

th\n gh=n kai\ po/lin—the art. covers both nouns, they being inseparable. Cf. c. 64 h( lampro/ths kai\ do/ca. ne/mesqai—epexegetie, th\n gh=n kai\ po/lin being object to paradido/asi. Cf. c. 27, 2.

*)/astakon—near the mouth of the Achelous.

*kata\ *)akarnani/an—‘opposite.’ Cf. Aristoph. Ran. 626 kat' o)fqalmou\s = coram te. A rare use.

tetra/polis— the Samaeans were the most important, and in ancient times gave their name to the state. In Od. I. 246 Cephallenia is ealled Same, in IV. 671 Samos.

*palh=s—the names of the people are given instead of the cities. Cf. c. 9, 4.

*fqino/pwron—in September.

*megari/da—for the policy of this, see Intr. p. Ixxii. Megara had a hard fate, gross time-server as she was. In 455 she revolted from Sparta to Athens; then in 445, when Athens was in a bad plight, revolted from her and rejoined Sparta. In 427 Nicias seized Minoa, an island off Megara. In 425 Aristophanes, in the Acharnians, gibed at her sufferings in a spirit worthy of Lauderdale. In 424 the Athenians became masters of Nisaea and the Long Walls that connected Megara with that port. Then the walls were pulled down. In the truce of 423 the line between the Athenians and Megara was carefully defined. Athens lost her influence there by the peace of 421, when Minoa and Nisaea were restored to Megara.

*mega/rois—i.e. the district of Megara, as with Eleusis c. 19.

*)ege/neto—of a sum total, as c. 13, 3.

muri/wn— with the 3000 hoplites at Potidaea, the total becomes 13,000, as mentioned in c. 13. Phormio, who had been sent with 1600 more to Potidaea, must have returned already to Athens, though, as often in Thuc., this fact is only referred to incidentally and later See c. 58, 2.

o(/milos—so c. 34, 8, 36, 4, 65, 4. Outside Thuc. it is found only in Herod., Tragedy and late authors, as Dion. Hal., Plutarch, Lucian.

*kai\ a)/llai—the result was a sore famine in Megara.

*)epikou/rous—speeially used of mereenaries and tyrants' body-guards. *xru/sidos—*xru=sis is masc., *xrusi\s fem., c. 2, 1.

*th=s peri\ q—an uncommon use of peri/. See on c. 99, 3, and for the order, cf. c. 18, 1.

peiraqe/ntes—see c. 19, 1. Supply prospoih/sasqai. a)pe/pleon—imperf., as the journey was broken.

*sxo/ntes ... a)pathqe/ntes ... a)poba/llousi—the first participle is temporal, while the second belongs closely to the verb and defines it like an adverb of manner.

e)c o(mologi/as —‘after an agreement had been made with them,’ the Corinthians, so that they had reason to expect the surrender of the islanders. The antithesis is between a)path\ and o(mologi/a, i.e. e)c o\mologi/as a)path\ gi/gnetai, as e)c is constantly used of persons, to denote a change of condition; cf. transfuga ex oratore etc.

a)prosdokh/tois—active. See c. 3, 4.

biai/oteron—‘not without a struggle,’ with considerable diffieulty.

*no/mw|—‘custom.’ See c. 35, 1.

tafa\s—funeral) )ta/fos, tomb.

e)n tw=|de tw=| p—see e. 1, init.

a)poqano/ntwn —in the siege of Potidaea, during the skirmishes with the invaders in Attica, and in the two coast expeditions.

*)osta=—the bodies had been burnt already at the scene of the action, then the bones were collected and buried at Athens. Cf. Plato, Phaedo, 80 D e)/nia me/rh tou= sw/matos, o(sta= te kai\ neu=ra kai\ ta\ toiau=ta w(s e)/pos ei)pei=n a)qa/nata/ e)stin. proti/qentai—proponunt.

a)pogenome/nwn—ef. c. 51, 5. An Ionie word. Herod. II. 85. Suidas, s.v. a)pege/neto, says ou(/tws *)antifw=n kai\ *qoukudi/dhs. Probably it was used in ritual, as a)poktinnu/nai for a)poktei/nein. pro/trita—so Aristoph. Lys. 611. Cf. pro/pempta. Both words puzzled ancient commentators. We should say ‘two days’ (before the e)kfora/).

skhnh\n poih/santes—in the agora, whieh was in the deme Cerameicus.

h)/n ti—not the things whieh the dead were supposed to require for their existenee below, but fancy presents.

e)peida\n—used here like o(/tan. Contrast 6 below, and c. 72, 3.

kuparissi/nas—the sehol. says that cypress was used beeause it does not easily deeay. Cl. says this is mere imagination; but at Veniee carved chests of cypress were used in the time of Shakspere for keeping valuable stuffs in. (‘Taming of the Shrew,’ II. 1 In cypress chests my arras.) The faet that it was used for coffins may be the reason why it was saered to the dead.

fulh=s—the members of a fulh\ were buried together (a) because the fulai\ were the largest aggregates based on the family, (b) because they were the basis of military organisation. h(=s e(/kastos—e(/k. is put into the relative clause, as in c. 17, 3.

kenh\—every effort had to be made to reeover the dead; only for those who were not found after eareful search was the symbolic burial sufficient. Eur. Hel. 1241 *(/ellhsi/n e/sti no/mos o(\s a)\n po/ntw| qa/nh| [kenoi=si qa/ptein e)n pe/plwn u(fa/smasin. tw=n a)fanw=n—with kli/nh. For the expression, cf. VIII. 38 a)pople/wn e)n ke/lhti a)fani/zetai.

*(o boulo/menos—the generic art. is post-Homeric.

ce/nwn—thus the aliens would hear the funeral oration, in which Athens was always extolled.

ai( prosh/kousai—this limits gunai=kes, lit. ‘I mean those who are related.’

e)pi\ to\n ta/fon—the women might be present at the grave, but did not walk in the proeession from the agora.

*proastei/ou—that part of the Cerameieus which was outside the gates was used as a cemetery. It was to Athens what the Appian Way was to Rome. It was just outside the Dipylon, the chief and double gateway of Athens. Probably it means ‘the potters' quarter,’ the Athenian potteries being famous. Cf. the potters' field in St. Matthew, XXVII. 7, whieh was bought ‘to bury strangers in.’

plh\n—see c. 21, 2.

e)n *maraqw=ni—see not. crit. Some critics, while admitting e)n *salami=ni, deny that e)n can be used with *maraqw=ni, and no case where the metre requires e)n before *maraqw=ni is found. The names of the sites of famous battles are used elliptically.

au)tou=—on the battle-field.

kai\—as well as burning the bodies.

ta/fon e)poi/hsan—‘made them their grave.’ The mound raised over it still exists, as also the remains of the trophy of victory set up in 490 B.C.

*(h|rhme/nos u(po\—the subject is a person; therefore u(po\ and not the dat. is used with the perf. pass.

mh\ a)cu/netos—i.e. cunetw/tatos. a)ciw/sei—Grote and Shil. say a)ci/wsis means the estimate one has of oneself; a)ci/wma that which others have of one. Such a wide difference does not exist here. a)ci/wsis is the recogintion of a man's gnw/mh. proh/kh| —rare for proe/xh|. e)p' au)toi=s—the prep. marks the occasion. Cf. 8 below, 35, 1, 42, 1. So in the orators.

e)/. to\n pre/ponta—mark the order. c. 2. 2.

*cumbai/h—sc. qa/ptein tou\s e)k tou= pole/mou, i.e. at the end of each campaign.

*kairo\s e)la/mbane—‘at the right moment,’ = k. kate- la/mbane. Cf. c. 18, 2.

u(yhlo\n pepoihme/non—together. Ste. however places the stop after u(yhlo/n. w(s e)pi\ plei=ston —so w(s e)pi\ to\ polu/ IV. 29, 3; e)pi/ ple/on c. 53, 1 (cf. c. 29, 2 note). Cf. Eur. Sup. 857 fol.

e)/lege—now follows the lo/gos e)pita/fios. It is more worked up than any other speech in Thuc., and conforms closely to the rhetorical rules. The other l. e)pita/fioi extant are one ascribed to Lysias, one to Demosthenes (see 44, 2), the Menexenus ascribed to Plato; fragments of one by Gorgias (see Intr. p. xlii.), and a considerable part of one by Hypereides. Doderlein says of the speech ‘Arte dicentis ad laudes Athenarum inflexum ac potius ad comparationem vitae Atheniensium liberae, liberalis, vere vitalis, cum tetrica angustaque et aerumnosa Spartanorum disciplina.’

*)epainou=si—e)/painos filled l. e)pitafi/ous. to\n prosqe/nta—it is not known who instituted the custom. It was of course ascribed to Solon. After a time, the subjects dealt with became traditional commonplaces. Dion. Hal. enumerates them (Ars Rhet. VI.) as patri/s, ge/nos, fu/sis, a)gwgh/, pra=cis. Then he shows how the subjects should be treated.

w(s kalo\n—sc. o)/n. M. T. 875.

no/mw|—probably ‘institution.’

a)rkou=n—used as an adj.

a)\n e)do/kei—censeam, often instead of censeo, as a polite expression, ‘I am inclined to think’; if I had to settle the matter I should hold. Cf. Burke, On American Taxation, ‘For my part I should choose (if I could have my wish).’

e)/rgw| dhlou=sqai—in a public burial, in honour paid to the tomb (a very important matter to the Greeks), and in privileges to the family.

tima/s, oi(=a—the change to neuter shows that only an instance of the many kinds of timai\ is given.

peri\—not local, but ‘at’ meaning ‘on the occasion of.’

paraskeuasqe/nta— with oi(=a. kai\ mh\ k.t.l.—Gottleber makes pisteuqh=nai subj. of kinduneu/esqai, i.e. kai\ (to\) pollw=n a)reta\s pisteuqh=nai mh\ kinduneu/esqai e)n e(ni/. (This is better than making pisteuqh=nai depend on kinduneu/esqai, as then h)\ ou)/ would be required after pisteuqh=nai.)

e)n e(ni\ kinduneu/esqai—cf. Eur. I. T.1057-8 kai\ ta)/m' e)n u(mi=n e)stin h)\ kalw=s e)/xein h)\ mhde\n ei)=nai. For the pass. kinduneu/etai cf. c. 43, 5.

pisteuqh=nai—for omission of to/, cf. c. 39, 4.

eu)= te kai\ xei=ron—sive bene sive male dixerit.

to\ metri/ws ei)pei=n—explained by what follows as meaning neither e)ndeeste/rws dhlou=n nor pleona/zein.

e)n w(=|— in a case where. Cf. c. 1. In this phrase, the relative does not refer to any definite antecedent, but rather to the whole preceding clause.

do/khsis—even if the speaker is sure he has hit the mean, he finds it hard to convey that impression to his hearers. The word do/khsis, impression, is tragic, and used by no other prose writer. See c. 14, 1.

a)lhqei/as— truthfulness.

e)ndeeste/rws—cf. c. 50 xalepwte/rws. Thuc. uses a considerable number of such comparatives. They are rare in other prose writers (Dobree, Advers. II. 208), except indeed only after e)/xein intrans., as Plato, Phaedo, 75A e)/xei de\ e)ndeeste/rws. pro\s—prae. Cf. c. 62, 3, 65, 10.

a)kou/oi —protasis to a)\n nomi/seie.

tw=| u(perba/llonti au)tw=n—viz. tw=n e)pai/nwn, that which transgresses the limit in these panegyrics they actually discredit. See on c. 59, 3 to\ o)rgizo/menon th=s gnw/mhs. fqonou=ntes—not that they envy the dead (which the speaker says is not the case c. 45, 1), but they do not like to hear another's praises exaggerated, whether he be living or dead (peri\ e(te/rwn e)/painoi). Cf. Herod. III. 52 fqone/esqai kre/sson e)sti\n h)\ oi)ktei/resqai. Pind. Pyth. I. 85 kre/sswn oi)ktirmou= fqo/nos.

*)epeidh\—resumes e)moi\ d' in 1 above.

e)dokima/sqh —properly of the preliminary test to which newly-appointed officials had to submit to prove they were qualified. Hence dedokimasme/nos, like spectatus, ‘tried and approved.’ The word shows Pericles has in his mind a custom rather than a law.

*)/arcomai—here begins a subsidiary introduction, the object of which is to get rid of the conventional topics in few words, and lead up to the prothesis (see 4 below).

progo/nwn —dismissed with merely a respectful mention, as Pericles' real business is with the present, not the past. He begins with pro/gonoi, the qeoi\ xqo/nioi, as poets and orators begin with the gods. Plato does it sometimes at the beginning of a long discussion; cf. Livy's conclusion to his preface, and the opening of Demosth. de Cor.

prw=ton—not pleonastic, for the analysis shows that the a)rxh\ of the speech contains three points.

di/kaion .. pre/pon—the former of one's duty towards others, the latter of one's duty towards oneself.

au)toi=s—with di/dosqai. kai\ p. de\ a(/ma—like non modo ... sed etiam.

e)n tw=| toiw=|de—‘on such an occasion as this.’

oi( au)toi\—predicate with oi)kou=ntes. The Athenians prided themselves on being au)to/xqones. diadoxh=|—instrumental.

*pate/res—he passes to the period of the Persian Wars.

pro\s oi(=s—they received Attica; they left the maritime confederacy.

a)rxh\n—Pericles avoids stating the steps by which the Athenian h(gemoni/a was turned into an a)rxh/.

*ta\ plei/w—is accus. of respect, and refers especially to the internal improvements, made in the age of Pericles, of whatever kind. As for the material improvements—buildings and walls—Pericles' connection with them precluded him from referring to them in detail.

h(mei=s—Pericles was born about 490 B.C. Hence ma/lista, ‘more or less.’

e)n th=| kaq —lit. ‘living in settled life,’ i.e. ‘in the vigour of life,’ the time between growth and decay. Cic. Cat. maj. 76 constans aetas quae media dicitur.

e)phuch/samen—‘have improved it.’

au)tarkesta/thn—by the increase of the revenue and the advance of culture.

*(=wn—au)tw=n kai\ tw=n pate/rwn. oi(=s k.t.l.—of the Persian Wars, the reduction of Naxos (468 B.C.), the war with Thasos (465), those with Corinth, Epidaurus and Aegina (458), those in Boeotia (457 and 447), that with Euboea (445) and Samos (440).

e)kth/qh—offensive measures) (h)muna/meqa, defensive. [

po/lemon]—this would require *(ellhniku/n, since *(/ellhn can only be used as an adj. with persons, as VII. 42, 1 a)kontista\s barba/rous kai\ *(/ellhnas. a)po\ de\—this introduces the prothesis, or statement of the theme of the main portion of the speech (the pi/stis).

e)pithdeu/sews—‘principles’ on which concrete e)pithdeu/mata are based. Pericles will explain the meaning and point out the results of the ideas which underlie the Athenian constitution, and show that it is based on philosophy and intelligence. (Aristotle did not admire Pericles much, because Athens degenerated so rapidly after his death; and Plato thought little of most men who took part in public affairs: but the passage in Phaedo, 82 A oi( th\n dhmotikh/n te kai\ politikh\n a)reth\n e)pithdeuko/tes, h(\n dh\ kalou=si swfrosu/nhn te kai\ dikaiosu/nhn, e)c e)/qous te kai\ mele/ths gegonui=an a)/neu filosofi/as te kai\ nou=, could not apply to Pericles and the circle of Anaxagoras. See Appendix in Archer—Hind's edition).

au)ta\—cf. c. 1 e(/kasta, 43, 1.

meq' oi(/as—the prepositions are important. a)po\ gives the remote origin, e)c the immediate cause, meta\ the circumstances under which the result was produced. From both a)po\ and e)k must be distinguished u(po/, of the agent (see Class. Rev. III. 436 a),

politei/as—of public and active life) (tro/pwn, of personal relations, and intellectual life.

tau=ta dhlw/sas—‘I will explain this before’ etc. The main emphasis is on the partic. as c. 12, 2.

e)pi\ tw=| paro/nti—‘under the present circumstances,’ i.e. at the end of the first campaign. There will be practical lessons to learn from the description. Intr. p. lxxii. In the same sense e)pi\ toi=s parou=sin is used VIII. 54, 4.

a)preph=— predicate, with lexqh=nai. Cf. c. 102, 6.

a)stw=n—so that they might lay to heart the lesson to be learnt.

ce/nwn— see c. 34, 4.

cu/mforon—neut. The general topic of the pi/stis is to\ cumfe/ron. It is changed at c. 43 for to\ kalo/n. e)pakou=sai—‘to hear with attention’) (u(pakou/ein ‘to hear and obey.’

*ou) zhlou/sh|—the institutions of Sparta were based on those of Crete.

para/deigma—probably a reference to the embassy sent from Rome to Athens in 454 B.C. to examine the laws of Solon. Livy III. 31. (Hertz, N. Jahrb. 1881, p. 283 fol.)

o)/ntes—the partic. is constructed with the subject instead of with politei/a|, so that the pride of the people is directly appealed to.

o)/noma—adverb. accus.

e)s o)li/gous . . oi)kei=n—‘the administration is in the hands not of a few but of the majority.’ oi)kei=n is here intrans. = ‘to be administered,’ and the subject is h( politei/a. Cf. Plat. Rep. VIII p. 547 C pw=s oi)kh/sei (au(/th h( politei/a);

d. ke/klhtai—‘our constitution is called a democracy.’ Then me/testi de\ k.t.l. explains that, though named a democracy, the name does not mean that the claims of excellence are disregarded.

pro\s ta\ i)/dia d——‘in protecting their private interests,’) (e)s ta\ koina\ below.

pa=si— i.e. o)li/goi, as well as dh=mos. The two cardinal principles on which the democracy rested were i)sonomi/a and e)leuqeri/a. All being equal in the eyes of the law, the majority of necessity controlled the state. Pericles was convinced that complete democracy was necessary, as only under such a government had all an equal chance of developing their abilities; all being, as Isocr. says, e)k th=s dhmokrati/as pepaideume/noi. kata\ de\—antithesis to me/testi pa=si rather than to kata\ me\n tou\s no/mous. a)ci/wsin—existimatio, the consideration accorded to merit, recognition of personal claims

eu)dokimei=—he alludes especially to officials elected by show of hands, such as the strategi. Those offices which required no special knowledge were filled by lot. Whether the best men were always elected is doubtful. Pericles only claims that nothing stood in the way of merit.

ou)k a)po\ me/rous— ‘not on account of his rank so much as.’ me/ros = a particular class, such as the o(moi=oi of Sparta.

a)gaqo/n ti dra=sai—see c. 64, 1; Plat. Rep. I. 332 A.

a)ciw/matos a)fanei/a|—the result of a)ci/wsis is a)ci/wma, a position in the state: ‘by the obscurity of his position.’

kekw/lutai—sc. a)gaqo/n ti dra=sai th\n po/lin, a clear statement that abilities are to be devoted to the advancement of the state. (This was the theory of all the best Athenian statesmen: there was some sense in the Seriphian's insult to Themistocles, ou) di' au(to\n a)lla\ dia\ th\n po/lin eu)dokimei=.)

*)eleuqe/rws—the same liberal spirit that we show in public life underlies all our private relations.

ta/ te .. kai\ —parataxis: ‘as ... so.’

politeu/omen—lit. live in the state, ta\ pro\s to\ k. being internal accus. ‘as regards our public life,’ quod attinet ad rempublicam.

e)s th\n u(poyi/an—‘in respect of that mutual suspicion often felt (th\n) in the daily business of life.’

e)pithdeuma/twn—the outcome of following any particular e)pith/deusis (see c. 36, 4).

di' o)rgh=s . . e)/xontes —c. 13, 2.

ei) ... dra=|—this merely = to\n drw=nta, i.e. no time is referred to at all. If it were, e)a/n ti dra=| would be required. Cf. c. 64, 6.

kaq' h(donh/n ti dra=|—genio indulget, ‘does as he likes.’ This is true generally; but in their religious opinions the Athenians were intolerant.

a)xqhdo/nas prostiqe/menoi—‘assuming an ill-humoured expression.’ th=| o)/yei ‘on our faces’ may be omitted in trans.; unless, indeed, it belongs not to prostiqe/menoi, but to luphra/s, ‘annoying to see.’ a)zhmi/ous is active in meaning. a)xqhdw\n (= a)/xqos) is poetic. Thuc. still alludes to Sparta, where people could not do as they liked, through the rigorous system of police control enforced by the ephors.

*)anepaxqw=s—‘yet, in spite of this freedom from restraint in our private intercourse, we are in our public acts most careful to reverence the laws.’ Both ta\ i)/dia and ta\ dhmo/sia are adverbial.

ai)ei\—constantly used of the officials who held office for a year, and denoting the continuous succession of magistrates.

a)kroa/sei—‘showing respect to,’ = a)krow/menoi, which means lit. ‘listening eagerly to.’ Cf. c. 21, 3.

au)tw=n—with o(/soi. a)/grafoi—Soph. Antig. 454 a)/grapta ka)sfalh= qew=n|no/mima du/nasqai qnhto\n o)/nq' u(perdramei=n. Xen. Mem. IV. 4, 19. They are the natural laws that are engraved on the heart of every right-minded individual, so that none doubt it is disgraceful to transgress them. Cf. Milton: ‘Those unwritten, or at least unconstraining laws of virtuous education.’

ai)sxu/nhn ... fe/rousi—‘bring universally admitted disgrace,’ sc. toi=s paranomou=si.

*)anapau/las—an old Attic word, frequent in trag.

th=| gnw/mh|—‘for the mind,’ referring to the humanising and artistic value of the festivals.

a)gw=si—namely, at the panhgu/reis, the chief festivals, when business ceased. Such were the Panathenaic Festival and the Dionysia.

qusi/ais—not the ordinary sacrifices, but those performed at the e(ortai/, the most important of which were panhgu/reis. diethsi/ois— ‘which succeed one another throughout the year.’ At Athens the festivals were more frequent than elsewhere, and perhaps ridicule was cast upon them by the Spartans, just as the Romans ridiculed the Jews and Christians for wasting time over their weekly sabbath.

nomi/zontes—= xrw/menoi: an Ionic use, cf. I. 74, end.

kataskeuai=s eu)—c. 65, 2.

kaq' h(me/ran h( te/ryis—i.e. h( kaq' h(. te/ryis. Cf. c. 18. 3. For the reason of this transposition, see Intr. p. xl. The object here is to contrast kaq' h(me/ran with diethsi/ois, in which there is a legitimate gain, since kaq' h(me/ran is always used of ordinary business, whereas diethsi/ois applies to the holidays: also to extend the force of kaq' h(. to e)kplh/ssei and to\ luphro/n, as in c. 7, 2 e)c *)itali/as belongs partly to poiei=sqai. to\ luphro\n— of the petty worries of life, which oppress the middle classes, and take all the pleasure out of life. Pericles allndes to Sparta. Cf. Burke, On American Taxation, ‘If I were to detail the imports, I could show how many enjoyments they procure which deceive the burden of life.’

*ta\ pa/nta—cf. c. 11, 6, 36, 4, ‘all that we need.’ The echo in pa/shs ... pa/nta is what Cornificius calls traductio. It is a variety of paronomasi/a. Cf. VI. 87, 4 e)n panti\ ga\r pa=s xwri/w|. VI. 11, 1 dia\ pollou= ge kai\ pollw=n o)/ntwn. oi)keiote/ra| k.t.l.—ht. ‘the enjoyment with which we reap the harvest of the good things produced in our own land is not more our own than that of the productions of the rest of the world,’ i.e. ‘we have the advantage of enjoying the products of other countries as freely as those of our own.’

ta\ a)gaqa\—not the products of the soil only, but those of the mind as well.

au)tou=—adv., cf. c. 7, 2.

*kai\—‘further.’ Here Pericles, who has not before openly alluded to Sparta, first avows the contrast.

tai=s mele/tais ... toi=sde—the second dat. restricts the first.

tw=n e)nanti/wn—with diafe/romen. koinh\n—Intr. p. lxx. end.

cenhlasi/ais—‘alien acts,’ one of the arcana imperii by which the Ephors tried to keep ont foreign manners. Strangers were not allowed to settle in Sparta. The Athenians felt this as an insult. Cf. I. 144. Aristoph. Av. 1012 w(/sper e)n *lakedai)moni cenhlatei=tai. o(\ ... w)felhqei/h—i.e. o(\ ei) i)/doi mh\ krufqe\n w)felhqei/h a)/n. Thuc. says that he was unable to obtain information about Spartan military matters owing to the concealment which the government practised. v. 9, 5. Cf. c. 8, 4, and to\ krupto\n th=s politei)as v. 68, 2.

tw=| a)f' h(mw=n ... eu)yu/xw| some what similar is c. 87, 1 ta\ a)po\ th=s tu/xhs. Demosth. 54, 36— h( a)p' au)tw=n e(toimo/ths. o)/sh kai\ o(/a pro\s to\ poiei=n o(tiou=n u(pa/rxei. A rare use outside Thuc.: not found in Aristoph., very rare in the orators.

e)s ta\ e)/rga—contrasted with paraskeuai=s. Contrast c. 11, 5.

tai=s paidei/ais—‘respective methods of education.’

e)pipo/nw| a)skh/sei—of the laborious training to which young Spartans were subjected, being taught to imitate the courage and gravity of men. The life they led was half military, half monastic. At Athens e)pi/ponos was only associated with gh=ras, not with neo/ths. Plat. Rep. I. p. 329 D.

a)neime/nws diaitw/menoi—cf. I. 6, 3 prw=toi *)aqhnai=oi to/n te si/dhron kate/qento kai\ a)neime/nh| th=| diai/th| e)s to\ truferw/teron mete/sthsan. It was conflicting ideas that drove Athens and Sparta into war. Doderlein says ‘demonstratur (in this speech) non impotentia tantum et dominandi cupidine ad bellum tam atrox tamque diutinum impulsos esse, sed etiam diversa recti honestique aestimatione et constanti sui utrosque judicii propugnatione.’

tou\s i)sopalei=s k—Editors are not agreed as to the meaning of these words; there are two interpretations: (1) ‘equal dangers,’ i.e. dangers as great as any the Spartans, for all their training, venture to face (so most edd.); (2) ‘struggles in which equal, but not superior, forces oppose us.’ So Kr., Cl., Tillmanns. The general sense favours (1), the Greek favours (2). According to (2), the reservation is implied ‘we do not risk a battle against superior forces, as when the enemy invade Attica.’

*tekmh/rion—see c. 15, 3.

kaq' e(autou/s—i.e. alone, without the help of their allies. kaq' e(ka/stous is impossible because it would refer to detachments of the Lacedaemonians: had *peloponnh/sioi stood in place of *lakedaimo/nioi, it would have been right.

pa/ntwn—sc. tw=n cumma/xwn. au)toi\—‘by ourselves.’ The words are arranged so that a great emphasis falls on kratou=men, up to which point, the exact meaning of au)toi\, which is contrasted with meta\ pa/ntwn, remains in doubt.

peri\— = u)pe\r, as often in Isocr. and Demosth. Cf. c. 41, 5. Aristoph. Eq. 767 peri\ sou= ma/xomai, 781, 1038.

ta\ plei/w— cf. c. 11, 4 ta\ polla/.

*te—cf. c. 11, 4. This new fact has an important bearing on ta\ plei/w kratou=men, enhancing the value of the victories, and excusing the reverses.

e)pi\ polla\—with e)pi/pemyin. At the same time that we are busy with our fleet, we have to send out our citizens on many expeditions by land.

h(mw=n au)tw=n—i.e. having no allies available.

e)pi/pemyin— (see c. 14, 1) = dia\ to\ h(mw=n au)tw=n (‘partitive’) e)pipe/mpein. au)xou=sin—poetical word. Herod. II. 160. au)/xhma, very rare in Attic, occurs in c. 62, 4.

a)pew=sqai—middle.

u(f' a(. h(ssh=sqai—c. 34, 6.

*kai/toi—resumes the main thought which was in- terrupted at tekmh/rion de/: ‘and surely.’

r(aqumi/a|—‘with a light heart.’ Cf. a)neime/nws diaitw/menoi above. Not in its bad sense. Shil. quotes [Arist.] Eth. VI. 1 ou)/te plei/w ou)/te e)la/ttw ponei=n ou)de\ r(a|qumei=n. po/nwn—this word had great significance to the Spartans and Thebans, denoting the ‘training’ which they thought so necessary to success. It is constantly used by Pindar, who holds that po/nos and dapanh/ (‘outlay’) together win victory in the games. Observe the paronomasi/a in po/nwn, no/mwn, tro/pwn. meta\ .. a)ndrei/as—the Spartan manliness is the result of military rules, the Athenian of habit formed through our mode of life. a)ndrei/as belongs to both gens., and no/mwn a)ndrei/as, tro/pwn a). form a chiasmus with r(aqumi/a|, po/nwn m. e)qe/lomen—‘omnes recentioris aetatis pro e)qe/loimen scripserunt e)qe/lomen.’ Wichmann. Sta. thinks that Dion. Hal. really wrote the indic., and that this, like other passages he quotes from Thuc., has been altered by Byzantine scribes in his text. The critics ‘corrected’ Dionysius from their MSS. of Thuc.

perigi/gnetai—Dion. Hal. says Thuc. ought to have written perie/stai, because e)qe/lw points to the fut., but there is no reference to time at all here, and if there were the pres. gi/gnomai can apply to the fut. Trans. ‘we are the gainers.’

toi=s me/llousin a)lgeinoi=s—it is a question whether the dat. is causal, ‘through coming troubles,’ or dat. commodi, ‘for the sake of.’ Probably it is causal.

e)s au)ta\—ta\ a)l. geina\ ‘when face to face with trouble.’ The kai\ is paratactic, ‘while,’ and the verb, perigi/gnetai, is gradually lost sight of, until we reach e)n a)/llois, which belongs rather to what follows. This is a good example of Thuc.'s polu/nous braxulogi/a. a)tolmote/rous ... fai/nesqai—with fai/nomai Thuc. more often omits than inserts the partic., where an adj. is used. Contrast c. 51, 3 sw=ma au)/tarkes o)\n e)fa/nh.

*filokalou=men—these words have been assidu- ously translated, paraphrased, and burlesqued. They not only defend Athenian a)ndrei/a, but contain sound advice to his hearers not to let their love of art degenerate into bad taste and mere display, nor their culture undermine their manliness.

eu)telei/as—‘simplicity,’ avoidance of the gorgeous ornamentation that afterwards characterised Asianism.

filosofou=men—‘combine culture with manliness.’ Observe the i)so/kwlon (equal number of syllables in two clauses), 11 syllables on each side of kai/: this is a variety of paromoi/wsis (Intr. p. lii.), and the paronomasi/a in filokalou=men, filosofou=men. a)/neu malaki/as—Demosth. 3, 24 and 25 has a passage probably suggested by this, in which he contrasts the magnificence of the public buildings with the simplicity of the private life in former times. Pericles refers to the Spartan idea, that learning was unsuited to men of action. The idea is not confined to Sparta.

plou/tw|—‘we employ our wealth as means for action, not as a subject for boasting.’ Cf. c. 41, 2.

to\ pe/nesqai—put First, because emphatic. ‘To admit poverty is no disgrace.’ Cf. c. 37, 1. There were penalties for idleness at Athens.

ai)/sxion—another gnw/mh in the form of an antithesis. Cf. c. 11, 5, and 2, 3 and 4 below. The comparative implies ‘even if poverty were disgraceful (as some say).’ Plat. Apol. p. 39 A mh\ ou/ tou=t' h)=? xalepo/n, qa/naton e)kfugei=n, a)lla\ polu\ xalepw/teron ponhri/an: the first member must be negative in this idiom, in which opposition is mixed with comparison. Cf. ou)de\n a)/llo ... a)ll' h)\ in Plato.

*toi=s au)toi=s—sc. h(mi=n, all the citizens being meant. ‘In attending to our private business, we do not neglect the state.’ It was Pericles' object to induce all the citizens to take part in politics.

e(/tera pro\s e)/rga—i.e. trade, manufacture and agriculture.

tetramme/nois—c. 25, 2.

a)pra/gmona—to many, pra/gmata were tiresome. Cf. c. 64, 4, and Intr. p. lxxii.

au)toi\—‘we in person,’ the citizens in the ecclesia, as contrasted with the Spartan government, which was almost entirely in the hands of the Ephors and Gerusia.

h)/toi kri/nome/n ge—in Thuc., the more certain, but less important alternative is put first when these particles are used. But this does not seem to be the case in other authors. ‘At any rate we are sound judges, if we cannot originate.’ This contains an encouragement to the citizens to exercise their right of voting in the ecclesia, since they were capable of pronouncing an opinion on any policy proposed to them: but there are cases in which the citizens conspicuously erred in their judgment. Here, as in other parts, Pericles states his ideal of the constitution.

e)nqumou/meqa—of the statesmen.

tou\s lo/gous—alluding to the ‘laconic’ brevity of the Spartans.

a)lla\ mh\—i.e. ma=llon bla/bhn h(gou/menoi mh\ prodidaxqh=nai; the compar. as in 1 above.

prodidaxqh=nai—by the orators, to whom, in after years, the people became accustomed to look for political guidance.

pro/teron h)\—for pro/teron ... pri/n, a very rare construction except in Herod., Thuc., and Antiphon. Cf. c. 65, 12.

h)\ e)pi\ a(\ dei= e)/rgw| e)lqei=n—i.e. h(\ e)rgw=| e)lqei=n e)pi\ a(\ dei= (e)/rgw| e)lqei=n). Cf. Plat. Phaedo, p. 114 B oi(\ a)\n do/cwsi diafero/ntws pro\s to\ o(si/ws biw=nai, i.e. oi(\ a)\n do/cwsi diafero/ntws biw=nai pro\s to\ o(si/ws (biw=nai), where, though Stallbaum's quotations are irrevelant, his explanation is right, in spite of Archer-Hind's objection. The verb really belongs to the 1st member, and is ‘understood’ with the 2nd.

e)pi\ ... e)lqei=n—cf. e)pecelqei=n of actions) (diecelqei=n of words.

*(/wste—explains what precedes, as though it were o(/ti tolmw=men. e)pixeirh/somen—‘mean to undertake.’

e)klogi/zesqai—sc. ma/lista, ‘give the fullest consideration.’

o(\— adverbial accus. ‘on the contrary.’ Cf. quod before si. (This is the old explanation, that of Hudson; but it was generally abandoned in favour of the view that o(\ is nom., and to be explained by anacoluthon. The edd. of the last decade have returned to the old view, especially since 1883—Schneider in N. Jahrb. '83, p. 457.) Cf. to\ de/. It refers to the whole of the preceding sentence.

yuxh\n—only here in Thuc.= ‘spirit’; elsewhere ‘life.’ Cl. compares eu)/yuxos. oi( k.t.l. —this defines courage, as distinct from qra/sos. Aristotle (Eth. II. 2, 7) places the virtue a)ndrei/a midway between the vices deili/a and qra/sos. Cf. Plat. Protag. 351 A, Aristot. Eth. III. 7, 11 fol.

deina\—of the hardships of war.

h/de/a—of the pleasures of peace.

safe/stata—courage is one of the four cardinal virtues (justice, temperance, wisdom, and courage). Socrates held that courage consists, not only in being used to danger, but also in the knowledge of good and evil.

mh\ a)potrepo/menoi—this sums up the preceding sections, in which the statement filosofou=men a)/neu malaki/as has been expanded. dia\ tau=ta=o(/mws.

*)areth\n—in its restricted sense, as Aristot. Rhet. I. 9, 4,=the power of doing good; not in the general sense of the Ethics (= perfection of man and of his functions).

e)nhntiw/meqa—the perf. denotes ‘we have always been unlike,’ a regular use of the perf. In Aristoph. Av. 385 the MSS. give h)nantiw/meqa against the metre.

drw=ntes—cf. Pliny, Ep. III. 4, 6 conservandum veteris officii meritum novo videbatur.

tou\s —‘our.’

bebaio/teros—‘a firmer friend,’ cf. Aristot. Eth. IX. 7, 2 oi( eu)= pepoihko/tes filou=si kai\ a)gapw=si tou\s eu)= peponqo/tas. o\ dra/sas k.t.l.—i.e. o( dra/sas th\n xa/rin e)sti bebaio/teros w(/ste sw/|zein th\n xa/rin o)feilome/nhn di' eu)noi/as e)kei/nou w(=| de/dwke th\n xa/rin. Here, as often, w(/ste is inserted where the simple infin. might have been used. Cf. c. 2, 4; Plat. Protag. p. 338 C a)du/naton w(/ste sofw/tero/n tin' e(le/sqai. th\n xa/rin—regarded from the side of both giver and recipient, thus combining the meanings ‘favour’ and ‘gratitude,’ as with gratia.

o)feilome/nhn— ‘as due to him’ (i.e. to the giver). o)feilome/nhn and sw/|zein are connected, being properly used of property given in trust to another's keeping. Plat. Rep. I. p. 332 A compared with ib. p. 333 C.

di' eu)noi/as—‘by (the continuation of) his goodwill towards him to whom he showed the kindness.’

de/dwke —as in Acts, 20, 35 maka/rio/n e)sti ma=llon dido/nai h)\ lamba/nein. Livy, XXII. 13 sub fin., Sallust. Cat. 6, 5

sw/|zein—as this means ‘to retain the good-will or gratitude of his friends whom he has benefited,’ the middle might be expected: but the object of the act. is to represent the result of the benefit, not on the mind of the doer but on the mind of the recipient; the doer is said to ‘keep safe’ what the recipient ‘keeps safe’ for him, viz. th\n xa/rin. a)mblu/teros—‘more indifferent.’ Is it not true?

e)s—‘as a.’ Cf. Andoc. II. 23 ei)s xrh/mata mega/las dwre/as. xa/rin—free service which will win him gratitude. xa/ris, a free gift, is contrasted with o)fei/lhma, a loan, and so a debt.

th=s e)leuqeri/as tw=| pistw=|— ‘the confidence due to our liberal ideas.’ Cf. c. 37, 2 e)leuqe/rws. (Not ‘liberality.’)

a)dew=s—‘without fear,’ lest, by helping others, we should be injuring ourselves.

*te—sums up the preceding remarks.

pai/deusin— not ‘school,’ but ‘liberal education.’ Pericles represents Athens as the *(ella/dos *(ella/s. Cf. Plat. Protag. 337 D Athens th=s sofi/as prutanei=on. Isocr. 15, 295 Athens pa/ntwn tw=n duname/nwn le/gein h)\ paideu/ein dokei= gegenh=sqai dida/skalos. Plat. Laws 641 E all Greeks consider Athens filo/logo/s te kai\ polu/logos. kaq' e(/kaston—Athens as the sum of all the citizens (th\n pa=san), with a perfect politei/a, is contrasted with the individuals, with their perfect tro/poi. See c. 37, 1.

dokei=n a)/n—this a)/n, like the other two, belongs to pare/xesqai. par' h(mw=n—this refers to pai/deusin, and represents the excellence of the individual as proceeding from the spirit of the whole state.

e)pi\ plei=st' a)\n ei)/dh—‘to the most varied circumstances.’

meta\ xari/twn ma/lista eu)trape/lws—i.e. ma/lista meta/ te xari/twn kai\ eu)trape/lws, ‘with the utmost grace and versatility.’ Probably Pericles had in mind the famous lines of Pindar, Pyth. I. 92 to end, mh\ dolwqh=?s eu)trape/lois ke/rdess', k.t.l., and wished to show that eu)trapeli/a in the Athenian character was a virtue.

to\ sw=ma—=e(auto/n.

*)en tw=| paro/nti ko/mpos—‘passing boast.’

ta/de— see c. 42, 1.

du/namis—see c. 36, 4.

shmai/nei—cf. Antiphon, Tetr. *g. g, 3 w(s ou)de\ toi=s au)toi=s h)mu/nato au)to/n, au)to\ to\ e)/rgon shmai/nei. See c. 15, 4.

*tw=n nu=n—sc. po/lewn. a)koh=s krei/sswn—‘superior to what men have heard of her.’

e)s pei=ran e)/rxetai—‘proves herself in the hour of trial.’

tw=| polemi/w|—collective. [

e)pelqo/nti]—spurious, for (1) it destroys the balance to tw=| u(phko/w|, (2) the sense requires that enemies in general should be referred to, not merely enemies who attack Athens; nor could Pericles mean that Athens never attacked anyone.

e)/xei—=pare/xei. Cf. c. 61, 2.

oi(/wn—i.e. fau/lwn. ou)x u(p' a)ci/wn—=u(p' a)naci/wn, the neg. preceding the prep. as usual. Contrast c. 49, 3.

*shmei/wn—‘clear proofs,’ viz. in the results of Athenian activity. ou) dh/ toi—dh\ as in c. 40, 3, emphasizing ou) ‘by no means,’ while toi ‘assuredly’ also belongs to

ou). a)ma/rturon—‘without witnesses,’ since all contemporaries, and above all her enemies knew her greatness from her acts in every land and sea. The word has its forensic sense, as used of a plea supported only by the speaker's own testimony.

toi=s te nu=n—agent; this disappears in later Attic, except in the cases already noticed. See c. 7, 2.

kai\—at the beginning of a parenthesis. See c. 2, 4.

*(omh/rou—i.e. not needing a poet to exaggerate our history. Of course Thuc. did not object to Homer as a poet, but only as a historian.

o(/stis— i.e. poihth/s. A similar change to a relative clause is not uncommon in Isocrates; e.g. 5, 153 tou\s mh\ mo/non kexarisme/nws dieilegme/nous, a)ll' oi(/tines a)\n ou(/tw poih/swsi ta\s sa\s pra/ceis qauma/zein w(s ou)deno\s a)/llou. (The view that Pericles is intended to reprove Homer for saying so little of the ‘sons of Theseus’ is quite untenable.)

e)/pesi—‘poetry.’

to\ au)ti/ka—‘for the moment.’ Cf. I. 21 ou)/te w(s poihtai\ u(mnh/kasi pisteu/wn, ou)/te w(s logogra/foi cune/qesan e)pi\ to\ prosagwgo/teron th=? a)kroa/sei h)\ a)lhqe/steron. The mythical element in early Greek history was due to the influence of epic. See Intr. C. III. init.

tw=n de\ e)/rgwn—the influence of the rel. is here lost, on the principle of c. 4, 5, 34, 5. The me\n aud de\ are paratactic. The gen. belongs equally to u(po/noian and a)lh/qeia. u(po/noian—‘the conception of the facts,’ aroused by poetry. So u(ponoei=n ‘to conjecture.’

h( a)lh/qeia—i.e. the knowledge gained from investigation of the facts.

a)lla\—antithesis to ou) ... parasxo/menoi. kalw=n te ka)gaqw=n —the MSS. kakw=n is explained to mean ‘of the harm and of the good we have done.’ For kakw=n cf. kakopaqei= above. But Pericles is talking of Atheniau prowess, not contrasting the harm done to her enemies with the benefits conferred on her friends: nor is a)gaqa\ ‘benefits’ here, but ‘acts of valour,’ which of course inflict harm on enemies. Nor is the reference to the Greek estimate of eu)tuxi/a, as a compound of good and ill, for which see c. 44, 1: for Pericles is here dealing not with tu/xh, but with Athenian gnw/mh. The substitution of kakw=n for kalw=n in this phrase, even if it made sense, would be a miserable joke.

cugkatoiki/santes—i.e. while opening the whole world to our prowess, we have at the same time everywhere established monuments of that prowess, in colonies and states made subject to us, and in the scenes of many brave actions.

*peri\—c. 39, 2.

toiau/ths—this word sums up the whole of the e)/painos A, and prepares the way for e)/painos B.

dikaiou=n—an Ionic and old Attic word, used once by Plato, Laws, p. 934 A. Its usual sense is that of a)ciou=n, but sometimes it = ‘to punish.’

oi(/de .. mh\ a)faireqh=nai au)th\n—the clue to the construction is ou)k a)fairou=mai tou/sde th\n po/lin. tw=n leipome/nwn—c. 2, 4.

ei)ko\s—c. 10, 1.

u(pe\r au)th=s— repeats peri\ ... po/lews. ka/mnein—an exhortation to persevere in spite of the hardships of the war.

*dio\ dh\ kai\—‘this is the very reason why.’

th=s po/lews —in preference to tw=n a)ndrw=n, (1) to encourage his listeners (2) because the clearest proof of the greatness of the Atbenians was the greatness of Athens herself.

peri\ i)/sou—‘for an equal prize.’ Kr. quotes Dem. 8, 60 ou)x u(pe\r tw=n i)/swn u(mi=n te kai\ toi=s a)/llois e)/sq' o( ki/ndunos. (kinduneu/ein, a)gwni/zesqai and so forth, with peri/, u(pe/r or e(/neka are common in the orators. In Andoc. I. 10 ei)s to\n a)gw=na to/nde kate/sthn, peri\ tw=n musthri/wn w(s ou)/te moi h)se/bhtai, the comma should be placed after musthri/wn.)

tw=nde—referring to what precedes. In speeches o(/de is fairly often used thus of ou(=tos. Cf. 40, 2, 60, 6, 63, 2, 71, 3, 72, 1, 3. The meaning was aided by gesture and emphasis, so that the use is akin to the deictic o(/de. The phrase ou)/tws ei)=xen frequently refers to what follows in the orators. Antiphon 6, 9 and 14, Isocr. 4, 163.

mhde\n—hypothetical rel., so that every nation is included, though Pericles has Sparta in his mind.

o(moi/ws—this, like mhde/n, softens the expression and makes it vaguer. It also increases the force of the exhortation ka)mnein u(pe\r th=s po/lews, by increasing the number of states with which Athens is contrasted.

e)f' oi(=s—for tou/twn e)f' oi(=s. Cf. c. 34, 6.

shmei/ois—approaches very near the sense of paradei/gmasi: the manifest proofs are the acts in which the fallen had a share.

*kai\—‘and in fact.’

u(/mnhsa—originally of poetic praise, then of a panegyric in prose. Plat. Repub. 364 A.

ai( tw=nde—sc. tau=ta, their deeds justify my words; for ‘they added fresh lustre to the glories which I praised in our city’: therefore, in speaking the praises of the city, I was praising them. The sense is ta\ th=s po/lews a(\ u(/mnhsa, tau=ta e)kei=noi e)ko/smhsan tai=s a)retai=s. L. and S. wrongly supply th\n po/lin, with several edd., to e)ko/smhsan. a)retai\—‘valiant deeds.’

ou)k a)\n—the whole result of this sentence is positive, but the idiom by which the verb after ou)x w(/sper agrees with the thing in the simile and not the thing compared, has nothing to do with this passage. (Plat. Gorg. 522 A a)porei=n poiei=, ou)x w(/sper e)gw\ hu)w/xoun u(ma=s.)

polloi=s—ethic dat., and equivalent here to pollw=n, but preferred because of the gen. following. ‘There are few Greeks of whom it could be said that tbe report of their deeds does not do more than balance the reality.’

tw=nde—depends on lo/gos. tw=| e)/rgw|—=tw=n e)/rgwn th=? a)lhqei/a| c. 41, 4.

a)ndro\s a)reth\n—‘virtue in a man.’

prw/th te—=ei)/te prw/th mhnu/ei ei)/te teleutai/a bebaioi=. For some, especially the younger men, their death was the first mhnuth\s of the worth which they had not had a previous chance of showing; for others it was but the final confirmation of what had been amply proved before.

katastrofh/— Soph. O. C. 103: meiosis for death.

*toi=s ta)=lla xei/rosi—not referring to any among the dead, but purely hypothetical, and intending to lead to a conclusion a fortiori. If men who have often proved themselves base can by one act rehabilitate themselves, how much more are these men noble who never in any case sbrank from danger? The dat. depends on di/kaio/n (e)sti).

proti/qesqai— =protima=sqai (see 4 below), pass. They may have preferred wealth and ease to serving their country: in estimating them, we must prefer their one great sacrifice.

a)fani/santes—so that not the least trace of their failings remains.

w)fe/lhsan —the aor. are gnomic.

e)k tw=n i)diw=n—‘through their private life.’ Pericles is thinking of the indifference to state affairs against which he warns his hearers. See Intr. p. lxxiii.

*th\n e)/ti—‘the continued enjoyment’ of wealth.

peni/as e)lpi/di, w(s .. au)th\n—=ou)/te e)lpi/di, w(s diafugw\n th\n peni/an ka)\n e)/ti plouth/seien. But peni/as is attracted to e)lpi/di because of the antithesis to plou/tw|. e)/ti—some day, as in prophecies and threats.

plouth/seien—ingressive.

a)nabolh\n e)poi/hsato—these periphrases will be found collected in the index, s.v. poiei=sqai. poqeinote/ran—a strong word used of things that are desirable. poqei=n is the regular word in oratory to describe the supposed anxiety of tbe hearers to have information on any point. Antiph. 5, 64; Andoc. 1, 70; Lys. 14. 1; Isocr. 12, 167; 15, 43; Isaeus 11, 19; Dem. 4, 28; 21, 77; 50, 43; Aeschin. 2, 7 and 44.

au)tw=n—again a loose reference to what has been described, here = plou/tou h\ e)/ti a)po/lausis and to\ e)/ti plouth=sai. labo/ntes—=u(polabo/ntes, as ‘I take it’ is used by us for ‘I suppose.’ Often in Thuc.

met' au)tou=—sc. tou= kindu/nou. It goes with e)fi/esqai also.

tw=n de\—viz. the enjoyment and the hope: ‘to face this danger in exacting vengeance before tbey indulged in these hopes.’ The chief emphasis is on met' au)tou=. (Only Bh., Kraz and Ste. among recent edd. retain e)fi/esqai).

e)lpi/di me\n—the construction differs from that of e)/rgw|, which is adverbial.

tou= katorqw/sein—the fut. is due to the prominence of tbe idea of futurity here. Cf. c. 13, 9. The infin. approximates in these cases to its use in Oratio Obliqua, in that the writer allows the thought of the person to whom he refers to influence the tense (a)fane/s e)stin ei) katorqw/somen). It is characteristic of Thuc. to present an action as it was regarded by the actors themselves. M. T. 113.

e)/rgw|—‘but in the task actually before them at the moment, tbey resolved to trust to themselves’: i.e. the future must be left to tu/xh (Providence); the present required gnw/mh. e)n au)tw=|—what can this be but the act just described, i.e. e)n tw=| ... sfi/sin au)toi=s pepoiqe/nai? The sense is ‘in carrying out their resolution,’ i.e. in the struggle itself.

to\ a)mu/nesqai kai\ paqei=n—cf. Isocr. 2, 36 h)\n d' a)nagkasqh=?s kinduneu/ein, ai(rou= teqna/nai kalw=s ma=llon h)\ zh=n ai)sxrw=s. 4, 95 toi=s kaloi=s ka)gaqoi=s ai(retw/tero/n e)sti kalw=s a)poqanei=n h)\ zh=n ai)sxrw=s. Intr. p. xl.

to\ ai)sxro\n tou= lo/gou—i.e. to\ o)neidi/zesqai w(s deiloi/ (Schol.).

e)/fugon—antithesis to u(pe/meinan, as very often, e.g. Lys. 13, 27 and 63.

to\ e)/rgon—=to\n ki/ndunon. di' e)laxi/stou kairou= tu/xhs—human gnw/mh is often crossed by divine tu/xh, and in this case was so modified that their highest hopes were not realised. The edd. quote Horace Sat. I. 1, 7 horae momento cita mors venit aut victoria laeta, but horae momento denotes a far greater length of time, and does not take in tu/xhs. But this sentence, the close of the e)/painos tw=n a)poqano/ntwn, in its intense solemnity, resembles (mutatis mutandis) the words of St. Paul (1 Cor. 15, 52, 54) ‘We shall all be changed in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye. ... O grave, wbere is thy victory? O death, where is thy sting?’ So here Pericles refers to the rapidity and sud denness with which tu/xh acts. Hence ‘in a moment ordained by Fate, at the crisis not of fear but of glory—they passed.’ (Behrendt rightly objects to Steup's proposal.)

a)phlla/ghsan—absolute, a poetical use. Dr. Kennedy (Cam. Phil. Proceedings 1882, p. 20 fol.) well says that the speaker's voice ‘sinks to the sad and solemn cadence of a)phlla/ghsan.’ Supply tou= bi/ou.

*kai\—‘and thus.’ Here the pi/stis B is summed up, preparatory to passing on to the protroph/ (exhortation).

proshko/ntws th=| po/lei—‘in a manner worthy of Athens.’

tou\s loipou\s—=tou\s leipome/nous of 41, 5.

a)sfaleste/ran— sc. dia/noian, though they should pray for a spirit less fatal (in its results). This again shows that tu/xh had, in Pericles' view, to some extent crossed the purpose of the fallen.

eu)/sesqai—for a)sfa/leia is the gift of God alone. Cf. c. 87, 3. eu)tolmi/a depends on human resolution.

lo/gw|—i.e. from the words of the orator.

w)feli/an—explained in o(/sa ... a)gaqa\ e)/nestin. (On the orthography, Herodian remarks w)fe/leia: poihtikw/teron dia\ to\ i_ kai\ parocu/netai.)

h(\n—with mhku/noi. Cf. c. 42, 1.

pro\s—coram, with a verb of speaking. See c. 5, 7. Cf. III. 53, 4 pro\s ei)do/tas pa/nta lele/cetai. kaq' h(me/ran—this daily contemplation of the greatness of Athens will lead to a lasting love for her: and that love should be an incentive to noble actions.

tolmw=ntes —‘by courage, by knowing what was their duty, and by their sense of honour in the hour of conflict.’

au)ta\—i.e. th\n du/namin, but expressing the details of the power. Cf. c. 1. ou)=n—‘on that account.’

ka/lliston—because, while they contributed to the advancement of the state, they obtained a splendid return.

e)/ranon—‘contribution’; both the association and the money subscribed to it were termed e)/ranos, which denotes combination for financial purposes of whatever kind. The object is th\n a)reth/n, k. e)/ranon being predicate.

proie/menoi—stronger than the ordinary e)/ranon e)sfe/rein, and used because it is the regular word for sacrificing anything for the state; e.g. Lysias 21, 12 u(mi=n ou)de\n proei=ntai tw=n sfete/rwn au)tw=n.

*koinh=| ... i)di/a|—the antithesis is as obvious as it is forcible. They gave their lives for the common good; they gained for themselves undying fame.

ga\r—Pericles refers to the distribution of profits made by a financial e)/ranos. (All this is quite clear when Andoc. I. 133-135 is compared: he speaks of the members of an e)/ranos got up by Agyrrhius to farm the tax on imports and exports; the object of the business-men who joined it was dianei/masqai ta\ koina/.)

to\n a)gh/rwn e)/painon—the praise (which rewards good deeds).

e)la/mbanon—the tense represents the result of the act (dido/ntes) as growing out of the act itself, as in Lat. ita vitas dederunt ut acciperent, contrasted with ita vitas dederunt ut acceperint.

e)pishmo/taton—the pred. serves to connect the adj. with the rel. clause which follows.

ou)k ... ma=llon, a)ll'—cf. c. 40, 1; 44, 4; a)lla\ for h)\ (only after a neg.) gives greater emphasis to the second clause.

para\ tw=| e)ntuxo/nti ... kairw=|—a curious expression, since para\ with dat. is confined to persons; ‘on every fitting occasion, whether by word or deed.’ This construction is only found when the thing is almost personified; here ai)ei/mnhstos para\ kairw=| lo/gou implies persons: in c. 89, 9 and VIII. 95, 4 Thuc. writes para\ tai=s nausi\n ei)=nai, in v. 26, 5 genome/nw| par' a)mfote/rois toi=s pra/gmasi. There is only one case in the orators, viz. Andoc. I. 116 h\ sth/lh par' h(=| e(/sthkas keleu/ei.

*shmai/nei—c. 8, 3. Cf. v. 20, 2 e)s ta\ progegenhme/na shmai/nei. a)/grafos mnh/mh—cf. c. 38, 3, which shows that by th=s gnw/mhs k.t.l. is meant ‘engraved on the heart rather than in material records.’ The difficulty is to explain the art. with e)/rgou; it is due to sthlw=n above, the records having been referred to in that word. As the memory is carried in men's hearts, it is confined to no particular country.

*to\ eu)/daimon ... to\ de\ e)leu/qeron—predicates, the art. being added because the adj. is used as a noun.

mh\ periora=sqe—‘do not be too anxious about the dangers of war’; the advice is the result of the doctrine ‘happiness is attained by courage,—by retaining a cheerful spirit in peril,’ which cheerfulness Pericles claims to be characteristic of the Athenians as the result of their free institutions (39, 4), and now urges them to retain in the war.

*ou) ga\r—a paradox: misery is identical with cowardice, since cowardice must involve misery. Therefore those who are prosperous must avoid cowardice (i.e. be ready to sacrifice their lives), whereas to those who are already miserable cowardice involves no addition to their misery. This decides the meaning of periora=sqe above.

h( e)nanti/a metabolh\—‘the change from good to bad fortune.’

kinduneu/etai—c. 35, 1.

e)n oi(=s—‘in whose case.’

ma/lista— ‘in comparison with others,’ as often. Cf. c. 49, 1, and ma=llon e(te/rwn. ta\ diafe/ronta—‘the difference.’

*meta\ tou=—cf. I. 6, 5; VI. 65, 1. ‘Cowardice and disgrace together.’

ka/kwsis—=h( e)nanti/a metabolh\ above, according to the doctrine that cowardice is misery, and therefore to the prosperous involves degradation: ka/kwsis: tapei/nwsis Hesych.

meta\ r(w/mhs—‘when he is fired by courage and the general hope,’ viz. that his side will win.

a)nai/sqhtos— ‘painless.’

*dio/per—‘This is the reason why,’ viz. because in their death they were eu)dai/mones, or, as he says presently, eu)tuxei=s. nu=n—belongs to tw=nde=tw=n nu=n qaptome/nwn, and inserted because since the gnw/mh with which 43, 3 opened, Pericles had been generalising.

toke/as—poetical, for gone/as. pa/reste—contrast e)pi/stantai below: cf. c. 11, 1. It is clear that the Greek orators interchanged direct address and reflection more rapidly than we can do.

polutro/pois—of experiences as varied as those of Odysseus.

to\ d' eu)tuxe\s—sc. e)sti/n; here follows a remarkable definition of eu)tuxi/a. Intr. p. xl. fol.

oi(\ a)\n—cf. c. 62, 4.

th=s eu)prepesta/ths—belongs both to teleuth=s and lu/phs. ‘This is good fortune, to have gained an honourable death, like theirs, or an honourable grief, like yours.’ With u(mei=s supply w(/sper. kai\ oi(=s—the change from oi(\ a)\n shows that Pericles is not now speaking generally, but referring to the fallen particularly, so that oi(=s ... cunemetrh/qh=oi(=s a)\n w(/sper toi=sde cummetrhqh=|. e)neudaimonh=sai—=eu)daimonh=sai e)n au)tw=| (i.e. tw=| bi/w|). Infin. of purpose. Intr. p. xli.

e)ntalaipwrh=sai—‘whose life has been meted out to prosper in and to suffer in alike,’ i.e. ‘they may be deemed happy in whose life prosperity and adversity are equally balanced.’ A philosophical definition of human eu)tuxi/a, for which cf. Pindar, Pyth. 7, 20 fanti/ ge ma\n ou(/tw ken a)ndri\ parmoni/man qa/llousan eu)daimoni/an ta\ kai\ ta\ fe/resqai: that man, says Pericles, is happy who has ta\ kai\ ta\ in equal proportions. (Alii alia, says Herw.: those who do not like this explanation will find others elsewhere. Sta. reads e)nteleuth=sai {h( eu)daimoni/a} cun.)

*mh\} poqei=n ... u(pomnh/mata—cf. the Funeral Oration attributed to Demosth. 16 w(/sper i)/xnh gnwri/zousa nu=n h( tw=n oi)kei/wn au)toi=s kai\ fi/lwn mnh/mh pa=san w(/ran e)pi\ tou/tous fe/retai tw=| po/qw|, po/ll' u(pomnh/mata lamba/nousa. Plat. Rep. I. p. 329 A ta\s e)n th=? neo/thti h(dona\s poqou=ntes kai\ a)namimnh|sko/menoi. Add Andoc. I. 70 ei)/ ti/s ti u(mw=n poqei=. a)nasta\s u(pomnhsa/tw (if A desiderat aliquid which B is able and willing to give to him, A naturally reminds B of it; conversely, if D has something, which C has lost, and cannot give it to C, but cannot help reminding C of it, D naturally feels desiderium, po/qos).

w(=n— = au)tou\s w(=n. kai\ polla/kis—‘only too often.’

eu)tuxi/ais— related to eu)tuxi/a or to\ eu)tuxe/s as tu/xai or ta\ th=s tu/xhs to tu/xh, i.e. the plur. denotes instances of good luck rather than good luck in the abstract. This refers back to to\ eu)tuxe\s above: for, though a man cannot be judged prosperous till after his death, still instances of good luck may of course occur in life, and if these are as frequent as the misfortunes of life, the whole result will be to\ eu)tuxe/s. Cf. Soph. frag. ou) xrh/ pot' eu)= pra/ssontos o)lbi/sai tu/xas | a)ndro/s, pri\n au)tw=| pantelw=s h)/dh bi/os | diekperanqh=| kai\ teleuth/sh| bi/on. Pericles refers especially to the noble deeds of sons who will thus bring joy to their parents. Cf. 43, 4.

ai(=s—cf. Isocr. 14, 47 h)\n w(s eu)= pra/ttontas e)/lqwmen, e)/ti xalepw/teron e)/xomen, ou) tai=s e)kei/nwn fqonou=ntes eu)pori/ais a)lla\ ma=llon e)n toi=s tw=n pe/las a)gaqoi=s ta\s h(mete/ras au)tw=n sumfora\s kaqorw=ntes. lu/ph—sc. e)sti/n, ‘a man feels sorrow, not for the want of blessings which he loses before he knows them.’ w(=n is governed by both partic. and verb.

peirasa/menos—c. 5, 5.

ou(= a)\n—a conspicuous instance of the rule referred to on c. 13, 2; the gen. depends on e)qa/s, while a)faireqh=| would take accus. The change from w(=n to ou(= is another instance of irregularity in the form of rel. clauses.

e)qas—synonym of h)qa)s, Soph. El. 372; both forms appear in the ancient lexica: probably e)qa\s does not occur elsewhere in Attic prose.

*karterei=n—(sometimes joined with u(pome/nein). See c. 61, 2.

te/knwsin p—=paidopoiei=sqai. tw=n ou)k o)/ntwn—=tw=n teqnhko/twn. lh/qh—‘cause of forgetfulness.’

e)/k te .. kai\ a)sfalei/a|—these give the two grounds referred to in dixo/qen; for the variety of construction, cf. c. 36, 4; I. 138, 2, mh\ e)rhmou=sqai, by means of the soldiers and citizens she would acquire; a)sfalei/a|, by the increased anxiety of the parents to benefit the state, as explained in the next sentence.

cunoi/sei—sc. to\ pai=das e)pigi/gnesqai. Cf. c. 3, 3.

i)/son ti h)\ di/kaion—equal, in the sense of ‘democratic,’ conforming to the equality that characterises the Athenian polity; cf. c. 37, 1: just, in the sense of ‘regular’ or ‘sober,’ in accordance with a sane judgment of religion and politics.

e)k tou= o(moi/ou—=o(moi/ws, equally with otbers. Adverbial phrases with e)k and an adj. are common in Thuc., who has e)k tou= profanou=s, e)k tou= fanerou=, e)k tou= eu)qe/os, e)k tou= ei)ko/tos, e)k tou= eu)prepou=s, e)k tou= ai)sxi/onos, e)k tou= dikai/ou, e)c i)/sou, and others. This one occurs also I. 143, 4, and elsewhere. One or two of these phrases were colloquial, as e)c i)/sou, e)c e(no\s (tro/pou or lo/gou), e)k panto\s (tro/pou) (these are the only ones found in Aristoph.); the rest are formed on the analogy of such simple phrases. The orators use them, but only with common adjectives: Thuc. confines them to speeches and highly-wrought passages. The 8th book contains only three examples.

paraballo/menoi—discrimini objicientes: a dictionary may here be useful to some. To have children in peril would constitute having a stake in the state.

*parhbh/kate—antithesis to oi(=s e)/ti h(liki/a. ke/rdos— predicate, in an unexpected place, and so emphatic.

to/nde —‘your present life,’ i e. your sorrow will be short-lived, because your lives are drawing to a close.

to\ filo/timon— ‘love of honour,’ which would be gratified in their case, as they would be honoured on account of their children's fame.

e)n tw=| a)xrei/w| th=s h(liki/as—cf. c. 40, 2, = e)n tw=| gh/ra|. to\ kerdai/nein ... to\ tima=sqai—a true description of the ‘last infirmity’ of base and noble minds respectively.

a)lla\—c. 40, 1, 43, 2.

*me/gan to\n a)gw=na—‘the struggle to emulate them will be a difficult one.’ The partic. is omitted after o(rw=. Cf. c. 49, 5. [

to\n ga\r .. e)painei=n]— the general statement, paisi\ d' au)=, is continued and explained in kai\ mo(lis a)\n ... kriqei=te. Then follows the reason in fqo/nos ga\r k.t.l. kaq' u(perbolh\n a)reth=s—‘by pre-eminent virtue.’ For kata/ cf. c. 27, 2.

a)ll'—would more naturally be a)lla\ kai/. fqo/nos—cf. Demosth 18, 315 ti/s ga\r ou)k oi)=den, o(/ti toi=s me\n zw=si pa=sin u(/pesti/ tis h)\ plei/wn h)\ e)la/ttwn fqo/nos, tou\s teqnew=tas d' ou(de\ tw=n e)xqrw=n tis misei=; toi=s zw=si pro\s to\ a)nti/palon—‘envy towards a rival attacks the living.’

pro\s—adversus (so Grundstrom and Golisch: Sta. propter).

to\ a)nti/palon— for tou\s a)ntipa/lous. to\ mh\ e)mpodw\n—=to\ mhke/t' e)mpodw/n. Cf. tw=n ou)k o)/ntwn c. 44, 3. This is the antithesis to toi=s zw=si, while a)nantagwni/stw| eu)noi/a| corresponds to pro\s to\ a)nti/palon, and teti/mhtai to fqo/nos. a)nantagwni/stw|—‘without opposition.’

teti/mhtai—gnomic perf., according to Goodwin; but may be the Homeric use of this word, with pres. sense.

*(/osai—as if gunaikw=n instead of gunaikei/as preceded.

e)/sontai—contrast pa/reste above. Cf. c. 44, 1.

u(parxou/shs—by no means attributing weakness, but referring to the restraints and household duties which nature imposed on women. Pericles refers to the Spartan women, who, according to Aristotle, lived a very different life from the stern asceticism of the Spartan men.

kai\ h(=s—i.e. kai\ mega/lh e)stin h\ do/ca tau/ths h(=s. mega/lh h( do/ca—cf. VII. 68 to\ tou/sde kolasqh=nai ... kalo\s o( a)gw/n. kle/os—‘talk,’ a neutral word. Cf. Aesch. Ag. 611, Clyt. says ou)k oi)=da te/ryin ou)d' e)pi/yogon fa/tin | a)/llou pro\s a)ndro/s.

*ei)/rhtai—the act. or pass perf. is often used thus in bringing a speech to a close (Lys 12, the case referred to by Aristotle at the close of the Rhet. is an example; so probably Eur. Hec. 236. Cf. dixi.) Hence it is made prominent.

kai\ e)moi\—Shil. rightly explains this as connected with kai\ e)/rgw|, the sense being kai\ lo/gw| e)moi\ ei)/rhtai kai\ e)/rgw| oi( q. keko/smhntai. ‘I have done my duty in delivery of the oration, the city has in deed partly done hers and is prepared to do more.’

kata\ to\n no/mon .. pro/sfora—a modest description of what had been a metaphysical exposition of the relation of politics to character. Cf. Burke, Reflections, ‘I am unable to distinguish what I have learned from others from the results of my own meditation.’

au)tw=n—cf. c. 27, 1. Its position gives it the force of a dat. of interest.

me/xri h(/bhs—to the age of eighteen.

qre/yei—of people) (bo/skein of cattle. bo/skein is only used of people contemptuously, except by Herod., and Thuc., who uses the word once, VII. 48 nautiko\n polu\ bo/skontas: even there the notion of irksomeness comes in.

w)fe/limon—something more than a mere distinction.

toi=sde—the fallen, toi=s leipome/nois ‘the survivors,’ as in 41, 5.

a)gw/nwn—with ste/fanon, like tropai=on ma/xhs. protiqei=sa—‘offering.’

oi(=s—in general relation to the whole, ‘among whom.’

toi=s de\—cf. c. 65, 5, de\ in apodosis.

)*apolofura/menoi—the o)lo/fursis was part of the regular ceremony, and took place at the conclusion of the speech. [Lys.] Epitaph. end, a)na/gkh toi=s a)rxai/ois e)/qesi xrh=sqai, kai\ qerapeu/ontas to\n pa/trion no/mon o)lofu/resqai tou\s qaptome/nous. The Menex. ends thus, tou\s teteleuthko/tas a)polofura/menoi a)/pite, and [Demosth.] Epitaph. a)podura/menoi ... a)/pite. ‘When you have finished (probably aor., as Sta. says, not a)po-, gives this force) your lamentation.’

prosh/kei—sc. a)polofuresqai. a)poxwrei=te—Intr. p. xxxii. There is no doubt about the reading because xwrei=n was much less familiar to the copyists than i)e/nai, and the scholia sometimes explain the former by the latter.

*toio/sde—see c. 41, 2. Late authors make no dis- tinction between these pronouns.

ta/fos—contrast the meaning in 34, 4.

e)ge/neto—pass. of tafa\s e)poih/santo, c. 34, 1.

prw=ton—Thuc. never inserts the art. in these formulae.

*ta\ du/o me/rh—limiting apposition. The arrangements for the campaign are exactly the same as tbose of the pre ceding year, though the Spartans now knew that the Athenians would not offer battle. It is clear therefore that Sparta too saw that the only hope was to wear Athens out. Cf. Intr. p. lxx.

kaqezo/menoi—c. 18, 1.

*(h no/sos—‘the famous plague.’ The account (c. 47-54) falls into three parts, (i) its origin (47, 48), (ii) symptoms and effects on sufferers (49, 50), (iii) effects on morality (51, etc.). This description has been imitated by many writers, as Lucretius VI. 1138-1251 who is in turn imitated by Vergil, Georg. III, 478 and Ovid, Met. VII. 523), Procopius, Persica II, 22, who describes the plague at Constantinople in Justinian's reign, A.D. 542, and John Cantacuzene, Emperor of the Eastern Empire, who described very poorly the great plague of 1347 with which the plague of Florence described by Boccaccio and the ‘Black Death’ in England are connected. Superstitious horror, followed by demoralisation, is common to all great plagues.

prw=ton h)/rcato—cf. c. 36, 1, 48, 1.

gene/sqai—the phrase occurs also I. 103 to\ mi=sos h)/rcato gene/sqai, c. 68, 2, III. 18 o( xeimw\n h)/rxeto gi/gnesqai, Isocr. 15, 82 h)/rxeto to\ ge/nos to\ tw=n a)nqrw/pwn gi/gnesqai, Andoc. 2, 9 h)/rxeto gi/gnesqai dusdaimone)steros. The tense of gi/gnomai must be the same as that of a)/rxomai; yet h)/rcato pra)ssein is good Greek, though h)/rxeto pra=cai is not (the reason is that gi/gnomai is inceptive, while pra/ssw is not, so that h)/rcato gi/gnesqai would be a contradiction in terms; thus h)/rcato gignw/skein would not do).

lego/menon—as though no/shma had preceded.

e)gkataskh=yai —Soph. O. T. 27 e)n d' o( purfo/ros qeo/s | skh/yas e)lau/nei, loimo\s e)/xqistos pa/lin. peri\—circa: c. 7, 3.

ou(/tws—with gene/sqai. e)mnhmoneu/eto—anacoluthon. as lego/menon me\n preceded. (Observe that this is not a solecism.) Cf. c. 65, 11.

*to\ prw=ton—with qerapeu/ontes, ‘as they treated it at first with no knowledge of its nature.’

ma/lista .. o(/sw| kai\ ma/lista—i.e. the mortality among them was greater than among any other class because they came in contact with the disease more than others. For the double superl. or compar. in proportion, cf. I. 68 prosh/kei h(ma=s ou)x h(/kista ei)pei=n, o(sw| kai\ me/gista e)gklh/mata e)/xomen, III. 45 ou)x h(=sson ta\s po/leis, o(/sw| peri\ megi/stwn, V. 90 pro\s u(mw=n ou)x h(=sson tou=to, o(/sw| kai\ e)pi\ megi/sth| timwri/a| a)\n para/deigma ge/noisqe. Cf. also c. 11, 1 kai\ e)pi\ po/lin dunatwta/thn ... kai\ au)toi\ plei=stoi e)rxo/meqa. pro\s i(eroi=s—ad loca sacra; cf. c. 87, 6, 94, 4.

i(ke/teusan—the aor. sums up all the instances (complexive).

e)xrh/santo—sc. o(/sa, which with i(ke/teusan=o(/sas i(ketei/as, but with e)xrh/santo=peri\ o(/sa. See L. and S. xra/w A. III.

te—does not belong to the preceding te, which added a third fact to ou)/te ou)/te, but=‘and so.’

u(po\ tou= kakou=—cf. 51, 1; but contrast 60, 6 xrh/masi nikw/menos. The verbs which commonly have u(po\ with things in prose are such as nikw=mai, bla/ptomai, diafqei/romai, a)nagka/zomai, h(ttw=mai, pei/qomai (Isaeus only has pei/qomai and diafqei/romai, Lysias only a)nagka)zomai, e)pai/romai, dia)keimai) and the things so used must be such as can be easily personified, such as (1) natural phenomena, as xeimw/n, seismo/s, a)/ploia, (2) external circumstances, as ki/ndunos, sumfora/, plhgai/, desmoi/, ke/rdos, xrh/mata, no/mos, (3) emotions, as h(don h/, fqo/nos, (4) words which imply a person, as lo/goi, pra/gmata, du/namis, when the person is often inserted (as in u(po\ th=s tou= r(h/toros deno/thtos), and all the topics of rhetoric as u(po\ tw=n ei)ko/twn, u(po\ tou= dikai/ou. The construction is optional in these cases, as the following examples show: Aristoph. Av. 1438 pa)ntes toi=s lo/gois a)napterou=ntai, ib. 1447 u(po\ lo/gwn e)pai/retai; Isocr. 5, 40 ta\s po/leis w(malisme/nas u(po\ tw=n sumforw=n, 6, 65 w(malisme/noi tai=s sumforai=s.

*)/hrcato—sc. to\ kako/n. u(pe\r—beyond, i.e. further inland, ‘south of.’ So the plague in Justinian's reign was said to have come from Ethiopia and Egypt: the ‘Black Death’ was traced to the Levant.

th\n pollh/n—limiting apposition.

*)en tw=| *peiraiei=—it was imported, as in the case of the plague under Justinian.

fa/rmaka—so in Germany and England in 1349 the Jews were supposed to have poisoned the wells. The plague had broken out a few days after the Peloponnesians invaded Attica.

fre/ata—‘cisterns,’ for rainwater.

krh=nai—see c. 15, 5.

ou)/pw—probably the astronomer Meton suggested them in 414 B.C.

*)af' o(/tou—cf. 49, 2, 62, 4, 68, 2. Contrast the phrase e)c o(/tou=‘since which time.’

ei)ko\s h)=n—c. 10, 1.

ta\s ai)ti/as— = ta\s ai)ti/as tosau/ths metabolh=s, a(/stinas uomi/zei i(kana\s ei)=nai. In the adscript, du/namin sxei=n was meant to explain i(kana\s ei)=nai, e)s to\ metasth=sai to explain metabolh=s. (To the list of those who bracket here, which is given in the not. crit., add Hampke, Studien, p. 16).

a)f' w(=n ... skopw=n —take tau=ta below with a)f' w(=n,=the symptoms, by which it might be recognised in future. Cf. I. 21, 2 a)p' au)tw=n tw=n e)/rgwn skopou=si, III. 38, 4 a)po\ tw=n eu)= ei)po/ntwn skopou=ntes. a)/n— belongs to e)/xoi, cf. c. 41, 1.

*)/etos—Intr. p. xlii.

w(mologei=to e)k pa/ntwn—the other places in Thuc. in which e)k = u(po\ are I. 20, 2; III. 69, 1; V. 104; VI. 36, 2. The use is not found in Aristoph., and there are but very faint and doubtful traces of it in the orators. This use is Ionic, but occurs now and then in Attic (though Shil. denies the use altogether). o(mologou=mai often has para\ instead of u(po\ (Andoc. 1, 140; Lysias, 30, 12; Isaeus, 1, 38 and 42; 2, 16 and 40; 4. 15; 11, 10; Demosth. 34, 5; Dinarch. 1, 53 and 90; 3, 8), in Demosth. 29, 20 o(mologei=sqai has pro/s; in Isaeus 5, 17 we have a(\ w(mologh/qh h(mi=n: so Plat Phaedo, p. 106 C.

proe/kamne—viz. before the plague established itself. Contrast the opt. and imperf. in c. 51, 1, where Thuc. uses the indef. form because he speaks of a long period of time, whereas here he refers to a definite moment, viz. just before the plague broke out.

a)pekri/qh—‘determined in this,’ i.e. ‘the symptoms eventually assumed the character of the disease.’ All who were ailing before were attacked.

*tou\s d' a)/llous—when once an epidemic has esta- blished itself, it shows itself ‘suddenly and without ostensible cause’ (Collier). These words must not be so pressed as to admit of no exceptions whatever; exceptions are mentioned in c. 51, 1.

prw=ton me\n—first stage; intense heat in head, inflammation in eyes, bleeding from throat and tongue, fetid breath, and, after these symptoms, sneezing and hoarseness.

a)/topon—cf. c. 51, 1, ‘unnatural.’

h)fi/ei—both a)fi/ei and h)fi/ei are Attic.

fa/rugc—see not. crit.: ancient grammarians were not agreed on the orthography. Herodian says fa/ruc, Hesych. fa/rugc.

*)ec au)tw=n—after the symptoms just described. See c. 4, 2.

ptarmo\s—due to inflammation of the mucous membrane.

kai\ e)n ou) pollw=|—second stage: the disease attacks the chest, the consequence of the passage of the morbid action along the membrane that lines the respiratory organ being violent coughing. For e)n ou) pollw=| contrast c. 41, 3.

po/nos—‘the disorder.’

o(po/te—third stage: the disease, on reaching the stomach, caused vomiting and great distress, and, in most cases, ineffectual retching; then the skin turned livid, and broke out in vesicles which degenerated into ulcers. Then came the crisis.

kardi/an—‘stomach.’

sthri/ceien— intrans., a medical use.

a)pokaqa/rseis—‘vomits of bile.’

o(/sai—evidently referring to different terms used to denote the various colours that bile has in different diseases, or stages of a disease; e.g. in cholera, the bile is first dark brown, then light green. Probably, as Grote says, Thuc. was acquainted with medical terms.

u(po\ i)atrw=n w)nomasme/nai—though the subject is non-personal, yet, if it be a nom, or fem. noun, it is not uncommon to find the agent with the perf. pass. expressed by u(po/, instead of by the regular dat.: see on c. 29, 3.

talaipwri/as—‘distress’ (tenesmus): a medical term.

*lu/gc—rendered ‘retching,’ but Collier says it should be ‘hiccough,’ because the hiccough is an important symptom of deadly maladies, especially of those which affect the membrane of parts within the chest. But (1) this leaves kenh\ unexplained, (2) the disease described is now unknown.

e)ndidou=sa— ‘producing,’ the same use of e)n as in e)mpoiw=, e)nti/qhmi. meta\

tau=ta—after the previous symptoms (see third stage).

lwfh/santa—with meta\ tau=ta. Cf. c. 2, 1. lwfa=:| pau/etai Hesych., cf. Plat. Phaedrus, 251 C lwfa=| th=s o)du/nhs (Collier takes this with spasmo/n, as do some edd., but this would require lwfw=nta to match e)ndidou=sa).

*to\ me\n e)/cwqen—adverbial, e)/cwqen being for e)/cw. Cf. c. 13, 7.

a(ptome/nw|—with qermo\n h)=n, ‘to the touch.’

sw=ma —for absence of art. cf. 8 below.

xlwro/n—‘pale.’

flu/ktainai—transparent vesicles, little blains which degenerate into sores.

ta\ de\ e)nto\s—the a)kmh\ of the disease is now reached. It came in the third stage, and was marked by internal fever, intolerable thirst, and sleeplessness: yet the body was scarcely weakened by its suffering.

mh/te— answered by h(/dista/ te. ta\s e)pibola\s—for the order, cf. 18, 1.

mhd'—not connected with mh/te, but only joins e)pibola\s to a)/llo ti h)\ and with it=nec nisi; cf. c. 16, 2.

gumnoi\—the nom. is justified by ta\ e)nto/s, part of themselves, With gumnoi\ supply o)/ntes. Cf. c. 45, 1 o(rw= me/gan to\n a)gw=na. So with tugxa)nw c. 87, 5, fai/nesqai c. 39, 4. In the two cases in which Thuc. uses diatelw= with adj., he omits w)/n (I. 34; VI. 89); contrast VII. 38 paraskeuazo/menoi diete/lesan. h(/dista a)\n—i.e. h(/dist' a)\n e)/rripton, lit. ‘so as to have thrown themselves (had they been allowed).’ The infin. with a)\n is not common with w)/ste. M. T. 211, 592.

kai\ polloi\— ‘and in fact.’ Cf. c. 2, 4.

e)/drasan—cf. c. 11, 8. Here = sfa=s au)tou\s e)/rriyan. th=| di/yh| a)pau/stw|—the adj., being pred., is emphatic, as always; ‘which was unceasing.’ (There are not many examples quite like this in Thuc.: I. 49 e(ne/prhsan ta\s skhna\s e)rh/mous, c. 13, 5 ta\ xrh/mata ou)k o)li/ga, IV. 122 th=| i)sxu/i a)nwfelei= pisteu/ontes, and VII. 70, 6).

to\ ple/on kai\ e)/lasson—the art. omitted with e)/lasson, though the two things are mutually exclusive, as in I. 10 ta\s megi/stas kai\ e)laxi/stas. h( a)pori/a tou= mh\—the infin. after a noun, as in c. 60, 7 ai)ti/an tou= a)dikei=n. The mh\ is added because the whole result is neg., as often. Plat. Apol. p. 38 D a)pori/a| ... tou= mh\ e)qe/lein, ‘the neg. being added as after other neg. or prohibitive words’ (Shil.). Andoc. 2, 12 ki/ndunos peri\ tou= mhde\ au)tou\s swqh=nai, ‘a risk lest not even they should be saved.’ See also c. 62, 3; III. 75, 4 h( tou= mh\ cumplei=n a)pisti/a.

)*epe/keito—instabat; cf. c. 59, 1.

o(/sonper kai\— like w(/sper kai/, the kai\ merely making the two things parallel.

a)kma/zoi—iterative, in a rel. clause. Cf. VII. 70, 5 o(/son xro/non prosfe/roito nau=s. M. T. 521.

w(/ste—the result is in the partic. e)/ti e)/xontes, not in diefqei/ronto: this inversion of partic. and verb is very common.

oi( plei=stoi—belongs only to diefqei/ronto, a new subject oi( polloi\ (most of the minority who did not die on the 7th or 9th day) being inserted in the next clause.

kai\ e(bdomai=oi—the main emphasis is on this, the second member, as constantly in Greek.

u(po\ tou= kau/matos—c. 47, 4.

ti duna/mews—cf. I. 5, 1 ti kai\ do/chs, III. 44, 2 e)xonta/s ti cuggnw/mhs. diafu/goien—‘pulled through.’

e)pikatio/ntos—fourth stage, only reached by comparatively few, marked by ulceration of the bowels, after the internal fever had abated; then followed violent dysentery, leaving the patient so weak that he generally died.

a)pefqei/ronto —poetical word. See not. crit.

*)en th=| kefalh=| p. i(druqe\n—Kr. thinks this an adscript, and is followed by F. Muller.

tw=n ge—effects seen in the convalescents ‘a seizure of the extremities remained as a mark (of the disease)’.

a)nti/lhyis—for e)pi/skhyis. Elsewhere a). = an objection to an argument, as Plat. Phaedo p. 87 A. [

au)tou=]—if the conjecture au)to\ = to\ perigene/sqai, it clearly involves a contradiction, since Thuc. is giving the signs of the disease before the recovery, but it might stand in the sense of to\ kako/n. e)pesh/maine—absolute, cf. c. 8, 3, 43, 3. Cf. Eur. Hec. 1215.

*)es ai)doi=a—art. omitted, as often with parts of the body.

parauti/ka a)nasta/ntas—‘immediately on their recovery.’ The loss of memory was temporary.

h)gno/hsan —aor., giving the result of the imperf. e)la/mbane.

*krei=sson lo/gou—cf. c. 41, 3, but here = ‘not to be described.’

xalepwte/rws—see e)ndeeste/rws 35, 2.

h)\ kata\ —quam pro.

e)dh/lwse .. o)\n—cf. v. 9 dei/cw ou) paraine/sai oi(=o/s te w)/n. For the aor. cf. c. 51, 5.

a)/ptetai—cf. c. 48, 2.

a)tu/fwn—see c. 52.

*tekmh/rion de/—see c. 15, 4: only here without ga\r fol- lowing.

a)/llws—‘at all,’ after peri\ toiou=ton. peri\ toiou=ton —i.e. peri\ ta\ sw/mata. ai)/sqhsin parei=xon—‘gave an opportunity of observing the effect’ (on animals).

a)pobai/nontos —cf. c. 87, 3 a)poba/nti, the imperf. being used here of the repeated result. In c. 11, 9 the plur was used, pres. partic. of the result as it will affect each man.

*paralipo/nti—as a(ptome/nw| 49, 5, u(perba/nti 96, 1. a)topi/as—‘omitting many peculiarities,’ polla\ a)topi/as being like me/ga i)sxi/os 97, 4, and the common expressions ei)s tosou=to, ei)s tou=to with gen., as Demosth. 21, 62 ei)s tosou=t' a)naidei/as a)fi/keto. Cf. c. 17, 4.

diafero/ntws—lit. differently to one as compared with another, i.e. peculiarities ‘which marked individual cases.’ pro\s=‘compared with,’ as in 62, 3.

e)pi\ pa=n—cf. e)pi\ me/ga 76, 4, e)pi\ plei=ston 34, 8, 35, 3; translate with th\n i)de/an, ‘its general nature.’ epi\ is local.

i)se/an— contrast the meaning in c. 19, 1.

parelu/pei—para- denotes simultaneous action or intrusion on something more important. Cf. Plat. Phaedo 65 C logi)zetai ka/llista o(/tan au)th\n tou/twn mhde\n paraluph=|. Cf. parenoxlei=n. kat' e)kei=non—i. e. throughout the time that the plague lasted.

ge)noito—contrast the mood in 49, 1: here the general form is required by the sense. Cf. 49, 6.

*)amelei/a|—causal, some might have been saved had they been treated.

qerapeuo/menoi—‘in spite of’ etc.

e(/n te ou)de\ e(\n—a very strong neg., for which cf. Demosth. 23, 70 e(\n ou)d' o(tiou=n tou/twn, and for ou)de\n resolved, Andoc. 1, 29 ou)/te mei=zon ou)/t' e)/latton ou)de\ e(/n. w(s ei)pei=n—qualifies the universal statement Shil. remarks that Thuc. never writes w(s e)/pos ei)pei=n o(/ ti xrh=n prosfe/rontas—i.e. o(/ ti xrh=n prosfe/rein w(/ste w)felei/n. The partic. really belongs to xrh=n. This irregularity is found also with dei=. Kr. Gr. Gr. 56, 10, 5.

prosfe/rontas —a medical term, to interfere with the course of a malady, etc., by any means. Cf. Plat. Phaedo 63 D dei=n ou)de\n toiou=ton prosfe/rein tw=| farma/kw|. tou=to—c. 53, 3 o(/ ti h)/dh h(du\ ... tou=to k.t.l., 64, 6. This ‘epanaleptic’ ou(=tos is commonest after relative clauses, as Isaeus, 1, 28 *klew/numos o(\s h)=n h(mi=n oi)keio/tatos ... ou(=tos k.t.l., but at any rate in colloquial Attic it was freely used even when no rel. preceded.

*)isxu/os pe/ri—cf. c. 62, 1, ‘as regards physical strength or weakness,’ i.e. ‘whether strong or weak.’

cunh/|rei—subject au)to/ = to\ no/shma.

*deino/taton—pred. to (a) a)qumi/a, (b) o)/ti .. e)/qnh?skon. pollw=| ma=llon—sc. h)\ diefqei/ronto u(po\ tou= kakou=, because the worst possible thing to do in illness is to lose hope: they abandoned themselves to despair and really threw their lives away, instead of resisting.

a)f' e(te/rou q.— = a)po\ tou= e(/teron qerapeu=sai. a)napimpla/menoi—the technical word for taking infection. Cf. Plat. Phaedo, p. 67 A mh\ a)napimplw/meqa th=s tou/tou fu/sews. So a)naple(ws, infected, ib. p. 83 D.

tou=to— i.e. the contagion, because (a) the fear of catching the disease caused neglect of the sick, (b) while those who attended the sick caught it.

*mh\ qe/loien—according to the MSS., which are quite worthless in such a case, the orators said mh\ qe/lein and mh\ e)qe/lein indiscriminately Shil. prints )qe/loien here; so some other edd. after mh\. It is probable that e)qe/lw is, after all, the invariable prose form. (See Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 416, Meisterhans, p. 142.)

a)pw/llunto ... e)kenw/qh?san—the complexive aor. again gives the result of the verb in imperf. Cf. c. 50, 1.

tou= qerapeu/sontos—cf. Aesch. Prom. V. 27 o( lwfh/swn ga\r ou) pe/fuke/ pw. The art. refers to no person in particular. Kr. Gr. Gr. 50, 4, 3. The fut. partic. with art. is not common. M. T. 826.

a)reth=s— = filanqrwpi/as. Cf. c. 40, 4.

ai)sxu/nh|—cf. c. 43, 1.

o)lofu/rseis—the complorationes over those who died: friends had to go because relatives actually wearied even of performing the proper offices for the dead. The kai\ before o)lofu/rseis shows that having already neglected to attend to their sick, they also took no notice of them when they died.

tw=n a)pogignome/nwn—cf. c. 34, 2. The imperf. is used of the constant deaths, as a)pw/llunto etc. above.

e)ce/kamnon—‘wearied of,’ so a)poka/mn ein occasionally.

u(po\ . . nikw/menoi—c. 47, 4.

*)epi\ ple/on—c. 35, 3. Thuc. uses this expression about a dozen times in this sense (ma=llon).

ponou/menon—cf. c. 49, 3.

e)n tw=| qarsale/w| ei)=nai—cf. c. 60 e)n i)/sw| (ei)=nai), III. 22, 6 e)n a)po/rw| ei)=nai, and many others.

kou/fhs—‘vain,’ because a)\n diafqarh=nai implies ‘if they fell ill with any other disease.’ They fancied that they could only die of old age.

u(p' a)/llou .. diafqarh=nai—see on c. 47, 4.

*)epi/ese .. h( cugkomidh\—the in version makes both emphatic.

h( cugkomidh\ e)k tw=n a)—for the art. not repeated before the prep., cf. c. 18, 3, 38, 1. (a) The noun or adj. must be connected with a verb which takes the construction used with it (komi/zomai e)k tw=n a).) to admit of this inversion of the order, (b) if the words which are inverted precede (see on c. 7, 2), the object is to produce an antithesis; but if, as more commonly, they follow the noun or adj., it is merely for the sake of convenience.

ou)x h(=sson— = ma=llon.

*kalu/bais—Aristoph. (see c. 17, 1) says e)n tai=s piqa/knaisi kai\ gupari/ois kai\ purgidi/ois. w(/ra| e)/tous—Suidas gives w(/ra e)/tous: to\ e)/ar kai\ to\ qe/ros, and rightly takes w(/ra to denote the best time, as we use ‘the season.’

ou)deni\ ko/smw| —it may be judged from tragedy how important the Greeks thought it to make a graceful exit from the world.

a)lla\ kai\ —expresses ou)deni\ ko/smw| in a positive form. [

a)poqnh/|skontes] —a gloss on h(miqnh=tes. (It is not possible to take this as imperf. partic., like a)pogignome/nwn in 51, 5, since not nekroi\ a)poqnh/|skontes, but nekroi\ a)poqnh|sko/ntwn would be necessary; for nekro\s a)pe/qanen could not be right) kalindou/menoi—kalindou=mai is figurative in meaning) (kuli/ndomai is literal.

*)enapoqnh|sko/ntwn—gen. abs. ‘men dying there.’

e)/xontes — = ei)do/tes. o(/ ti—cf. Eur. Or. 418 douleu/omen qeoi=s, o)/ ti pot' ei)si\n oi( qeoi). i(erw=n kai\ o(si/wn—cf. Isocr. 7, 66 th\n dhmokrati/an kos mh/sasan th\n po/lin kai\ toi=s i(eroi=s kai\ toi=s o)si/ois, and 53, 4 qew=n fo/bos h)\ a)nqrw/pwn no/mos.

*qh/kas—for tafa/s, ‘modes of burial.’ This meaning is sufficiently proved by Sta., who quotes Plat. Rep. 427 B.

e)pithdei/wn—neut., whatever was required for the burning and burial.

e)pi\ pura\s—governed both by e)piqe/ntes and e)pibalo/ntes. For e)pi\ pura\s ... e(piqe/ntes . . u(fh=pton, see c. 13, 2.

o(\n fe/roien—M. T. 522.

*prw=ton h)=rce—cf. c. 36, 1.

kai\—besides those instances of a)nomi/a just mentioned.

e)pi\ ple/on—cf. c. 51, 1, ‘to a greater extent’ (than ever before), since the ai)sxu/nh which followed the breach of the a)/grafoi no/moi (c. 37, 3) was no longer felt.

a)nomi/as—governed by h(=rce. a)pekru/pteto mh\—c. 49, 5.

kaq' h(donh\n—as 37, 2, but with a bad sense.

a)gxi/strofon—Ionic word, not found elsewhere in Attic prose.

metabolh\n—43, 5.

o(rw=ntes—plur., though tis precedes, as after e(/kastos, e(/teros, pa=s, ou)dei/s. tw=n t'—the te is answered by kai\ before ou)de/n, and each pair is introduced by a single tw=n, since eu)daimo/nwn . qnh|sko/ntwn apply to one set of persons, kekthme/nwn . . e)xo/ntwn to another set.

*)epaure/seis—Ionic for a)polau/seis, which Thuc. also uses, c. 38, 42. It was revived by late writers from Aristotle onwards: Andocides uses it once.

pro\s to\ terpno\n—cf. c. 65, 8 pro\s h(donh/n ti le/gein. e)pau/resis is the advantage, gain, or good to be got out of any act: generally it is neither immediately realised, nor does it take the form of mere sensual enjoyment; but now honourable ambition and forethought no longer prompted action.

*to\ me\n protalaipwrei=n—the art. and inf. depend, as accus of respect, on pro/qumos h)=n. The purpose of the art, is to contrast the two clauses introduced by me\n ... de/, since below o(/ ti de\ h)/dh h(du\ = to\ de\ h)/dh h(du/. Cf. c. 87, 5, VI. 17 to\ me\n e)s th\n gh=n e)sba/llein, ikanoi/ ei)si, tw=| de\ nautikw=| ou)k a)\n du/nainto bla/ptein. tw=| do/canti kalw=|—‘for the sake of what seemed honourable’; cf. VIII. 63 ou)ke/ti a)/llois h)\ sfi/sin au)toi=s talaipwrou=ntas. tw=| do/canti kalw=| differs from tw=| kalw=| in that the former denotes that no man had the will to strive after that which he himself conceived to be good; much less would he trouble himself about Good as a principle One reflected, tou=to/ moi dokei= kalo\n ei)=nai, a)lla\ pri\n e)p' au)to\ e)lqei=n diafqarhsomai. (There is probably no reference here to good as universally admitted, as some have supposed: do/can applies to individual cases.)

nomi/zwn—the partic. again appended somewhat freely to the preceding clause. Cf. 1 above and 4 below. Here not ou)dei\s but e(/kastos must be supplied: somewhat similar is VI. 27 tou\s dra/santas h)/|dei ou)dei/s, a)lla\ . . e)zhtou=nto kai\ prose/ti e)yhfi/santo (sc. oi( *)aqhnai=oi); IV. 59 ou)dei\s ... h)\n (sc. tis) oi)/htai/ ti ple/on sxh/sein, a)potre/petai, VI. 84 u(pola/bh| mhdei\s w(s ou)de\n prosh=kon u(mw=n kh?do/meqa, gnou\s o(/ti k.t.l. h)/dh te h(du\ kai\— te ... kai\ = sive .. sive, the first clause answering to sw/mata, the second to xrh/mata in 2 above.

pantaxo/qen to\ e)s au)to\ kerdale/on— = (o(/ ti) pantaxo/qen e)s to\ h)/dh h(du\ kerdale)on h)=n, ‘or contributed to the pleasure of the moment, regardless of the source from which it was obtained,’ i.e. men did not care how disgraceful were the means by which they strove to gratify their immediate desires. The sanctity of oaths and contracts was no longer respected; for the sake of gain fraud and crime became kalo\n kai\ xrh/simon, and what was gained was immediately squandered.

pantaxo/qen—cf. Intr. p. xl.: all means, good or bad, were alike to them.

tou=to—cf. c. 51, 2.

kalo\n—1st Cor. 15, 32 fa/gwmen kai\ pi/wmen: au)/rion ga\r a)poqnh/skomen. (Thuc. does not say they really thought these base things kalo/n: it was not to\ do/can kalo\n that changed, but to\ kaqesthko\s kalo/n. The public standard of morality is a very different thing from what each man in his heart thinks moral.)

*to\ me\n—‘on the one hand,’ answered by de/, instead of to\ de/. kri/nontes—anacoluthon, as though the preceding clause had been pass. = u(p' ou)deno\s no/mou a)pei/rgonto. Such a slight irregularity is not uncommon in Thuc. and tragedy, as Eur. Hec. 971 ai)dw/s m' e)/xei ... tugxa/nousa. Cf. III. 36 e)/docen au)toi=s . e)pikalou=ntes. (Shil. quotes IV. 108, as a ‘still bolder anacoluthon.’ But the cases are almost certainly wrong there. As ei)wqo/tes k.t.l. is clearly general, prob. the gen. abs. should be read.)

e)n o(moi/w|—cf. c. 49, 5, 61 e)n i)/sw| dikaiou=n, 60 e)n i)/sw| (e)sti/).

kai\ mh\—sc. se/bein. e)lpi/zwn—cf. c. 11, 6; had a plur. been nearer and ou)dei\s not so near, Thuc. would have written e)lpi/zontes, as VII. 28, 3.

me/xri tou=—so v. 73, 4.

biou\s a)\n—the a)\n belongs also to a)ntidou=nai, = biw=nai a)\n kai\ a)ntidou=nai. timwri/an—with tw=n a\marthma/twn. The art. and a)ntidou=nai shows that they sinned well knowing that retribution awaited them if they lived. With the general description, cf. St. Matthew, XXIV. 12, where Christ speaks of the destruction of Jerusalem, dia\ to\ plhqunqh=nai th\n a)nomi/an yugh/setai h( a)gaph\ tw=n pollw=n. polu\ de\—sc nomi/zontes, and for the interchange of words of saying and thinking which have to be supplied from the context, cf. c. 13. kateyhfisme/nhn—sc. timwri/an, i.e. no/son. h(\n ... ei)=nai—cf. c. 13, 5, 24, 2, 102, 5.

ei)ko\s —c. 10, 1.

*toiou/tw| me\n—the description is now concluded, the following particulars heing added as an afterthought (a) to illustrate the superstition rife at the time, (b) to indicate the locale of the plague.

peripeso/ntes—cf. c. 59, 2, and the phrase, sumfora=| peripesei=n, constantly occurring in the orators.

*)en—‘during,’ though kako\n is not temporal. Cf. c. 63, 1.

oi(=a ei)ko/s—cf. c. 5, 4, and w(s ei)ko/s VIII. 2, 3.

e)/pous —‘verse,’ 41, 4.

oi( presbu/teroi—limiting apposition. Cf. 4, 2, 11, 1, 16, 1, 21, 3.

a)/|desqai—c. 8, 2, 21, 3.

h(/cei —common in prophecies, Eur. Sup. 1222 pikroi\ ga\r au)toi=s h(/cet' e)kteqramme/noi | sku/mnoi leo/ntwn. St. Matt. XXIV. 14 to/te h(/cei to\ te/los. po/lemos kai\ loimo\s—there is intentional paromoi/wsis here, as often in oracles. The change of limo\s to loimo\s would be suggested by Il. 1, 61 ei) dh\ o(mou= po/lemo/s te dama=| kai\ loimo\s *)axaiou/s, and Hesiod, W. and D. 242 me/g' e)ph/gage ph=ma *kroni/wn | limo\n o(mou= kai\ loimo/n.

*)wnoma/sqai—‘that famine, and not pestilence had been the original word.’ (This translation is imperfect because it introduces a comparatively modern association.)

u(po\ tw=n palaiw=n—might have been dat.

e)pi\ tou= paro/ntos—cf. e)pi\ tw=| paro/nti c. 36, 4. The gen. is more distinctly temporal = ‘at the moment.’

pro\s a(\ e)/pasxon—cf. VI. 34 tw=n a)nqrw/pwn pro\s ta\ lego/mena kai\ ai( gnw=mai i(/stantai. mnh/mhn e)poiou=nto— act. of mnh/mh e)ge/neto in 4 below, and = a)nemnh/sqhsan in 2.

de/ ge—these particles always cap a previous statement, whether made by the speaker himself or an opponent. They are sometimes separated.

katala/bh|—c. 18, 2.

*(/ote—see c. 21, 1.

to\n qeo/n—as Apollo was both healer and destroyer, they thought that the god was helping the enemy by sending the plague. Cf. the opening of Il. 1, and O. T. first chorus.

*peri\ me\n ou)=n—Thuc. leaves this doubtful, without expressing his own opinions: then he goes on with the facts, de\ being equivalent to d' ou)=n. ‘As concerns .., they thought that what was happening corresponded to it.’

o(/ ti a)/. kai\ ei)pei=n— = o(/ ti kai\ a). ei)pei=n. tau=ta me\n—e)sti is regularly omitted in this phrase, as in sed haec hactenus. Cf. IV. 41, 4; VII. 87, 6.

*to\ pedi/on—the Attic plain, as c. 20, 1. This resumes from c. 47. parh=lqon—after ravaging the plain (contrast c 19), and reaching the north-east parts of it that lie between Mt. Parnes and Pentelicon (Brilessus), they worked their way down the south-east coast district of Attica.

*pa/ralon— = the part of Attica stretching south of Mt. Hymettus and Brauron right down to C. Sunium.

*laurei/ou —the mines here, which were an important source of revenue to Athens (Aesch. Persae, 237 a)rgu/rou phgh/ tis au)toi=s e)sti, qhsauro\s xqono/s), were farmed out on hereditary leases. See Kennedy's Demosth., Intr. to the speech against Pantaenetus. [

ou(=]—Intr. p. xxxix.

h(=| pro\s *p. o(ra=|—partem quae spectat ad P. Cf. c. 93, 4.

e)/peita de\—c. 4, 2. The addition of de\ emphasizes the antithesis.

*kai\ to/te—with w)/n. Pericles had entered on a fresh year of office in Hecatombaeon 430 (Intr. p. lxv.) since the last mention of him as Strategus.

peri\ tou= mh\—c. 22, 1.

*)/eti d'—cf. c. 13, init.

th=| *p.—the dat. depends on e)pi/ploun. e(toi=ma—cf. c. 3, 4.

*)epi\ tw=n—see c. 80, 2

i(ppagwgoi=s—this is the first occasion on which the Athenians used transports. (The Persians used them, Herod. VI. 48.) They were triremes (IV. 42; VI. 43); in 424 they were sufficiently novel to provide Aristoph. with a joke, Eq. 599. It was very important to have cavalry in the plundering expeditions, in order to be able to penetrate as far inland as possible.

*xi=oi kai\ *l.— cf. c. 9, 4.

nausi/n—the dat. of accompaniment, only used in naval and military phrases.

*(/ote—the imperf., as usual, after o(/te, denoting that the act described in the principal clause occurs at the same time as that described in the temporal clause. Cf. on c. 21, 1, and c. 99, 6.

th=s *)attikh=s—for the order, cf. c. 18, 1, and contrast 4 below, where the emphasis is on *)epi/dauron, whereas here the point is that the Peloponnesians were still in Attica, cf. 6 below.

*)epi/dauron—the most important place yet attacked by the Athenians; it would have been valuable to them, as it lay on the road to Argos, which was then neutral (c. 9, 2) and might possibly join them if they obtained possession of so considerable a state: and other towns, as Troezen and Hermione might have fallen into their hands.

e)/temon—it is not clear why Pericles ravaged the country before attacking Epidaurus: probably he had planned a stratagem to seize the place with a small force while the main body was scattered about and was keeping the troops that guarded the town (only a third of the whole force of Epidaurus, c. 47, 2) occupied.

e)s e)lpi/da h)=lqon—the phrases e)lpi/s e)sti, e)n e)lpi/di ei)=nai, e)lpi/da e)/xein have the simple infin. aor. in most cases, as c. 80, 1; but in c. 85, 4 e)lpi/dos ou/shs has the fut. infin., and in 102, 3 e)lpi\s has a)\n paqei=n; while in I. 144, 1 we have e)lpi/da tou= perie/sesqai. Cf. on c. 13, 9.

ou) me)ntoi—this failure is probably due to a rally of the inhabitants similar to that of the Plataeans, c. 3. proexw/rhse—impersonal; cf. I. 109 w\s au)tw=| ou) prouxw/rei; III. 18 e)peidh\ ou) prouxw/rei h(=| prosede/xonto; al.

*)ek th=s *)e.—the attack on Epidaurus was the greatest enterprise of Athens before 427.

*(alia/da—the country round Halice, an unimportant town on the south-east coast of Argolis.

*(ermioni/da—Hermione had a territory of some extent on the coast of the Gulf of Hermione.

*prasia/s—on north-east coast of Laconia. It suffered severely from the war, and is a proof how effective the method of Pericles was. Intr. p. lxx. Aristoph. Pax, 242 i)w\ *prasiai\ trisa/qliai kai\ penta/kis. ou)ke/ti—nothing is said of the route taken by the Peloponnesians after they left Laurium.

kate/labon—always takes pres. or perf. part.: IV. 129, 1 (pres.), I. 59, 1 (perf.).

*(/oson xro/non—this has to be supplied with kai\ oi( *)a., i.e. the sense is not that the plague raged during the simultaneous ravaging in Attica and in Peloponnese, but ‘both while the Peloponnesians were in Attica, and while the A. were away on the expedition.’

e)/n te th=| strati/a|—the order is chiastic: th=| gh=|—new=n—strati/a|—po/lei. Thuc. is very fond of the chiasmus.

e)le/xqh—constructed with acc. and infin. regularly (a) when it is used in the sense of ferunt, fertur; cf. c. 20, 1, 47, 3, 77, 6, 93, 4, 98, 3, 102, 5; I. 69; V. 74. Plat. Phaedo, p. 110 C le/getai ei)=nai toiau/th h( gh=, in a myth. It is then oftener in the pass.: the act. occurs e.g. I. 9, 2, 138, 4. If however Thuc. wants to imply that he disbelieves the report, he uses w(s, as in c. 48 e)le/xqh w(s e)sbeblh/koien. (He always inserts some qualification when he is not sure of the truth of what he relates:) (b) when it = keleu/w. It is not often found with accus. and infin. otherwise. See c. 13, 2 and cf. Andoc. 1, 57 ei)pei=n kaki/an ei)=nai ta\ geno/mena. h)sqa/nonto—from the smoke of the pyres.

*th=| e)sbolh=|—see c. 20, 1.

e)ne/meinan—sc. e)n th=| gh=|. Complexive aor., as also e)/temon. The shortest period they remained was 15 days, 425 B.C. The ordinary time was about 30 days.

*(/agnwn—Intr. p. lxxv. He had been Strategus in 440 B.C., and was again re-elected in 429, c. 95. He led the colony to Amphipolis in 437 B.C., and was honoured as founder until the death of Brasidas in 422 B.C., when the latter took his place in the regard of the people (v. 11). After the Sicilian disaster, when a very old man, he was elected one of the ten *pro/bouloi. *kleo/pompos—c. 26, 1. custrathgoi\ —It is not clear whether Thuc. means they were now in office for the official year Hecatombaeon 431 to Hecatombaeon 430, or for the year 430 to 429. Probably it is the former, and they were now nearing the end of their year of office. The expression probably points to the extraordinary position held by Pericles from Hecatombaeon 432 to Hecatombaeon 430. Intr. pp. lxvi., lxxiv.

mhxana/s—Intr. p. lxxv. Pericles wanted to reduce Potidaea in order that, in case peace should be concluded with Sparta (c. 59, 2), Athens might retain the town.

*paraskeuh=s—with a)ci/ws. e)pinemome/nh—‘spreading among.’ Cf. c. 54, 5. e)pigi/gnomai is only used of a disaster which is new. The partic., as well as the verb, governs tou\s *)a. e)ntau=qa dh\—following a partic., as in I. 94, 5, = to/te dh/ nosh=sai—‘fell ill,’ ingressive.

a)po\—cf. c. 51, 4.

cu\n— un-Attic use. See c. 2, 1.

*formi/wn—c. 31, 2, and 2, 1; I. 64, 2. Only the 3000 hoplites referred to in I. 61, 4 were at Potidaea when Hagnon went there.

*kata\ xw/ran me/nontes—so I. 28, 5; III. 22, 6. Isocr. 4, 176; Demosth. 24, 5; Aristoph. Plut. 367, et al. Cf. Horace's certa sede manet.

*(ws ... e)te/tmhto—the plup. has nothing to do with h)lloi/wnto, (i.e. the meaning is not that the land had been ravaged before the change came over their feelings), but describes the state of the country as it lay ruined before their eyes. The other places in which w(s has the plup. (III. 23, 1, 26, 4, 27, 1, 69, 2) are similar. Cf. on c. 3, 1.

o( po/lemos —referring to the other miseries besides the ruin of the trees, crops and buildings, such as the difficulty of living and the burdens of service.

h)lloi/wnto—plup., because the change had come over them before Hagnon's expedition, during Pericles' absence. Intr. p. lxxv.

*)en ai)ti/a| ei)=xon—cf. the following, e)n o)rgh=| e)/., c. 18, 5, 21, 3, 65, 3; e)n h(donh=| e)/., III. 9; e)n o)rrwdi/a| e)/., c. 89, 1. This idiom is not found in the orators, but occurs in tragedy.

peripeptwko/tes—see c. 54, 1.

pro\s tou\s *l.—with cugxwrei=n. pre/sbeis—Sta. reads presbei/as with MT only. Dion. Hal. thinks that Thuc. ought to have given a detailed account of these transactions. The reason he does not do so is that nothing came of them.

pantaxo/qen—not local, but = ‘utterly.’

a)/poroi kaqestw=tes—i.e. ei)s a)pori/an k. c. 81, 8; ei)s tosau/thn a)pori/an e)lqei=n Isocr. 8, 47; ei)s tou=to katasth=sai a)pori/as Demosth. 22, 132; ei)s a)/poron pesei=n Aristoph. Clouds 702.

*(orw=n ... poih/sas—see c. 4, 4.

pro\s ta\ p.—c. 22, 1, 64, 6 pro\s pa\s cumfora/s, 88, 3 p. th\n parou=san o)/yin. h)/lpize—of bad events, as in I. 1, 1.

cu/llogon—c. 22, 1. Pericles still held his extraordinary power. Intr. p. lxvi., and it was perhaps by virtue of this that he was able to have a special meeting summoned. Cf. c. 13, 1.

e)/ti d'—i.e. he had not yet been suspended from office and brought to trial (a)poxeirotonhqei/s). Intr. pp. lxxv. fol. will make this clear.

e)strath/gei—‘held office,’ implying that he was still au)tokra/twr. He was just completing another year of office, and was Strategus elect for the official year soon to begin. Cf. c. 55, 2.

to\ o)rgizo/menon th=s g.—cf. VII. 68 th=s g. to\ qumou/menon. This neuter partic. as noun abstract presents the idea as an action going on, not as an abstract notion separate from all associations of time and circumstance. Cf. c. 87, 3. It is frequent in Euripides.

pro\s ... katasth=sai—the ordinary construction is e)s (see 2 above), but tre/pesqai has e)pi/, pro/s, e)s, and several verbs e)pi\ or e)s in Thuc. Cf. c. 65, 9.

katasth=sai—sc. th\n gnw/mhn. e)/lece—the Schol. labels the speech dhmhgori/a *perikle/ous pro\s *)aqhnai/ous. The speech was also known in antiquity as h( oi)kei/a *perikle/ous dhmhgori/a.

*kai\ . kai\—parataxis; cf. c. 46, 1.

prosdexo- me/nw| ... gege/nhtai—cf. c. 3, 2. M. T. 900.

ta\ th=s o)rgh=s— ‘this outburst of wrath,’ as ta\ th=s tu/xhs; see on c. 44, 2.

cunh/gagon—the aor. of momentary action, as continually in tragedy.

o)/pws—the subjun. is certainly to be preferred to the fut. indic. here, as this is a pure final clause. M. T. 364 (o(/pws is Thuc.'s favourite final particle, but is rare in other prose authors except Xen.).

ei)/ ti—he does not doubt it, but softens the expression.

*plei/w—with w)felei=n. This sentence contains a triple antithesis.

o)rqoume/nhn .. sfallome/nhn—the state is personified.

kaq' e(/kaston—because it is when prosperity has engendered selfishness and oblivion of corporate life that states go to ruin.

*kalw=s fero/menos—cf. v. 15, 2, 16, 1; f. of the course that affairs take. This gnw/mh is the premiss of the following enthymeme (see c. 11, 7) ‘It is well for the citizens that the state should prosper even if they have to sacrifice themselves: for the citizens must fall with the state, and when the state prospers, the citizens easily overcome their troubles. Therefore the citizens must sacrifice themselves for the state.’ Cf. 4 below.

to\ kaq' e(auto\n—cf. c. 11, 3.

diafqeirome/nhs—there is paronomasi/a between this and fero/menos, also between kakotuxw=n and eu)tuxou/sh|. pollw=| ma=llon —sc. h)\ e)n kakotuxou/sh|.

*(opo/te—‘since,’ so that the verb to be supplied is e)sti/. Andoc 1, 7 and 89.

ei)=s e(/kastos—cf. VI. 41 ei)=s te e(/kastos kai\ h( cu/mpasa po/lis; VIII. 89 h)gwni/zeto ei)=s e)/kastos. mh\—the sentence does not end regularly, the construction being carried on to suit the parenthesis o(\ nu=n u(. dra=te. We expect kai\ mh\ a)fi/esqai. Cf. Plat. Phaedrus, 272 D panta/pasi ga/r, o(\ kai\ kat' a)rxa\s ei)/pomen tou=de tou= lo/gou, o(/ti ou)de\n a)lhqei/as mete/xein de/oi to\n me/llonta r(htoriko\n e)/sesqai. tai=s kat' oi)=kon k.t.l.—epexegesis of dra=te. Cf. VI. 11 o(/per ... pepo/nqate: dia\ to\ perigegenh=sqai ... *sikeli/as e)fi/esqe. Shil notes that Latin idiom expresses the epexegesis of facio by ut.

kat' oi)=kon— cf. Aristoph. Lys. 261 a(\s e)bo/skomen kat' oi)=kon, ‘at home.’ This phrase differs from kata\ th\n oi)ki/an = ‘about the house,’ Aristoph. Thesm. 402, and has a wider sense than kat' oi)ki/an, ‘in private,’ Aristoph. Vesp. 1180.

tou= koinou=—objective gen. to swthri/as, but put first for the sake of the emphatic antithesis to kat' oi)=kon. u(ma=s—he dexterously throws the charge back on them.

cune/gnwte—the prep. here has an adverbial force. Cf. c. 64, 1.

di' ai)ti/as e)/xein—cf. c. 59, 2, and 11, 3 This idiom is rare in other Attic prose writers (not found in orators).

*kai/toi—there is no prothesis to this speech (see on c. 36, 4), the reason being that in c. 59. 3, and 65, 1 Thuc. explains the object which Pericles had in the *pi/stis, and so had no need to insert it here.

e)moi\—the analysis makes the pi/stis begin here. But the Schol. who notes on these words paragrafiko\n e)n deino/thti must have taken this to be part of the prooi/mion and thought that the pi/stis began with c. 61. (I begin the pi/stis here with Fr. Muller, against the Schol., Altinger and Leitschel, because the object of Pericles in the pi/stis certainly was th=s e)p' au)to\n o)rgh=s paralu/ein tou\s *)aqhnai/ous, 65, 1. *to\ paragrafiko\n comes in the prooi/mion, but Thuc. may have meant the last part of 4 to represent this.)

toiou/tw|— here follows another enthymeme: ‘You are unjustly angry with Pericles: for he is able, patriotic, honest and can tell you what is best for you; without all these qualities, a statesman is of little use. Therefore, as Pericles has them all, it is wrong to blame him.’

ou)deno\s h(/sswn—this is all purely rhetorical, for no proof is offered of the premise, which might be disputed. This illustrates excellently Aristotle's remark that, whereas exact truth is the object of the syllogism, probability is the object of the enthymeme.

filo/polis—to us philanthropy and cosmopolitanism mean far more than citizenship and patriotism; but in antiquity the former were vague abstractions which interested none but philosophers, whereas the latter were realities for which every right-minded man was ready to sacrifice himself.

xrhma/twn krei/sswn—cf. c. 65, 8. Probably Pericles already knew that Cleon was preparing to charge him with intercepting public money. Intr. p. lxxvi.

*)en i)/sw|—cf. 53, 4.

kai\—‘as’; so after i)/sos III. 14, 1; o(moi=os VI. 11, 1; VIII. 76, 4.

e)nequmh/qh—c. 40, 2.

ou)k a)\n o(moi/ws—meiosis. Cf. for o(moi/ws, c. 44, 3.

oi)kei/ws—like an oi)kei=os, ‘as a loyal citizen,’ who regards himself as much bound to the state as to his family.

tou=de—this I am speaking of, viz. patriotism.

vikw/menos— the reading adopted is far more likely than the MSS. genitive, as the partic. corresponds to gnou\s and e)/xwn. (The gender would be masc., cf. c. 47, 4. So Kr., but recent edd., except Cr., make it neut., with tou=de for subj., against which it may be urged (a) to/de nika=tai means ‘this view is rejected,’ unless to/de is personified, in which case (b) we should expect xrh/masi also to be personified, and to become u(po\ tw=n x.)

tou/tou— i.e. xrhma/twn, cf. tou=de above.

a)po/doito—there are readings poloi=to and a)po/loito in inferior MSS.

*kai\ me/sws—with ma=llon e(te/rwn. ‘If you thought that I had somewhat more of these qualifications than others.’ ‘Propria laus tantum abest ut sordeat in ore virorum vere magnorum ut liabeat etiam ingenuae magnificaeque simplicitatis plurimum.’ Doderlein. ma=llon e(te/rwn—me/sws ei)=pe kai\ ou) sfo/dra, dia\ to\ fortiko/n. Schol.

au)ta\—cf. c. 1. ge —emphasizes tou= a)dikei=n: ‘you followed my advice because you thought me filo/polis, xrhma/twn krei/sswn. Is it not then absurd to impute a)diki/a to me?’ He seems again to refer to the plots of Cleon.

*kai\ ga\r—this takes up tou= ge a)dikei=n, and belongs to pollh\ a)/noia, ‘for undoubtedly it is intensely foolish to go to war.’

ai(/resis—viz. between peace and war.

polemh=sai ingressive, cf c. 15, 2, 58, 2.

ei) d'—there is not any doubt about it; cf. c. 39, 4, and Andoc. I. 33 ei) me/n ti h)se/bhka ... ei) de\ ou)de\n h(ma/rthtai/ moi, Aeschines, I. 112 ei) me\n h)=n o( a)gw\n ou(tosi\ e)n po/lei e)kklh/tw|, u(ma=s a)\n h)ci/wsa ei) d' o( a)gw/n e)stin *)aqh/nhsin ... a)namimnhskein prosh/kei. h)=n—viz. when the Spartan embassies were sent threatening war. Intr. p. lxviii.

eu)qu\s—with u(pakou=sai. o( fugw\n—Shil. takes this as general, but then the pres. partic. would be expected. Pericles alludes to those who had been opposed to war. kinduneu/santas is emphatic.

*(o au)to/s ei)mi—this, like e)ci/stamai, metaba/llete, pei- sqh=nai, metame/lein, and e)gkarterei=n, is left without further definition. The gloss a(\ e)/gnwte well gives the general idea of the passage which is clear but exceedingly condensed.

a)kerai/ois—cf. c. 18, 5; before you had suffered from the invasion and the plague.

lo/gon—‘policy,’ as announced in c. 13, and before the war.

e)n tw=| a)sqenei= th=s gnw/mhs—cf. c. 87, 3. Antiphon, Tet. A, 3.3 to\ qumou/menon th=s gnw/mhs, and c. 59, 3.

u(mete/rw|—put with a)sqenei= rather than gnw/mhs for the antithesis to e)mo/n. It is not uncommon for a neut. adj. with art. to have an epithet; cf. IV. 87, 3 tw=| u(mete/rw| eu)/nw|. mh\—with fai/nesqai. dio/ti—its ordinary sense is ‘because,’ but often from Aristotle onwards = ‘that.’

to\ lu/poun—in order to secure a permanent advantage in the future, it may be necessary to submit to some temporary inconvenience (c. 53, 3), which a too hasty judgment may mistake for the only outcome of a far-sighted policy.

e)/xei—involves. so ‘makes itself felt.’

a(/pasi—with dh/lwsis; the individual's perception of the immediate inconvenience being contrasted with the deferred realisation by the nation of the advantage.

e)c o)ligou=—c. 11, 4.

tapeinh\ . e)gkarterei=n—cf. I. 50, 5 nh=es o)li/gai a)mu/nein; v. 111, 2 ta\ u(pa/rxonta braxe/a perigi/gnesqai. Shil. points out that this is not the same as tapeinote/ra h)\ w(/ste e)g.; being milder, it does not allege utter want of endurance: ‘You are weak in patiently abiding the change.’

*paralo/gw|—that which is sudden and unexpected— for instance death in certain mortal but lingering diseases— does not necessarily overthrow one's original calculations. Hence the addition of to\ ... cumbai=non to to\ ai)f. kai\ a). a)/llois —neut.

*)antipa/lois— = i)/sois tw=| mege/qei au)th=s. c. ta\s megi/- stas—c. 2, 2.

e)qe/lein—Shil.'s excellent remark that e)qe/lw = ‘I am willing,’ bou/lomai = ‘I wish,’ needs this much modification, that e)qe/lw is always used by a superior to an inferior, just as they speak of the ‘will’ of the gods. (In Plat. Gorg. 508 C, Shil. says a distinction is hardly recognised: but there o( boulo/menos = ‘anyone who wishes,’ as usual, and o( e)qe/lwn = ‘anyone whose will and pleasure it is’—ei)mi\ e)pi\ tw=| boulome/nw| w)/sper oi( a)/timoi tou= e)qe/lontos. At the same time, the example shows that the meanings of the two do overlap. Schmeizer on Plato, Phaedo, c. 50.)

u(fi/stasqai— = ‘endure’ takes accus.: for meaning with dat., see L. and S.

a)fani/zein— c. 34, 3.

e)n i)/sw|— = o(moi/ws. dikaiou=si—c. 41, 5.

do/chs—with e)llei/pei, as proshkou/shs with o)rego/menon, the order being due to the elaborate antithesis.

o(/stis . . to\n—the change of expression relieves the sentence. Isocr. 6, 90 e/le/sqai mh\ to\ tou/tois r(a=|ston, a)ll' o(\ pre/pon e)/stai. a)palgh/santas— only found in Thuc.: for the force of a)po\, cf. a)panqei=n, a)pe/rdw, a)potu/ptw. tou= koinou= th=s s.—c. 60, 4.

po/non—with a)pe/deica u(popteuo/menon, the object being repeated in au)to\n owing to the length of the sentence.

mh\— subordinate to u(popteuo/menon. u(pa/rxon—with e)nqumhqh=nai, and both e)s th\n a)rxh\n and mege/qous pe/ri belong to u(pa/rxon, ‘your possession of which, as bearing on your empire in respect of its greatness,’ i.e. ‘the existence of which, as it bears on the greatness of your empire.’

ou)/t' e)gw\—sc. e)xrhsa/mhn au)tw=|. kompwdeste/ran—‘as the pretension it involves is rather arrogant.’

para\ to\ ei)ko\s—‘unduly.’

*oi)/esqe—in this passage the topic to\ dunato\n is used; Index, s.v. to/poi. merw=n—depends on tou= e(te/rou. e)pi\ ple/on—sc. ne/mesqai (c. 29, 2), ‘to any further extent you wish.’

a)/llo—exclusive, cf. c. 14, 1; ‘nor any nation either.’ basileu\s is not the Persian king, but goes with ou)k e)/. o(/stis. ou)dei/s. tw=n e)n t. p.—cf. c. 41, 3.

w(/ste—the value of Attica cannot be compared with the value of the sea.

ou) kata\ .. xrei/an—‘not to be measured by the advantage derived from,’ i.e. is much greater than that. Shil. quotes many examples of ou) or mh\ kata\ meaning superior to; the same may mean inferior to, as in the phrase ou) kat' a)ci/an common in tragedy.

w(=n—sc. e)sterhme/noi. ou)d' ei)ko\s—neque decet, c. 10, 1.

xal. fe/rein—sc. e)sterhme/noi. [

au)tw=n]—probably due to a note e)sterh=sqai au)tw=n. ma=llon h)\ ou)—cf. III. 36, 4 po/lin diafqei=rai ma=llon h)\ ou) tou\s ai)ti/ous. Shil. notes that h)\ implies a negative, just as pri\n does (A. J. of Phil. II. B. L. G. on pri(n): and all sentences implying a neg. may be strengthened by an expressed neg. M. T. 815. Thus kinduneu/w peri\ tou= mh\ swqh=nai means the same thing as kinduneu/w peri\ tou= swqh=nai. khpi/on—a parterre of flowers. (The other view that khpi/on means a mode of dressing the hair is due to Aelius Dionysius: Eustath., p. 907, quotes Aelius, whose gloss also appears in Photius, Suidas, and more than once in Scholia; cf. Pollux, II. 29 kh=pos ga\r ou) mo/non futalia/, a)lla\ kai\ kallsmo\s ko/mhs, kat' *ai)lion *dionu/sion, kai\ koura=s dia/qesis tw=n e)n kefalh=| trixw=n. *qoukudi/dhs de\ khpi/on fhsi.)

e)gkallw/pisma—of display in dress. Cf. Plato, Phaedo, p. 64 D ta\s a)/llas ta\s peri\ to\ sw=ma qerapei/as ... oi)=on i(mati/wn diafero/ntwn kth/seis kai\ u(podhma/twn kai\ tou\s a)/llous kallwpismou/s. gnw=nai—sc. ei)ko/s. a)ntil. au)th=s diasw/swmen—c. 13, 2.

a)nalhyome/nhn ... filei=n—the change of construction is due to the change in the sense of gnw=nai, which at first = know, then = judge or decide. M. T. 915.

u(pakou/sasi —with gen. of a perpetual attitude of submission, with dat. (61, 1) of submission at a particular moment.

pate/rwn— the topic changes to to\ sumfe/ron. See 2 above. Demosth. 3, 36 mh\ paraxwrei=n th=s ta/cews h(\n u(mi=n oi( pro/gonoi meta\ pollw=n kai\ kalw=n kindu/nwn kthsa/menoi kate/lipon kat' a)mfo/tera—i.e. kata\ to\ katasxei=n kai\ diasw/santes paradou=nai. But, as applied to his hearers, katasxei=n does not mean to acquire new empire, which Pericles discouraged; but to assert their mastery over their existing empire, and not think of surrendering it to Sparta: katasxei=n = both to get and to keep.

fanh=nai—sc. ei)ko/s. meta\ po/nwn—cf. I. 70, 8 meta) po/nwn kai\ kindu/nwn moxqei=n, ib. 19, 3 meta\ kindu/nwn ta\s meleta\s poiei=dqai. When abstract sing. nouns are used in these phrases (Thuc. has examples), as met' a)lhqei/as, the art. is rare.

prose/ti —once Thuc. uses pro\s as an adv., III. 58, 5: elsewhere prose/ti. au)ta\—c. 36, 4.

ai)/sxion—Demosth. 2, 26 polu\ r(a=|on e)/xontas fula/ttein h)\ kth/sasqai. e)/xontas—decame/nous, while a)faireqh=nai is the opposite of katasxei=n kai\ diasw/sasqai. i)e/nai o(mo/se—cf. c. 81, 5, obviam ire. fronh/mati katafronh/mati—paronomasi/a, in the style of Gorgias. Intr. p. lii. The antithesis between confidence and disdain is an antithesis between an instinctive feeling of superiority and a consciousness arising from knowledge of the enemy's inferiority. Cf. Livy, XXI. 41 non eo solum animo quo adversus alios hostes soletis pugnare velim; sed cum indignatione quadam atque ira, velut si servos videatis vestros arma repente contra vos ferentes.

*au)/xhma—Intr. p. liii. au)/xhma is not identified with fro/nhma, but is substituted as the natural result of it.

kai\ —‘mere.’

a)maqi/as eu)tuxou=s—fortune sometimes favours cowardly fools, and produces in them a habit of boasting. Pericles probably meant Cleon, and Thuc. suggests him by kai\ (= ‘even’) deilw=| tini. katafro/nhsis o(\s a)\n—cf. the definition in c. 44, 1. Sc. tou/tw| e)ggi/gnetai. gnw/mh|—certain knowledge, contrasted with a)maqi/a eu).; again suggesting Cleon, who made the un-Socratic discovery that a)maqi/a is a)reth/! Intr. p. lxxiii.

*to/lman—one of the effects of katafro/nhsis, but not always of fro/nhma, which is compatible with cowardice.

h( cu/nesis—stands very close to gnw/mh, but only in the intellectual sense of clear insight and circumspection. For the principle that true courage is impossible without cu/nesis, cf. c. 40, 4. (This illustrates the close connection between Ethics and Metaphysics, so often insisted upon by modern thinkers.)

e)k tou= u(pe/rfronos—with e)xurwte/ran pare/xetai. ‘Intelligence gives greater solidity to courage as the result of a consciousness of superiority’; such a consciousness of superiority is therefore desirable.

e)lpi/di—cf. V. 102 e)pista/meqa ta\ tw=n pole/mwn e)/stin o(/te koinote/ras ta\s tu/xas lamba/nonta h)\ kata\ to\ diafe/ron e(kate/rwn plh=qos. ‘Courage trusts not to hope because fortune has hitherto been fair (that is the strength of the helpless); rather it trusts to insight based on a survey of realities; and that is a far safer prophet.’ In this elaborate antithesis (a) blind hope is contrasted with clear insight, (b) the foundation on which hope is built is contrasted with the foundation on which insight is built, the one being treacherous (tu/xh), the other being firm, (c) there is a contrast, in the form of chiasmus, between e)lpi/di and u(pa/rxonta, and between tu/xhs and gnw/mh. a)po\ th=s o(moi/as tu/xhs—referring to 4 above; cowards boast when tu/xh has been more than o(moi/a to them: the helpless hope on when tu/xh has been as much as o(moi/a to them; for an equal share of Heaven's favours is enough to make them suppose they will not be destroyed But brave men, trusting in gnw/mh, can bear up even under a temporary withdrawal of their share of Heaven's favour (c. 64, 2). (These words, if retained after th\n to/lman, give no sense, since there is no reason why courage should come a)po\ ... tu/xhs, or why the effect of insight on courage should be limited by such a condition.)

a)po/rw|—neut.

gnw/mh|—Thuc. does not often contrast gnw/mh with tu/xh, by which gnw/mh may always be over-ridden. Intr. p. xli.; I. 144, 4; V. 75 tuxh| me\n kakizo/menoi, gnw/mh| de\ oi( au)toi\ e)/ti o)/ntes. It is common in the orators, as Antiphon, 5, 92, Andoc. 1, 140, Lys. 34, 2, Isocr. 2, 30.

*th=s te—the topic changes to to\ sumfe/ron; see c. 62, 3, Index s.v. to/poi. ei)ko\s—decet.

tw=| timwme/nw|—c. 59, 3. ‘You are bound to support the dignity which the state has obtained through our empire.’

u(pe\r a(/pantas—not a common use of u(pe/r. Cf. Isocr. ep. 4, 8 tou\s u(pe\r au(tou\s o)/ntas. tima\s—which, though belonging to the state, directly benefit every citizen; in those times the city was everything, the citizen nothing. Cf. 60, 3.

peri\ doulei/as a)gwni/zesqai—as remarked on c. 62, 3, sentences like a)gw\n peri\ tou= dokei=n a)di/kws e)piqumei=n and a)gw(n peri\ tou= mh\ dokei=n a). e). are identical in meaning. In the same way, with all verbs or nouns implying a contest, the noun with peri\ may describe either the object which the combatant referred to wishes to obtain, or the disaster he wishes to avoid, the two being the same thing regarded from different views: thus Lysias' e)nantiou=sqai peri\ e/leuqeri/as (13, 17) is the same as a)gwni/zesqai peri\ doulei/as. Cf. Lys. 3, 44 a)gwni/zesqai peri\ qana/tou; 21, 20 a). peri\ a)sebei/as. Demosth. 1, 5 ou) peri\ do/chs ki/ndunos a/ll' a)ndrapodismou= th=s patri/dos. doulei/as—i.e. dependence on Sparta, as d. often denotes merely the opposite of au)tonomi/a. kindu/nou w(=n— periculo ob offensas in imperio contractas, danger due to the hatred to which you have been exposed in that empire. w(=n = tou/twn a(/, cognate accus. to a)ph/xqhsqe. (One or two edd. prefer to take w(=n as masc., danger from those in governing whom you have incurred hatred; but that does not agree well with the abstract nature of the whole passage.)

*ei)/ tis—referring to the combination to which the overtures to Sparta were due.

kai\ to/de—i.e. to\ e)ksth=nai th=s a)rxh=s, ‘if that is the honourable part that any of you, prompted by his present apprehension and an indolent spirit, wishes to play.’ to/de is cognate accus. to a)ndragaqi/zetai. Cf. 1 above. The friends of peace did not admit that they wished e)ksth=nai th=s a)rxh=s, but Pericles asserts that their policy would lead to loss of empire and even worse disasters.

a)pragmosu/nh|— dat. of manner. The word is purposely chosen to include all who were playing into the hands of Sparta, if only by their apathy. Cf. Intr. p. lxxiii.

w(s turanni/da—it is remarkable that Cleon, who had done so much to get up the attack on Pericles, utters the same sentiment, III. 40. Cleon was really by no means anxious for peace (see Intr. p. lxxiv. fol.), and it is probable that Pericles here points out the absurdity of Cleon's present attitude by adopting a phrase of which all knew that he was fond; leaving the friends of a)pragmosu/nh to settle matters with the friends of turanni\s as best they could.

a)/dikon dokei=—viz. ‘to the world.’ Pericles does not himself assert that the empire is a despotism, or that it was unjustly acquired: he alludes to an opinion then especially prevalent.

e)piki/ndunon—sc. e)sti/.

*oi( toiou=toi—i.e. oi( to/de a)ndragaqizo/menoi. e(te/rous pei/santes—‘if they should get others to adopt their views.’

kai\—with te/, sive ... sive. Observe the i)so/kwlon on each side of kai/, cf. c. 40, 1, and the o(moiote/leuta in a)pole/seian and oi)kh/seian. (These similar endings are not common in Thuc.: there are about a dozen in this book.)

ei)/ pou—the second protasis to po/lin a)pole/seian. e)pi\ sfw=n au)tw=n—‘by themselves,’ a hint that if they want their ideas carried out, they had better go and live somewhere else. For the phrase, cf. v. 67, 1; VI. 40, 2 au)th\ e/f' au\th=s; VIII. 63, 4.

to\ a)/pragmon—‘indolence is not secure unless it be ranged beside activity; nor yet is it expedient in a sovereign state, but only in one that is in subjection, to seek safety by submission.’ to\ a)/pragmon and to\ drasth/rion are for oi( a)pra/gmones, oi( drasth/rioi. Cf. c. 44, 1.

sw/|zetai ... tetagme/non—military words. If indolent persons wish to come out of the struggle safe, they had better take sides with the active; i.e. the peace party can only gain a secure peace by supporting the war party, instead of making overtures to the enemy. Cf. Demosth. 6, 25 ou) fula/cesq' o(/pws mh\ pole/mou zhtou=ntes a)pallagh=nai despo/thn eu(/rhte; cumfe/rei—subject a\sfalw=s douleu/ein, before which to\ is omitted, as in c. 35, 1, 39, 4.

a)sfalw=s d.— this is what to\ a)/pragmon really means, says Pericles, it is not swthri/a, as the friends of peace pretend, but doulei/a: a)sfalw=s corresponds to ou) sw/|zetai, douleu/ein to mh\ meta\ tou= drao thri/ou tetagme/non, which shows that the adv. is emphatic.

douleu/ein—cf. 1 above; a state now a)/rxousa becomes a slave by submitting. Cf. c. 42, 4. (For other views of this passage, see other editions.)

*di' o)rgh=s—c. 13, 2.

ei)ko\s h)=n—sc. dra=sai. Cf. c. 11, 8.

pra=gma ... gegenhme/non—for the change to a neut. expression cf. c. 47, 3. pra=gma is in apposition to the sentence generally, as in Andoc. 1, 39 tou=q' u(pe/qeto, deino/taton pra=gma oi)=mai. e)lpi/dos—cf. c. 11, 6, 85, 4, 102, 3.

krei=sson—cf. c. 41, 3.

oi)=d' o(/ti—cf. eu)= oi)=d' o(/ti, and dh=lon o(/ti. me/ros ti—‘considerably.’ [ti] eu)= pra/chte—either eu)= poiei=n, eu)= pra/ttein, etc., or a)gaqo/n ti poiei=n, a)gaqo/n ti pra/ttein, etc., are the phrases. For the latter, cf. Isocr. 2, 20, Aristoph. Eccles. 108.

a)naqh/sete—‘you intend to attribute it to me.’ So the fut. indic. with ei) may follow optat. with a)/n, and even alternate with ei) and optat., as Andoc. 1, 30 deino\n a)\n ei)/h, ei) e\moi\ o)rgi/zoisqe kai\ th\n diabolh\n ... krei/ttw th=s a)lhqei/as h(gh/sesqe.

*fe(rein te—another reason why their indignation is unmerited is that the plague is sent by a higher power.

ta\ daimo/nia—this phrase, for ta\ th=s tu/xhs, only occurs here, and, as Cl. says, it is probably borrowed from the language of philosophers. Cf. qei=os, contrasted with a)nqrw/pinos, in Plato; also Andoc. 1, 139 ki/ndunoi qei=oi) (k. a)nqrw/pinoi. a)nagkai/ws —‘with resignation.’ The inevitable should be endured, not argued over.

ta/ te a)po\—there is chiasmus with I above; oi( e\nanti/oi, h( no/sos, ta\ daimo/nia, ta\ a)po\ tw=n p. e)n e)/qei h)=n— ‘was the habit of.’

e)n u(mi=n—‘by your act.’ Cf. c. 35, 1.

kwluqh=|—‘let it not be impeded,’ i.e. ‘let not your action check it.’

*dia\ to\—belongs to ei)/kein and a)nhlwke/nai. (The Schol., who makes a)nhlwke/nai depend on gnw=te, has the honour of having misled Shil.)

plei=sta de\—‘has never yielded ..., but has sacrificed.’

megi/sthn dh\—antithesis to o)/noma me/giston. Notice the frequent use of superlatives, esp. me/gistos and plei=stos. Cf. c. 11, 1.

h)\n kai\ nu=n—‘even if, in our present condition (i.e. in spite of our present power), we should give way at all. Pericles admits the possibility of a decline of the empire.’

kai\ e)lassou=sqai—‘to decay as well (as to grow).’

katalelei/yetai—permanent result in fut. M. T. 78.

*(ellh/nwn te o(/ti—epexegesis of h(=s = duna/mews. Cf. Plat. Rep. v. p. 469 B *(/ellhnas *(ellhni/das po/leis a)ndrapodi/zesqai. o(/ti—put late, because of the emphasis on *(ellh/nwn. pole/mois—temporal. Cf. c. 13, 9.

kaq' e(ka/stous—depends, as though it were one word, on pro/s. toi=s pa=sin—c. 11, 6.

*kai/toi—‘now it is true that,’ making an admission that increase of power does not increase the number of friends. The objection is answered in 5 below. (Only Bäumlein and Sta. make this clear.)

a)pra/gmwn—referring to other states, yet with a hint at oi( a)pra/gmones in Athens.

me/myait' a)/n— corresponds to the fut. zhlw/sei, fqonh/sei. kai\ au)to\s—with dra=n, ‘he who is ambitious like ourselves.’

zhlw/sei—note the difference between zh=los and fqo/nos. L. and S. s.v. zh=los. ei) ... ke/kthtai—=o(/stis ke/kthtai=o( kekthme/nos.

*)en tw=| paro/nti—‘for a time,’ i.e. until other nations become habituated to it. Cf. c. 41, 2.

e(/teroi e(te/rwn—c. 51, 1 and 4. Cf. I. 84 diafe/rein a)/nqrwpon a)nqrw/pou and 3 above; Livy, XXI. 10, 4 ex bellis bella serendo.

o(/stis ... lamba/nei—=o( lamba/nwn. e)pi\ megi/stois—cf. c. 29, 3 e)p' w)feli/a|. h( de\ k.t.l.—there is only one idea in the subject: lit. ‘that which is the splendour of the present remains also the glory of the future in memory for ever,’ by which he means great power, ta\ me/gista above. In the present, such power is viewed with dislike, though it is a splendid thing to have; but hatred is short-lived, and in the future will be changed into admiration and respect. Even if this great power decline, it is still remembered. The second member is the more important.

*)/es te to\ me/llon—there is chiasmus here; parauti/ka, e)s to\ e)/peita, e)s to\ me/llon, e)s to\ au)ti/ka. progno/ntes—‘providing for future glory and present escape from disgrace, secure both by making an effort now.’

e)pikhrukeu/esqe—see c. 1 e)pemei/gnunto. Cf. e)pidika)zesqai. oi(/tines—with this conclusion, cf. the close of Nicias' speech, VI. 14 to\ kalw=s a)/rcai tou=t' ei)=nai, o(\s a)\n k.t.l. pro\s—propter, c. 91, 4.

ou(=toi—c. 58, 3.

kai\ po/lewn kai\ i)diwtw=n—sums up the lesson of the whole speech. The interests of the individual cannot be considered apart from those of the community. Cf. Isocr. 3, 51.

*th=s e)p' au)to\n—‘the indignation directed against him.’

deinw=n—here regarded from the point of view of the sufferers; in 77, 1 from that of those who cause the suffering.

a)pa/gein th\n g.—cf. c. 59, 3.

*)anepei/qonto—c. 14, 1.

o( me\n—cf. c. 21, 3.

a)p' e)lasso/nwn—‘having less to start with,’ i.e. before the war.

e)ste/rhto—so Andoc. 3, 8; Aeschin. 2, 173 of this period.

{e)n} oi)kodomi/ais—‘consisting in buildings and costly furniture,’ with kth/mata. Cf. Dinarch. 1, 5 h( e)n tw=| le/gein du/namis. to\ de\ me/giston—‘above all,’ adverbial accus.

*pro/teron ... pri\n—this insertion of pro/teron is due to the comparative and negative nature of pri/n. It is very common. M. T. 658.

xrh/masin—cf. IV. 65 fugh=| e)zhmi/wsan. For the probable circumstances see Intr. p. lxxvi.

*(/usteron—Intr. p. lxxvii.

ou) pollw=|—about six months.

o(/per filei=—Thuc.'s objections to a thorough-going democracy are (1) that it is uncertain in its policy, (2) that it encourages rivalry among demagogues, and consequently party strife. Cf. Burke, Reflections, ‘Not being wholly unread in the authors who had seen the most of those constitutions, I cannot help concurring with their opinion, that an absolute democracy, no more than absolute monarchy, is to be reckoned among the legitimate forms of government.’

pa/nta—i.e. made him strathgo\s au)tokra/twr. w(=n ... h)/lgei—cf. Eur. Hec. 1256 paido\s a)lgei=n, a poetical construction. Supply tau=ta, accus. of respect, to a)mblu/teroi, and to plei/stou a)/cion. h( cu/mpasa—the state is contrasted with the individuals of which it consists. Cf. c. 7, 2. cu/mpasa h( would contrast the whole with part of the city.

*(/oson te ... e)pei/ te—i.e. throughout his administra- tion, both before and after the outbreak of war. For te ... te, cf. c. 22, 1, 64, 2, 6.