1. Thuc. iii. 104 dhloi= de\ ma/lista *(/omhros o(/ti toiau=ta h)=n [a festival at Delos] e)n toi=s e)/pesi toi=sde, a(/ e)stin e)k prooimi/ou *)apo/llwnos: a)ll) o(/te *dh/lw| *foi=be ma/lista/ ge qumo\n e)te/rfqhs, e)/nqa toi e(lkexi/twnes *)ia/ones h)gere/qontai su\n sfoi=sin teke/essi gunaici/ te sh\n e)s a)guia/n: e)/nqa se pugmaxi/h| te kai\ o)rxhstui= kai\ a)oidh=| mnhsa/menoi te/rpousin o(/tan kaqe/swsin a)gw=na. o(/ti de\ kai\ mousikh=s a)gw\n h)=n kai\ a)gwniou/menoi e)foi/twn, e)n toi=sde au) dhloi=, a(/ e)stin e)k tou= au)tou= prooimi/ou. to\n ga\r *dhliako\n xoro\n tw=n gunaikw=n u(mnh/sas e)teleu/ta tou= e)pai/nou e)s ta/de ta\ e)/ph, e)n oi(=s kai\ e(autou= e)pemnh/sqh: a)ll) a)/geq) i(lh/koi me\n *)apo/llwn *)arte/midi cu/n, xai/rete d) u(mei=s pa=sai: e)mei=o de\ kai\ meto/pisqe mnh/sasq' o(ppo/te ke/n tis e)pixqoni/wn a)nqrw/pwn e)nqa/d) a)nei/rhtai talapei/rios a)/llos e)pelqw/n: w)= kou=rai ti/s d' u)/mmin a)nh\r h(/distos a)oidw=n e)nqa/de pwlei=tai kai\ te/w| te/rpesqe ma/lista; u(mei=s d' eu)= ma/la pa=sai u(pokri/nasqai a)fh/mws, tuflo\s a)nh/r, oi)kei= de\ *xi/w| e)/ni paipaloe/ssh|. = 146-150, 165-172 with variants.

This citation, which was possibly intended as a reply to Herodotus' appeal to Olen's hymn (also with regard to Delos) iv. 35 (see further p. lvi), evidently recognises the as Homeric. Thucydides calls it prooi/mion, the designation used by Pindar, who ( ii. 1) alludes to a hymn to Zeus as *dio\s e)k prooimi/ou.Plutarch ( 1133c) uses the word of Terpander. Empedocles (Diog. Laert. viii. 2. 3) wrote a prooi/mion to Apollo. There seems no reason, however, with Welcker i. 328 to limit the word to the worship of Apollo. Cf. Plato's words 722 D kai\ dh/ pou kiqarw|dikh=s w)|dh=s legome/nwn no/mwn kai\ pa/shs mou/shs prooi/mia qaumastw=s e)spoudasme/na pro/keitai. See further p. lxi. An analogous word is proau/lion (Plato 417 fin. w(/sper tou= th=s *)aqhna/as no/mou proau/lion stomaulh=sai). Thucydides' words have been used First by Ruhnken i. p. 7, 8; cf. Guttmann p. 16. to support the view that the document as we have it contains two hymns, one of which ended at this point; but the natural interpretation of the passage is that the words e)teleu/ta tou= e)pai/nou mean “he ended his compliment” to the Delian women, after which he returned to his account of the God. (Cf. the introduction to the Hymn.) The variants ( xv. 309, Gemoll ) seem independent, and not necessarily preferable one to the other. In a text which depends throughout on the MSS. we have not departed from them here. In two places the Thucydidean version seems to have preserved a reading which was common to the MSS. also, but has been corrupted in them; 165 a)ll' a)/geq' i(lh/koi me\n where the MSS. a)ll' a)/ge dh\ lhtw\ me\n gives no construction, and may easily be accounted for on graphical grounds (through lhtoi=); 171 a)fh/mws of the older MSS. of Thucydides appears to be the parent of the of the younger Thucydides-MSS. and all the Hymn-MSS. a)f' h(me/wn, a)f' u(me/wn, a)f' u(mw=n.

2. Antigonus of Carystus (born 295-290 B.C., Susemihl i. p. 468) *(istoriw=n parado/cwn sunagwgh/, c. vii. (ed. Keller, 1877). i)/dion de\ kai\ to\ peri\ ta\ e)/ntera tw=n proba/twn: ta\ me\n ga\r tw=n kriw=n e)stin a)/fwna, ta\ de\ tw=n qhleiw=n eu)/fwna, o(/qen kai\ to\n poihth\n u(pola/boi tis ei)rhke/nai, polupra/gmona pantaxou= kai\ peritto\n o)/nta e(pta\ de\ qhlute/rwn oi)/wn e)tanu/ssato xorda/s. = 51, with the variant qhlute/rwn for sumfw/nous.

Antigonus, like every other scientist and antiquarian, seeks a support for his opinion in Homer. He quoted this verse because it contained the word qhlute/rwn, and the viewHeld by Franke, Baumeister, Gemoll. that he it is evidently preposterous. The translation of the phrase o(/qen ktl. will be “and one may suppose this was the reason why Homer said.” Similar expressions in Antigonus are c. xxv. o(/qen dh\ kai\ o( poihth\s to\ qrulou/menon e)/grayen, c. xix. w(=| kai\ fai/netai *filhta=s prose/xein, i(kanw=s w)\n peri/ergos. It might rather be questioned if sumfw/nous, which is far the earliest instance of the word, were not an interpretation of qhlute/rwn, based upon the same belief which is stated in Antigonus. qhlu/teros in Homer is applied only to women or goddesses, except in the curious reading of the politikai/ *f 454 nh/swn qhlutera/wn for thledapa/wn.

3. Diodorus Siculus i. 15. 7. (ed. Vogel 1888) memnh=sqai de\ th=s *nu/shs kai\ to\n poihth\n [fasi] e)n toi=s u(/mnois, o(/ti peri\ th\n *ai)/gupton ge/gonen, e)n oi(=s le/gei e)/sti de/ tis *nu/sh, u(/paton o)/ros, a)nqe/on u(/lh|, thlou= *foini/khs, sxedo\n *ai)gu/ptoio r(oa/wn. = 1.8, 9.

4. Id. iii. 65. 3 marturei= de\ toi=s u(f' h(mw=n legome/nois kai\ o( poihth\s e)n toi=s u(/mnois oi( me\n ga\r *draka/nw| s) oi( d) *)ika/rw| h)nemoe/ssh| fa/s), oi( d' e)n *na/cw|, di=on ge/nos, ei)rafiw=ta, oi( de/ s' e)p' *)alfeia=| potamw=| baqudinh/enti kusame/nhn *seme/lhn teke/ein *dii\ terpikerau/nw|, a)/lloi d' e)n *qh/bh|sin, a)/nac, se le/gousi gene/sqai, yeudo/menoi: se\ d) e)/tikte path\r a)ndrw=n te qew=n te pollo\n a)p' a)nqrw/pwn, kru/ptwn leukw/lenon *(/hrhn. e)/sti de/ tis *nu/sh, u(/paton o)/ros, a)nqe/on u(/lh|, thlou= *foini/khs, sxedo\n *ai)gu/ptoio r(oa/wn. = 1.1-9; verses 4 and 8, which are strictly dispensable, are only found in three MSS.

5. Id. iv. 2. 4 kai\ to\n *(/omhron de\ tou/tois marturh=sai e)n toi=s u(/mnois e)n oi(=s le/gei e)/sti de/ ktl. = 1.8, 9, as above.

The fact that two out of Diodorus' quotations are in the indirect narrative (in long paragraphs introduced by fasi/), and are of the identical two lines, which also are quoted by the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (below no. 12) in apparent connexion with the mythographer Herodorus, suggest that in both places Diodorus took the quotation from his sources. Of these he mentions by name only Dionysius (iii. 66 *dionusi/w| tw=| suntacame/nw| ta\s palaia\s muqopoii/as, ou(=tos ga\r ta/ te peri\ to\n *dio/nuson kai\ ta\s *)amazo/nas e)/ti de\ tou\s *)argonau/tas kai\ ta\ kata\ to\n *)iliako\n po/lemon praxqe/nta kai\ po/ll' e(/tera sunte/taktai, paratiqei\s ta\ poih/mata tw=n a)rxai/wn, tw=n te muqolo/gwn kai\ tw=n poihtw=n), who is apparently the same as the Dionysius of Mitylene, whose *)argo/nautai are as frequently utilised as those of Herodorus in the scholia on Apollonius (cf. Suidas s.v., Müller ii. 6 f., Susemihl ii. 45 f.). Without denying Diodorus the credit of possible original quotation, especially at iii. 65, it seems likely that the were excerpted and utilised by both Herodorus and Dionysius, antiquaries.

6. Philodemus peri\ eu)sebei/as (ed. Gomperz ii. 1866), p. 42, tab. 91, v. 12 f.

ka[i\ t]h\n e([ka/thn] o)pad[o\n *)ar]te/[midos] ei)=nai *dh/mh[tros] de\ la/trin *eu)ri[pi/dhs] *(/omhros d) e)n [toi=s] [u(/m]nois pro/p[olon] kai\ [o)p]aona = 440.

There is perhaps another reference, p. 29, col. 57a.

e/n de\ toi=s o(]mhros ]nqaiu （? aqan[atois） onea[r kai\ tskein （? = tuktai） ka]llima[xos taranti

cf. perhaps 269 f.

7. Pausanias i. 38. 2 *(omh/rw| de\ e)s me\n to\ ge/nos e)sti\n ou)de\n au)tou= pepoihme/non, e)ponoma/zei de\ a)gh/nora e)n toi=s e)/pesi to\n *eu)/molpon.

= 154.

8. Id. i. 38. 3 ta\ de\ i(era\ toi=n qeoi=n *eu)/molpos kai\ ai( qugate/res drw=sin ai( *keleou=: kalou=si de\ sfa=s *pa/mfws te kata\ tau)ta\ kai\ *(/omhros *dioge/neian kai\ *pammero/phn kai\ tri/thn *saisa/ran (in the MSS. there are variants on the last word, baisa/ran and saiba/ran).

There is no line in our containing the names of the three daughters of Celeus, but on the strength of this precise statement it has been supposed that they were mentioned after 108 or 477.

9. Id. iv. 30. 4 prw=tos de\ w(=n oi)=da e)poih/sato e)n toi=s e)/pesin *(/omhros *tu/xhs mnh/mhn. e)poih/sato de\ e)n u(/mnw| ta=| e)s th\n *dh/mhtra, a)/llas te tw=n *)wkeanou= qugate/ras katariqmou/menos, w(s o(mou= *ko/rh| th=| *dh/mhtros pai/zoien, kai\ *tu/xhn w(s *)wkeanou= kai\ tau/thn pai=da ou)=san: kai\ ou(/tws e)/xei ta\ e)/ph: h(mei=s me\n ma/la pa=sai a)n) i(merto\n leimw=na *leuki/pph *fainw/ te kai\ *)hle/ktrh kai\ *)ia/nqh *mhlo/bosi/s te *tu/xh te kai\ *)wkuro/h kalukw=pis. = 417, 418, 420: Pausanias omits, intentionally or not, 419.

10. Id. x. 37. 5 *(/omhros me/ntoi *kri=san e)/n te *)ilia/di o(moi/ws kai\ u(/mnw| tw=| e)s *)apo/llwna o)no/mati tw=| e)c a)rxh=s kalei= th\n po/lin. = 267 etc.

Pausanias, who, beside citing these lines, passes the judgment on the literary quality of the quoted in the next section (ix. 30. 12), and is our principal source for hymn-literature generally in antiquity, clearly recognises these hymns as Homeric; his attitude is in marked contrast to that of his fellow-geographer Strabo. Considering this, it is remarkable that he uses only the and , and the latter only in one place; he ignores the which he might have quoted (viii. 17 or ix. 26), and in treating *tu/xh (9 above) neglects xi.5. It is impossible to give an even plausible reason for this inconsistency: possibly the humorous character of the Hermes hymn detracted from its antiquarian authority; or Pausanias drew from Apollodorus and the other prose accounts of the story; or the Homeric hymn was overshadowed by Alcaeus (whom he quotes on the theft of Apollo's oxen, vii. 20).

11. Athenaeus 22B ou(/tws d' h)=n eu)/docon kai\ sofo\n h( o)/rxhsis w(/ste *pi/ndaros to\n *)apo/llwna o)rxhsth\n kalei=—kai\ *(/omhros h)\ tw=n *(omhridw=n tis e)n tw=| ei)s *)apo/llwna u(/mnw| fhsin

*)apo/llwn fo/rmigg' e)n xei/ressin e)/xwn xari/en kiqa/rize kala\ kai\ u(/yi biba/s.

= 514-6, with the variant xari/en for e)rato\n or xrush=n of the MSS.

This is the first quotation in which Homer is not positively given as the author. Athenaeus' quotation is repeated with his name by Eustathius q 383, f. 1602. 24.

12. Aristides 409 = ed. Dindorf ii. p. 559. ti/s a)/ristos e)pw=n poihth/s; *(/omhros. ti/s d' w(s plei/stous a)nqrw/pwn a)re/skei kai\ ta=| ma/lista xai/rousin; h)\ tou=to/ ge kai\ au)to\s u(pe\r au(tou= proei/deto dialego/menos ga\r tai=s *dhlia/si kai\ katalu/wn to\ prooi/mion, ei)/ tis e)/roiq) u(ma=s fhsi\n w)= kou=rai ti/s d' u)/mmin a)nh\r h(/distos a)oidw=n e)nqa/de pwlei=tai kai\ te/w| te/rpesqe ma/lista; u(mei=s d' eu)= ma/la pa=sai a)pokri/nasqai a)f) h(mw=n.

The coincidence of the quotation with Thucydides iii. 104 is too marked for one to suppose Aristides to be making an original citation; the clause dialego/menos ga\r tai=s *dhlia/si kai\ katalu/wn to\ prooi/mion closely follows Thucydides' to\n ga\r *dhliako\n xoro\n tw=n gunaikw=n u(mnh/sas e)teleu/ta tou= e)pai/nou, and the rhetor, hastily excerpting from Thucydides, mistook the meaning of e)teleu/ta tou= e)pai/nou. This point is well made by Gemoll, p. 114Ruhnken's view (see p. xliv) is maintained with needless subtlety by Guttmann p. 16 f. It is certain that in Aristides' time there was but one hymn to Apollo; this appears from any fair interpretation of the manner in which Pausanias and Athenaeus cite it. (That Athenaeus cited the hymn as e)n toi=s ei)s *)apo/llwna u(/mnois is as much a legend as that the MS. titles of the hymns o(mh/rou u(/mnoi, etc., imply a plurality.) Aristides therefore can have derived his katalu/wn only from an interpretation of the wording of Thucydides. (Cf. the introduction to the Hymn.) in his edition; see Introd. to the Hymn p. 61. Aristides, therefore, is not to be used as evidence to prove that two hymns to Apollo existed in his day. He is the last author, to whom a certain date can be assigned, that quotes the

The following testimonies are less easy to date:

13. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1211 peri\ de\ tou= to\n *tufw=na e)n au)th=| kei=sqai kai\ *(hro/dwros i(storei= e)n w(=| kai\ th\n *nu/san i(storei=:

e)/sti de\ tis *nu/sh u(/paton ke/ras a)nqe/on u(/lh| thlou= *foini/khs sxedo\n *ai)gu/ptoio r(oa/wn.

This important testimony is unfortunately vague in its bearing. Herodorus, who is largely quoted in the scholia to Apollonius, sometimes as e)n toi=s *)argonau/tais or *)argonautikoi=s, is considered by C. F. Müller ( iii. 27 f.) to be the same as the father of *bru/swn the sophist, and therefore of about 400 B.C. The scholion is incomplete and there is no indication of what is missing; the construction of the second i(storei= seems to demand such an addition as peri\ th\n *ai)/gupton gene/sqai, cl. Diodor. i. 15. There is nothing to show whether Herodorus' work on the Argonauts was in prose or verse (his other work, on Heracles, was in prose, as the quotation fr. 30, 39 shows); if Herodorus, like Ionof Chios in his own century, practised both prose and verse, the lines might well be a quotation from his poem, and the apparent variant ke/ras (for o)/ros) would thus be explained, and the more naturally that ke/ras, according to the Lexica, is a late usage for a part of a mountain; in this case Herodorus would have copied the hymn. On the other hand Herodorus' work may have been in prose (as we are explicitly told of the *)argonautika/ of another source of the Apollonian scholia, Dionysius of Mitylene; see Suidas s.v., ante p. xlvi), in which case, as is usually supposed, the omission has taken place after the first i(storei=, and kai\ *(/omhros or kai\ o( poihth/s have fallen out. (But that Diodorus is nowhere quoted in these abundant scholia, it would be possible that the words were kai\ o( *dio/dwros, or again *)apollo/dwros, as Guttmann p. 6 thought, where the identical ending -wros would explain the omission.)

If the quotation can be connected with Herodorus, a very ancient testimony—as good as that of Thucydides to the —is gained to the Dionysus hymn, but the conclusion is far from certain. (Cf. Gemoll p. 361, 2.)

14. Stephanus of Byzantium; *teumhsso/s: o)/ros *boiwti/as. *(/omhros e)n tw=| ei)s *)apo/llwna u(/mnw|. a)/stu, w(s *dhmosqe/nhs e)n tri/tw| *biquniakw=n:

ei)s *mukalhsso\n i)w\n kai\ *teumhsso\n lexepoi/hn. e)klh/qh d' ou(/tws w(s *)anti/maxos prw/tw| *qhbai/dos (fr. 4). = 224.

According to the wording of the passage, the line seems to be quoted from the *biquniaka/ of Demosthenes, which, as we see from the lines quoted by Stephanus s.vv. *)arta/kh, *(hrai/a, was a poem. Then Demosthenes would have appropriated the line of the hymn, and the case is somewhat parallel to that of Herodorus. Demosthenes' date is uncertain (Müller iv. 384-6), but Stephanus s.v. *xalkei=a (= 15) quotes Polybius as disagreeing with him, and Susemihl ( i. 404) accepts him as of the Alexandrine age.

15. Schol. Genev. on Il. 21.319. *)apollo/dwros de/ fhsi perisso\n to\ s par' au)tw=| ei)=nai, w(s par' *(omh/rw| th\n fere/sbion.The reading seems correct, cf. schol. Il. 16.163 w(s e)pi\ th=s feresbi/ou. It is possible that Apollodorus is the authority at the base of this scholion and that on Il. 14.114.

The word fere/sbios does not occur in the or , and the reference is presumably to the , in which it is frequent. On Apollodorus, who was a disciple of Aristarchus (and therefore of the second century B.C.), see La Roche p. 73, 74, and Pauly-Wissowa s.v. If the note in these scholia is correct, it gives us the only instance of an Alexandrian noticing the

16. Schol. in Nicandri 130 o(/ti de\ dia\ glh/xwnos e)/pien h( *dhmh/thr to\n kukew=na kai\ dia\ th\n xleu/hn th=s *)ia/mbhs e)ge/lasen h( qea/, e)n toi=s ei)s *(/omhron a)naferome/nois u(/mnois le/getai. = 192 f.

The cautious ascription is noticeable, as in Athenaeus (no. 11).

17. Schol. Pind. iii. 14 e)n de\ toi=s ei)s *(hsi/odon a)naferome/nois e)/pesi fe/retai tau=ta peri\ th=s *korwni/dos . . . e)n de\ toi=s *(omhrikoi=s u(/mnois i)hth=ra no/swn *)asklhpio\n a)/rxom' a)ei/dein, ui(o\n *)apo/llwnos, to\n e)gei/nato di=a *korwni\s *dwti/w| e)n pedi/w| kou/rh *flegu/a basilh=os = xvi. 1-3, with the variant v. 3 *flegu/a for *flegu/ou.

The age of any particular portion of the Pindaric scholia can probably not be fixed, but in general they go back to good sources, and quotations perhaps would not have been added later than Herodian's age. The point is of importance, as the quotation (which is unique) of the minor hymns tends to disprove a very late origin for xvi. and its neighbour. xxv.2-3 e)k ga\r *mousa/wn kai\ e(khbo/lou *)apo/llwnos a)/ndres a)oidoi\ e)/asin e)pi\ xqoni\ kai\ kiqaristai/ are quoted by schol. Pind. iv. 313, iii. 1 without an author's name. As they stand in Hesiod 94-97 it is probable the scholia quote them as from there. A classical grammarian of a good age would not have quoted Alexandrian literature as Homeric.

18. 303 (Hesiod ed. Rzach 1902, p. 449) e)ndiatri/yas de\ th=| po/lei xro/non tina die/pleusen ei)s *dh=lon ei)s th\n panh/gurin, kai\ staqei\s e)pi\ to\n keratino\n bwmo\n le/gei u(/mnon ei)s *)apo/llwna ou(= h( a)rxh/ mnh/somai ou)de\ la/qwmai *)apo/llwnos e(ka/toio. = 1. r(hqe/ntos de\ tou= u(/mnou oi( me\n *)/iwnes poli/thn au)to\n koino\n e)poih/santo. *dh/lioi de\ gra/yantes ta\ e)/ph ei)s leu/kwma a)ne/qhkan e)n tw=| th=s *)arte/midos i(erw=|.

On the age of the and its connexion with Alcidamas see the articles in Pauly-Wissowa *)agw\n *(omh/rou kai\ *(hsio/dou by BotheE. , by BrzoskaJ. , and Flinders Petrie Papyri pt. i. no. 25. It is probably impossible to assign a date to a particular portion, and the Delian inventories do not contain an entry of a hymn to Apollo as among the furniture of the temple of Artemis. There is no reason, however, to question so much of the story; a temple at Delos possessed Eudoxus' and Alcaeus' works, the latter in a qh/kh tri/gwnos (Homolle , 1878, p. 49, Daremberg et Saglio p. 378, n. 181, cf. xxii. 268 f.), and a statue of Alcman ( 1136 A), and the leukw/mata at Delos are mentioned in several inscriptions ( xiv. p. 399); while for literature given the consecration of engraving in temples, we have the Hesiod on lead at Helicon (Paus. ix. 31), Pindar's seventh in gold letters in the temple of Athena at Lindos (schol. Pind. vii. init. on the authority of Gorgon , a Rhodian antiquary, Susemihl ii. 399, iv. 410), and the recent discoveries of Archilochus on stone at Paros ( xxv. 1 f.) and the It is to be regretted that the was not given a less perishable material than an (How ephemeral writing on a leu/kwma was appears from the c. 47, § 5, Plato 785 A.)

These appear to be the quotations of the qermo\s a)u+tmh/ cited by schol. Il. 18.222 is from Hesiod 696. Allusions to them are the following:

19. Menander (in Walz ix. 320, Spengel iii. 331 f.)C. Bursian xvi. Bd. iii. Abth. 1882 considers that the treatises going under the name of Menander are the work of two writers; the former may be the Menander of Suidas who wrote commentaries on Aristides and Hermogenes, and have lived about 200 A.D.; the other (to whose work the section peri\ sminqiakw=n belongs) will have belonged to the end of the third or to the fourth century A.D. *peri\ e)pideiktikw=n c. 17 (*peri\ sminqiakw=n): *(/omhros me\n ou)=n u(/mnous kai\ th=| mega/lh| poih/sei tou\s pro\s a)ci/an u(/mnous ei)/rhke tou= qeou= [sc. *)apo/llwnos] kai\ pare/lipe toi=s met' au)to\n u(perbolh\n ou)demi/an.

20. Herodoti c. 4 th/n te poi/hsin au)toi=s e)pedei/knunto, *)amfia/rew/ te th\n e)chlasi/an th\n e)s *qh/bas, kai\ tou\s u(/mnous tou\s e)s tou\s qeou\s pepoihme/nous au)tw=|.

21. Schol. Pind. ii. init. *(omhri/das e)/legon to\ me\n a)rxai=on tou\s a)po\ tou= *(omh/rou ge/nous, oi(\ kai\ th\n poi/hsin au)tou= e)k diadoxh=s h)=|don: meta\ de\ tau=ta kai\ oi( r(ayw|doi\ ou)ke/ti to\ ge/nos ei)s *(/omhron a)na/gontes, e)pifanei=s de\ e)ge/nonto oi( peri\ *ku/naiqon, ou(/s fasi polla\ tw=n e)pw=n poih/santas e)mbalei=n ei)s th\n *(omh/rou poi/hsin. h)=n de\ o( *ku/naiqos *xi=os. o(\s kai\ tw=n e)pigrafome/nwn *(omh/rou poihma/twn to\n ei)s *)apo/llwna grafo/menon u(/mnon le/getai pepoihke/nai. ou(=tos ou)=n o( *ku/naiqos prw=tos e)n *surakou/sais e)rayw/|dhse ta\ *(omh/rou e)/ph kata\ th\n e(cakosth\n e)nna/thn *)olumpia/da, w(s *(ippo/strato/s fhsin.

Hippostratus was a Sicilian chronicler, frequently cited in the Pindaric scholia ( vi. 4, ii. 8 and 16, and schol. vi. 46, Phlegon 30, cf. Müller iv. 432 f., Susemihl ii. 390), and the tradition of Cynaethus, of the greatest value, seeing that it is the only account which professes to find a definite author of any hymn, comes to us as a piece of local history.

The date (ol. 69=B.C. 504) has long been recognised to be wrong, and must be so, since the hymn takes no account of the Pythian games, the burning of the first temple at Delphi, the temple of Apollo and the troxoeidh\s li/mnh at Delos (see the introduction to the ). In another fragment (no. 3) of Hippostratus the date has been altered. However, it seems idle to change cq/ into one numeral more than another.Welcker i. 228 wished to read th\n e(/kthn h)\ th\n e)nna/thn, but as Gemoll justly observes, Syracuse was only founded ol. 11. 3 (=733). The detailed character of the notice, and its coincidence with other sources which ascribe the hymn to the Homeridae, entitle it to respect. Fick, p. 278 f., ix. 201. however, who has lately resuscitated the story, is clearly wrong in supposing the hymn Sicilian. Cynaethus, like the other great rhapsodes, travelled round the Greek world.As in fact the author of the says of himself (174, 175). The tradition evidently refers the hymn to Chios.

22. Schol. Aristoph. 574o(/ti yeu/detai pai/zwn. ou) ga\r e)pi\ *iridos a)ll' e)pi\ *)aqhna=s kai\ *(/hras:

ai( de\ ba/thn trh/rwsi peleia/sin i)/qmaq' o(moi=ai (E 778) oi( de\ e)n e(te/rois poih/masin *(omh/rou fasin tou=to gene/sqai. ei)si\ ga\r au)tou= kai\ u(/mnoi.

23. Suidas s.v. *(/omhros. . . . a)nafe/retai de\ e)s au)to\n kai\ a)/lla tina poih/mata . . . *ku/klos, *(/umnoi, *ku/pria.Homolle iv. 354 f. wishes to see in a Cnossian inscription of s. iii. B.C. found at Delos, in honour of a poet Dioscurides of Tarsus (suntaca/menos e)gkw/mion kata\ to\n poihta\n u(pe\r tw= a(mw= e)/qnios sc. Cnossus), an allusion to the and the Cretan priests from Cnossus. This is possible, but can hardly be called certain. The allusion t 178, 179 th=|si d) e)ni\ *knwsso\s mega/lh po/lis e)/nqa te *mi/nws e)nne/wros basi/leue *dio\s mega/lou o)aristh/s would fairly correspond to the vague expression kata\ to\n poihta/n. Cf. Strabo's term p. 476 diafero/ntws de\ th\n *knwsso\n kai\ *(/omhros u(mnei= mega/lhn kalw=n kai\ basi/leion tou= *mi/nw.

We have next one or two resemblances in literature which suggest quotation. Aristophanes 574 says.

au)ti/ka *ni/kh pe/tetai pteru/goin xrusai=n kai\ nh\ *di/) *)/erws ge: *)=irin de/ g' *(/omhros e)/fask' i)ke/lhn ei)=nai trh/rwni pelei/h|.

But as the scholiast just quoted says, the comparison in Homer (E 778) is between Athena and Hera, not Iris, and a pigeon, and he implies that Aristophanes was by some taken to refer to 114 ba\n de\ posi\ trh/rwsi peleia/sin i)/qmaq' o(moi=ai (Iris and Eilithyia). This is possible, and the alteration *(/hran for *)=irin in the text of Aristophanes is uncalled for.

Further 1016 i)/axen e)c a)du/toio dia\ tripo/dwn e)riti/mwn resembles 443 e)s d' a)/duton kate/duse dia\ tripo/dwn e)riti/mwn. vii. 409. 5 (Antipater) ei) d' u(/mnwn ska=ptron *(/omhros e)/xei is intended of epos generally, as u(mnopo/lwn v. 10 and elsewhere.

This is all the testimony explicit and implicit, which can be gathered from ancient literature. Compared to the vast mass of quotation from the and it is slight, and the impression of neglect which we gather from it is supported by another class of evidence—the omission to quote the in contexts where they would naturally have been appealed to. This is most strikingly the case in the scholia to the Thus Il. 1.176 the scholl. quote Hesiod 94, 5 but not xxv.2, 3 where the same words occur; B 144 o(/ti *zhno/dotos gra/fei fh\ ku/mata. ou)de/pote de\ *(/omhros to\ fh/ a)nti\ tou= w(s te/taxen, *c 499 . . . o(/ti o( poihth\s ou)de/pote oi)=de to\ fh/ a)nti\ tou= w(s, oi( de\ met' au)to/n, w(/sper *)anti/maxos kai\ oi( peri\ *kalli/maxon; this ignores 241 where fh/ r(a for qh/ r(a is almost certain. I 246 shmeiou=ntai/ tines o(/ti th\n o(/lhn *pelopo/nnhson ou)k oi)=den o( poihth/s, *(hsi/odos de/; but the author of the has the word Peloponnesus 250 and 290. These passages might be increased, but they suffice to show that the learning of the Alexandrian school made no appeal to the on points where, if they were genuine, they would have affected Homeric usage; and therefore, however singular the absence of any reference to them in the whole body of extant scholia (except in the possible case of Apollodorus, above no. 15) may be, this silence is doubtless to be interpretated as Wolf formulated it ( 266), that the Alexandrines considered the non-Homeric.

The same conclusion may be drawn from the usage of writers who follow the Alexandrian view of Homer—Strabo and Apollonius the Sophist. Strabo, whose orthodoxy is more than scholastic, and contrasts strongly with the other geographers and antiquarians, ignores the in more than one important passage. Europe is unknown to Homer (Strabo p. 531), but *eu)rw/ph occurs 251, 291; a)/lfi (560) is un-Homeric and found only in Antimachus; he ignores 208; Il. 2.591 and Il. 11.711 are quoted for the town *qru/on p. 349, 101 is passed over. The consequence is that when in two places Strabo cites as after 15.294 a line which is not found in our MSS., but which occurs (with a variant) 423, we conclude not that Strabo is acknowledging the or even quoting it by a slip, but that his copy of the contained this extra line. In Apollonius it is enough to mention that his article knw/dalon takes no account of 188 and that under *filomhlei/dhs he says ou) ga\r *lhtoi/dhn ei)=pe to\n *)apo/llwna ( 505, 510, 521). Among later authors Lydus iii. 18 and Macrobius v. 168 (the latter an extensive quoter of Homer) state roundly that Homer has not the word tu/xh, notwithstanding 420, xi.5.

It results from all this evidence positive and negative, that the were not included in the Homeric corpus by the grammarians of Alexandria nor wirters who took their tone from them; that they were considered Homeric and used as evidence of Homeric usage and history by historians and antiquarians from Thucydides downwards, in some cases with a qualification; and that by the public generally they were little read.This is especially shewn by the proportions in which MSS. of the three Homeric works have survived. Of the there are over 200 MSS., of the about 70, of the 28. Papyri tell an even clearer tale; in six volumes published by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt there are twelve fragments of the , two of the , none of the , and not a line of the occurs in the whole mass of papyrus hitherto published, while we find several fragments of Hesiod, two at least of Apollonius Rhodius, several of unidentified epos, and one perhaps of Antimachus.

The neglect of these poems, so abundantly attested, seems to account for the many uncorrected corruptions which have propagated themselves in one or other of the families of MSS., especially in M; for the unsupplied loss of two hymns in all but one MS., and of nearly the whole of one in M; and for that absence of ancient commentaries which makes the interpretation of the longer hymns so difficult. The presence of full scholia on the hymns to Demeter, Apollo, and Hermes would have given the geographer and the folklorist wealth that it is difficult to imagine.The following marginalia, other than various readings, have survived: Ap. 71 to\n h(/lion fhsi proupa/rxein tou= *)apo/llwnos L*P. 147 o( au)to\s e)n th=| n_ i)lia/dos i)ao/nes e(lkesixi/twnes (sic) L*P. Ap. 172 sh/: w(s e)nteu=qen e)mfai/nei o(/mhros e(auto\n xi=on (xi/wn L) ei)=nai L*P. 320 e)ba/stasen: ei) de\ meta\ tou= h_ e)pimelei/as h)ci/wsen: o( au)to\s kai\ e)n th=| s_ i)lia/dos: h(/ m' e)sa/ws' o(/te a m' a)/lgos a)fi/k L*P. Hermes 36 sh/: to\n h(si/odon kle/yanta to\n sti/xon L*P, and a few of the p family (C, O, and L_{2}, L_{3}, R_{1}, R_{2}, according to Ludwich) with keklofo/ta for kle/yanta. Hermes 336 h)/goun (h)/toi P) fanero\n kle/pthn L*P. Aphr. 244 to\ o(/moion o(/mhros pantaxou= e)pi\ kakou= tiqe/nai ei)/wqen L*P.

*draka/nw|: this is usually supposed to be the promontory in the island of Icaros (Strabo xiv. 639, Paus.ix. 11. 2). Hermann and others therefore hold that *)ika/rw| could not refer to the island, as the whole would include the part. But, although there were several other places of the name (Pliny iv. 23, Byz. Steph. s.v.), Icaros is here undoubtedly the island near Samos. The poet might mean “either on Dracanon or (elsewhere) in Icaros.” But Maass ( xxvi. 1891, p. 178 f.) is probably right in identifying Dracanon with a cape of the same name in Cos, an island which had some connexion with Dionysus. For this cape see Strabo 657, where it is spelt *dre/kanon (other variations are *dra/konon, *draka/nion, *dra/kanos; the forms in a and e are equally sound, being perhaps from [root ]drak, [root ]drek, in de/rkomai, e)/drakon). The Dracanon in Theocr. xxvi. 33, ix. 16 (mentioned as the birthplace) is also to be taken as in Cos; so also vii. 651. 3 a)lla\ ta\ me\n *doli/xhs te kai\ ai)peinh=s *draka/noio

*na/cw|: see Preller-Robert i.^{2} 676 f.

ei)rafiw=ta: for the form cf. sparganiw=ta 310, mhxaniw=ta 436, xaridw=ta xviii.12, u(leiw=ta vi. 106. Some exx. are quoted by Fick xx. 179. The derivation and meaning of the epithet have only lately been made out. The ancients offer a choice of etymologies (schol. Il. 1.39 para\ to\ e)re/fw, o(/qen kai\ ei)rafiw/ths o( *dio/nusos le/getai: e)ste/feto ga\r kissw=|: h)\ a)po\ tou= e)rra/fqai au)to\n tw=| mhrw=| tou= *dio/s. h)\ para\ to\ e)ri/fw| au)to\n sunanatrafh=nai: h)\ para\ to\ e)ri/w| au)to\n ple/kesqai: cf. 302, 53, Choeroboscus ap. Cramer ii. p. 211, 32. The sense of the word in literature is that of mhrorrafh/s ( 96, Nonnus ix. 23, Orph. xlviii. 2. f., Orph. anon. 1=Abel p. 284). Fick reverts but without probability to ei)=ros e)/rros wool, in the sense of the shaggyanimal. sc. goat; Wieseler ( x. 701) takes the word as equivalent to e)ri/fios, the title of Dionysus (to whom kids were sacred) preserved by Hesych. and The B. derivation however which has found most favour is that of Sonne x. 103, cf. Sanscrit RSabha a bull (see Neil ap. Frazer ii. 164 where the bull-Dionysus is discussed; Fröhde 21. 199, who adds e)/rraos ram; Prellwitz ib. 22, 99; Meillet v. 328 who adduces a)rneio/s and Lat. and thinks the original sense was “male”; Solmsen ib. vii. 46 sq. comparing Laconian ei)/rhn, and the Macedonian proper name *)arrabai=os). We have the Aeolic form in Alcman 90 e)rrafew/tou ga\r a)/nac.

e)*p' *)alfeiw=| *potamw=|: the cult of D. in Elis was important; for references see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 692 and 695.

On the derivation of the words Semele and Dionysus see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 660 and 664; Kretschmer , 1890, 17 f.; Fröhde xxi. p. 185 f., Harrison p. 404 f.

terpikerau/nw|: the epithet is chosen (according to Adami p. 243) to suggest the circumstances of the birth; cf. Eur. 90lipou=s' ai)w=na kerauni/w| plaga=|. So viii. 319 numfi/e terpike/raune.

e)*n *q/hbh|sin: the common tradition of the birth at Thebes is followed in the Delphic paean ( xix. p. 393 f., Smyth p. 524) d\n *qh/bais pot' e)n eu)i/ais *zh[ni\ gei/nato] kalli/pais *quw/na.

kru/ptwn: Adami compares Eur. 98krupto\n a)f' *(/hras, and Orph. xxx. 3, lii. 5.

*nu/sh: the place was perhaps originally mythical, and invented to account for the name Dionysus (so Kretschmer ); afterwards it was localised in various parts of the Greek and barbarian world. The Nysa of the hymn may be in Arabia ( Diod.iii. 65 and 66 quoting Antimachus 70 Kinkel). It might, however, be the Ethiopian Nysa ( Herod.ii. 146Herod., iii. 97); it would be needless to suppose that in this case Dionysus was identified with Osiris. On Nysa see Preller-Roberti.^{2} p. 663, Maass xxvi. p. 184, Roscher i. 1029 f., Harrison p. 379.

u(/paton o)/ros: the reading o)/ros, of Diodorus, is supported by 139 r(i/on ou)/reos a)/nqesin u(/lhs. It would also preserve a rare case of o)/ros digammated: § 393. Wesseling conjectures that ke/ras was derived from Apoll. 4.282 e)/sti de/ tis potamo\s u(/paton ke/ras *)wkeanoi=o; but see p. xlix. Gemoll, on the other hand, prefers ke/ras; it is used for a peak (German -) in Xen. v. 6. 7.Cf. u(yike/rata pe/tran 597 (Pind. 285), o)/rh du/o a(\ kalou=si ke/rata Strabo 395.

oi(: this, as Hermann saw, must refer to Semele.

a)*ga/lmata: votive offerings generally, for a)naqh/mata, as in early inscriptions ( Herod.v. 60, 61, Paus.x. 7. 3, of tripods); the statue of Chares was a)/galma tou= *)apo/llwnos; see Roberts i. 7 and 138. The word might include the early temple images or co/ana; but, unless the hymn belongs to an age at least as late as the sixth century B.C., a)ga/lmata cannot refer to votive statues, the most archaic of which are not older than the beginning of the century.

w)s de\ ta/men: ta\ me/n is unintelligible owing to the loss of the context. Hermann renders <, and supposes that three things had been mentioned, though he does not suggest what the “three things” may be. It is possible that they were three titles of Dionysus; cf. Nonn. xlviii. 965 f. kai\ trita/tw| ne/on u(/mnon e)pesmara/ghsan *)ia/kxw| kai\ teletai=s trissh=|sin e)bakxeu/qhsan *)aqh=nai … *zagre/a kudai/nontes a(/ma *bromi/w| kai\ *)ia/kxw|. But the sense “as these things are three” can scarcely be extracted from the Greek: even if e)sti/ be supplied, the me/n is meaningless. In the Oxford text ta/men (which might stand either for e)ta/mhsan, an aor. pass., for which cf. tamei/h below, or e)/tamen) was substituted. For the graphical change examples are superfluous, though to\ mh/, tomh=| may be quoted as a coincidence ( 22). This would give a verb and eliminate me/n, but the meaning of the passage would still remain obscure. It is obvious, however, to suggest that there is an allusion to the violent death of Dionysus-Zagreus. The myth, though chiefly mentioned in late authors, was known at least as early as the sixth century B.C. (first in Onomacritus; see Lobeck ii. p. 615 f.; for references see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 705 f., Maass p. 79 f., Frazer ii. p. 161 f.). For the cutting in this connexion cf. Opp. iv. 281 melei+sti\ ta/men, of lambs, Nonn.vi. 205*dio/nuson e)mistu/llonto maxai/rh|, and the frag. upon Dionysus in the to Herwerden, 1902, p. 137 = 273 v. 45; Deriades the enemy of Dionysus says ai)\ ga\r dh\ melei+sti\ dia\ kre/a sei=o ta[mei/h]. There is, however, no authority for the hypothesis that he was torn into pieces; and finally we should expect either e)/tame/n se tri/a or e)ta/mhs tri/a, as in 17 e(ka/sthn dielei=n keleu/w pe/nte me/rh and Theocr. ix. 26 pe/nte tamw\n (kre/as) “cutting it into five parts,” and other exx. ap. Kühner-Gerth § 411. 5. Possibly the meaning may be “as three victims were offered,” i.e. tri/a sfa/gia: for this sense of te/mnw cf. Il. 19.197 (ka/pron) tame/ein *dii/ t' *)heli/w| te, Eur. 1196te/mnein sfa/gia. This would refer to the common trittu/s or trittu/a; which, however, was not specially connected with Dionysus.

The emendation is therefore uncertain, and the passage waits for further light. It is also doubtful whether the main clause begins after tri/a or pa/ntws.

triethri/sin: on the triethri/s see Eur. 132, Schömann ^{4} ii. p. 523 f. The reckoning of years being inclusive, it was a biennial festival according to modern computation. Diodorus (iii. 65, iv. 3) derives the triethri/s from Dionysus' years of disappearance and his biennial return; see Rohde p. 304; so liii. 4 koimi/zei, prieth=ra xro/non; Nonnus (quoted above) gives another explanation. For modern theories see Frazer ii. p. 163, Schömann p. 460 n. 2. There were triethri/des in many parts of Greece; e.g. Thebes, Tanagra, Delphi, Argos, etc. (Schömann p. 526).

There appear to be two alternative versions, 13-15 and 16; but the similarity largely depends upon the alteration of e)ke/leuse (16) into e)pe/neuse. See p. xliii.

i)/lhq): the only Homeric form of the imperative. i(/laqi (Theocr. xv. 143) has a short. Moreover, ei)rafiw=ta nowhere shows signs of a digamma. For M's mistake cf. 19 e)pilaqo/menon. Both forms occur in xii. 158 i(/laq' a)/nac i(/lhqi.

*gunaimane/s: of Dionysus Nonn. xvi. 229, 252; so qhlumanh/s xvii. 184, xxxvi. 469. For the prominence of the female cult of Dionysus see Bachofen p. 231 f.

l/hgonte/s t): for the vowel lengthened by position in this place see on 269.

M's e)pilaqo/menoi points to the dative e)pilhqome/nw|. The same error is clearly found in Il. 23.767 ni/khs i(eme/nw|, where many MSS. have i(e/menoi. The permutation oi=wi is recognised by the schol. on Eur. 682(who refers it to the change of alphabet at Athens in the archonship of Euclides); the MSS. there read soi/ nin e)/kgonoi, which the scholiast corrects to sw=| nin e)kgo/nw|. For another case cf. Arist. iii. 1405, Il. 1.13, and for the variation in inscriptions Meisterhans^{3} 24 n. 128.

For the construction cf. Il. 5.253, Il. 6.529 (e)la/sasin G), Il. 15.58 , *f 185, where the variant is ancient (kata\ dotikh\n ai) *)arista/rxou with most MSS.), Il. 22.110 (au)tw=| most MSS.), Eur. 779Eur. Or., 1657.Ruhnken took the accusative from vii.59 sei=o/ ge lhqo/menon.

*quw/n*hn: the divine counterpart of the Maenads (cf. qu/ein, *quia/des). Hesych. *quwni/das. o( *dio/nusos para\ *(rodi/ois. For a festival *qui=a in Elis cf. Paus.vi. 26. 1.Thyone is the mother of Dionysus in the Delphic paean (quoted on 5); for other references see Roscher 1047.

qeo/n: qea/n (M) in one syllable is perhaps not impossible; qew=n and qea=s are common in Hesiod and Tragedy; Rzach 375. Smyth ( § 28) quotes synizesis in sa/kea, sth/qea, be/lea etc. But the metre practically requires qeo/n, and Voss's correction is confirmed by xiii.1, where M again has qea/n, while the other MSS. give qeo/n.

The rape of Persephone by Hades points to an original i(ero\s ga/mos, or annual holy marriage between a god and goddess of vegetation, instances of which are frequent in Greece and elsewhere; see Frazer i. p. 227 f., ii. p. 186 f., Harrison p. 549 f. Here, as often, the marriage is by capture (ib. ii. p. 195 f.) The presence of Hades in the myth suggests an early chthonian triad, Demeter, Core and Zeus Chthonius (Hades, Pluto); see references in Pauly-Wissowa 2754. But the relation of the male God to the two goddesses at Eleusis is uncertain. It may be noted that the i(ero\s ga/mos was obscured before the period of the hymn; as Ramsay remarks (p. 127), the annual Theogamia had become a mere disagreeable episode in the life of the two goddesses.

Cf. 913 h(\n *)ai+dwneu\s h(/rpasen h(=s para\ mhtro/s: e)/dwke de\ mhtie/ta *zeu/s. For the influence of Hesiod on the hymn see Introd. p. 13.

xrusao/rou: Hermann thought that the epithet could only have been chosen by an interpolator. But Demeter is cifhfo/ros in Lycophr. 153, where the schol. notes e)n th=| *boiwti/a| i(/drutai *dhmh/thr ci/fos e)/xousa. Possibly the title may suggest that the goddess has won her land by the sword, and protects her agricultural worshippers (so Kern in Pauly-Wissowa 2749, comparing Callim. 137 fe/rbe kai\ ei)ra/nan, i(/n' ds a)/rose th=nos a)ma/sh|, and the name of the hero Triptolemus); but in any case there is little or no fixity of divine attributes in early literature; the golden sword is an epithet of Artemis in ap. Herod.viii. 77.See further on 395; for the nominative form xrusa/oros, 123.

baquko/lpois: see on 257.

The a)nqologi/a of Persephone is a feature in most of the accounts of the rape. It may have been introduced as a natural girlish act, and so have no mythological importance; see parallels in Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 758 n. 2. On the other hand, flowers play a considerable part in ritual connected with deities of vegetation, so that the a)nqologi/a may be paralleled by festivals such as the h)rosa/nqeia (Hesych.), at which Peloponnesian women gathered flowers. There was an actual a)nqologi/a in the mysteries at Agra; see Svoronos p. 235.

i)/a: see on 8.

a)*galli/das: Hesychius explains by u(a/kinqos h)\ qrualli\s h)\ a)nagalli/s. According to Murr p. 246 it is an iris.

u(a/kinqon: for the hyacinth (, Murr) in connexion with Demeter (Chthonia) see Paus.ii. 35. 5.Hyacinths are frequently mentioned among the flowers gathered by Proserpine; cf. Ov. iv. 437 f., Ov. v. 392.Here, however, it is perhaps introduced simply as a common spring flower, as in Il. 14.348 kro/kon h)d' u(a/kinqon, and often in later poetry, e.g. Mosch.i. 65(a similar list of flowers in the rape of Europa), 25.

*na/rkisso/n: see on 12 and 428. The narcissus was the peculiar flower of the Great Goddesses; cf. 683, Hesych. *dama/trion: a)/nqos o(/moion narki/ssw|. The origin of the connexion is perhaps uncertain; at all events we may doubt whether it was due to etymology (na/rkh the numbness of death), as some suppose (Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 760, Pater p. 103, 152). There may have been a later mystic explanation. The flower was certainly chthonian, being also sacred to the Eumenides (schol. from Euphor. 43, Düntzer). It was planted on graves ( 120). The narcissus was specially mentioned by Pamphos in his version of the rape: Paus.ix. 31. 9ko/rhn th\n *dh/mhtro/s fhsin a(rpasqh=nai pai/zousan kai\ a)/nqh sulle/gousan, a(rpasqh=nai de\ ou)k i)/ois a)pathqei=san a)lla\ narki/ssois. Pausanias' allusion to i)/a refers to the common tradition; 82, Diod.v. 3(the Sicilian version), Förster p. 31. On the violet see Cook in xx. p. 1 f.; he compares Bacchyl.iii. 2, for its connexion with Persephone, which, however, is not very clearly marked, although in later times it was distinctly funereal. In the hymn, attention is drawn to the narcissus, not to the violet, which is only one among a number of flowers. Later poets generally include it in their list of flowers in the a)nqologi/a; cf. Nicand. 74. 60 u(a/kinqon i)wnia/das te xamhla\s

o(\n fu=se do/lon: cf. Il. 8.494 o(/n pot' e)s a)kro/polin do/lon h)/gage. kalukw/pidi: this beautiful epithet is not found in Homer; cf. 284, 420, and lxxxix. 2.

*polude/kt|h: so 404, 430 *polude/gmwn. The idea of Hades as the “host of many” is especially Aeschylean: cf. 157 to\n polucenw/taton *zh=na tw=n kekmhko/twn: 152 *(/aidou tou= nekrode/gmonos: 860pando/kon ei)s xe/rson. See Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 804. On the euphemistic names of Hades and Persephone see Rohde p. 192.

to/ *ge: this correction depends upon Homeric usage, and gives good sense: the confusion of TE and TE is of course common; cf. Il. 5.853, 42, 248 etc, and 280 au)th=s for au)gh=s. to/te can hardly be justified.

tou= kai/=Il. 1.249 tou= kai\ a)po\ glw/sshs, where Leaf notes that the kai/ introducing a merely epexegetic sentence is very unusual.

e(kato\n ka/ra: as the flower is miraculo<*>sly created, the exaggeration of its “hundred heads” need not be pressed; but the writer is doubtless thinking of the Narcissus , the “polyanthus” or “bunch” species (see on 428), Murr p. 248.

Tyrrell's correction of kw=dis t' o)dmh= is recommended by the fact that it only posits the omission of a syllable (zh); for such omissions cf. p. xviii, and 407 (prw=ta for prw/tista in all MSS. except M). For the construction cf. Od. 5.59 , i 210, and for the crasis of kai/ cf. Il. 2.238 , *z 260 with Leaf's note, Il. 13.734 , g 255, z 282, kou)/ 227, ka)gw/ 173, ka)k pollw=n 447, kou)/ Parmenides 51, kau)toi/ Xenophanes vi. 5. See Kühner-Blass i. p. 225, Smyth § 308 for exx. in other poets, § 377, La Roche i. p. 283 f., van Leeuwen p. 50 f.

e)*ge/lasse: see on 118.

a)/mfw: here indeclinable; a use not found in early epic. Cf. Apoll. 1.165 (gen.), 1169 (dat.), Theocr. xvii. 26.

xa/ne de\ xqw/n: this explanation was natural when the scene of the ascent or descent of Pluto was localised on a plain; so, according to the actual Eleusinian tradition, the chariot disappeared through the opening ground (fragment of a vase from Eleusis, xxi. pl. 12; xxii. p. 3). In some traditions Pluto disappeared in a cave ( 82). At Enna he ascends through a cave, and descends into the open ground, Diod.v. 3. 4.

eu)rua/guia: in Homer of cities only. The epithet is less suitable to xqw/n. Gemoll compares di/ka eu)rua/guia (Terpand. 6), for a more general use.

*nu/sion a)\m *pedi/on: on the various places called Nysa see i. 8. Whether the Nysian plain is here purely mythical, or whether the poet was thinking of a particular place, it is impossible to say. Förster (p. 268 f.) argues for the Carian Nysa; Preller-Robert (i.^{2} p. 758 n. 3) for the Thracian. The poets generally speak of Nysa as a mountain (e.g. Soph. 1130, i. 8), but the locality is so vague that pedi/on may well stand; cf. Apoll. 2.1214 ou)/rea kai\ pedi/on *nush/i+on. Hesiod does not localise the myth, but the schol. on 913 lays the scene by the Ocean. Various other places are mentioned: e.g. Crete (Bacchyl. 64), Eleusis itself (Phanodemus 20, Paus.i. 38. 5, xviii. 15); see Introd. p. 12, and Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 759, Roscher ii. 1313, Förster In later times the Sicilian tradition prevailed (first in Carcinus ap. Diodor. v. 5; cf. Mosch.iii. 128, Opp. iii. 489, and often in Latin poetry; Ov. iv. 353, Ov. v. 385, Lucan vi. 740, Stat. ii. 150, Claud. ii. 71). Modern poets have chiefly followed the Romans: , , , (Milton).

o)/rousen a)/nac: the trochaic caesura in the fourth foot is very rare, except when the caesura is preceded by an enclitic or other monosyllable; see on 248. Tyrrell ( ix. 20 p. 34) suggests o)/rous' a(/nac, to avoid breaking a “law universal in Greek poetry from Homer to Nonnus.” But the exceptions to the rule in Homer are amply sufficient to justify the text; see § 367. 2, Hermann p. 693, van Leeuwen , 1890, p. 265 and p. 18-22, Eberhard i. p. 23 f. The last word is usually of four syllables as in Il. 6.2 , *w 60, r 399= Od. 20.344, and here; or five, as in Od. 18.140 and 36 (where however see note); very rarely of three, as in Od. 12.47. The law is more rarely broken in post - Homeric verse; examples are 23 *(elikw=nos u(po\ caqe/oio, 319 pne/ousan a)maima/keton pu=r, 222 w(/ste no/hm' e)pota=to. In 435 Köchly transposes a)gw=ni a)eqleu/wsin and in 693 for forti/) a)maurwqei/h one MS. has forti/a maurwqei/h. Sometimes, as in Od. 5.272 o)ye\ du/onta, Theognis 881, Tyrtaeus 7. 1 qeoi=si fi/los, the two words are rhythmically one; but Theognis 931 ou)de\ qano/nt' a)poklai/ei, id. 981 lo/goisin e)mh\n fre/na qe/lgois are real exceptions; cf. id. 923. In later literature the following exceptions may be noted: verse ap. 252B, Hom. vii. 1, liii. 3, lxxxv. 5; Evenus i. 5 (Gaisf.); Pythag. 6, 37, and 70; ap. Paus.iv. 1. 8(line 3); and often in Oppian ( i. 190, ii. 60, 120, 202, 536, iii. 237, 244, iv. 232, 431). There are several exceptions in Diog. Laert. ( vii. 96. 3, vii. 104. 1, vii. 126. 1); so Schol. vii. 568. 1.

*poluw/numos: first in Hesiod and 82. Preller thinks the epithet specially appropriate to Pluto, whose titles were numerous; see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 804, Rohde 192 f. For the e)pwnumi/ai of Pluto cf. Paus.ix. 23. 4(on a hymn to Persephone by Pindar) e)n tou/tw| tw=| a)/|smati a)/llai te e)s to\n *(/aidhn ei)si\n e)piklh/seis kai\ o( xrush/nios, dh=la w(s e)pi\ th=s *ko/rhs th=| a(rpagh=|. So in 82 Apollo is poluw/numos, i.e. has many titles in different lands. On such accumulation of titles see Lobeck i. p. 401, who quotes e.g. Ov. iv. 11 f., Gruppe i. p. 555 n. 44, Adami p. 222 f. (where many references are collected), viii. Introd. The primary meaning of the word may therefore stand, in the case of gods; but, as applied to inanimate objects, poluw/numos is simply “famous”; cf. 785 (u(/dwr), Pind. i. 17（a)/ntron).

xruse/oisin: cf. Pindar's epithet xrush/nios from Paus. quoted above. o)/xoisin: in 375 o)/xesfin, which Voss and others needlessly read here.

i)a/xhse: so xxvii. 11; forms from i)axe/w do not occur in early epic; but cf. xxvii. 7 i)axei=, Callim. 146 i)axeu=sa.

u(/paton kai\ a)/riston=Il. 19.258 (nom.).

e)lai=ai: this is usually held to be corrupt, but no emendation is at all satisfactory; the conjectures, apart from their graphical eccentricity, err in endeavouring to introduce a person or persons (Demeter or the nymphs). But the categories a)qa/natoi and qnhtoi\ a)/nqrwpoi are exhaustive, with the exception specified in 24. Any title of Demeter is peculiarly out of place: she heard the second and louder cry 38, 39, which sets her in motion. The reading of M e)lai=ai runs counter to the usual notions of Greek poetical taste. This, however, is no reason for suspecting the text. In late, especially Latin, poetry inanimate nature is often personified (e.g. Verg. i. 38Verg. Ecl., x. 13, and many instances given by Forbiger). We have to learn that the idea was earlier than has been supposed. The sense here would be: “neither gods nor men heard her; and the trees were deaf” ( xvii. p. 50). The nearest analogies in Greek poetry are Bioni. 31ta\n *ku/prin ai)ai=

*persai/ou: Hecate is daughter of the Titan Perses (=Persaeus here) and Asterie, according to 411, Apollod.i. 2. 4.Other poets give other genealogies; see Farnell ii. p. 502, Preller-Robert i.^{1} p. 322, Roscher 1899.

a)tala\ frone/ousa: a)talo/s (the der. is doubtful) seems properly to refer to youthful merriment; cf. Il. 18.567 , l 39, 989 (others translate “tender”; so Rouse in 1899, xxxv. p. 462, connecting the words with and ta/l-as, i.e. “not capable of endurance,” cf. 161. 47). The explains Il. 6.400 pai=d' a)talo/frona by a(palo\n fro/nhma e)/xonta, toute/sti nh/pion, a)no/hton. The sense “merry” does not seem particularly suitable to Hecate in this connexion. Baumeister, followed by Gemoll, understands “kindly,” i.e. to Demeter; but there is no authority for this meaning, nor is it easy to see how a)tala\ fronei=n could be appropriate to a kourotro/fos (a title of Hecate), as others assume; kourotro/fos is not the same as kou=ros. Possibly the author thought of Hecate as a young goddess “with youthful thoughts.” See also L. Meyer i. s.v. a)talo/s “kindlich”; Prellwitz p. 37 “jugendlich.”

e)*c a)/ntrou: cf. Apoll. 3.1213 keuqmw=n e)c u(pa/twn (of Hecate). No particular cave is meant. Whether Hecate was a moon-goddess, or, as Farnell supposes, an earth-goddess, a cave would be appropriate for her home. In this hymn, at all events, she is certainly a moon-goddess, as is shewn by the mention of Helios in 26. So Sophocles ( 480) associates Helios and Hecate as sun and moon. Hecate heard the cry, but did not see the rape, as it was daytime, and she was therefore in her cave; Helios heard (a)/i+en 25), and of course saw also (cf. on 70).

Zeus absents himself intentionally, in order that he may not appear to connive at the rape (cf. on 3).

28-29. Cf. 347-348.

de/gmenos: generally explained as a perf. part., without reduplication, and with irregular accent (from *de/gmai, probably an older form of de/degmai. See Leaf on Il. 2.794, § 23). But it may be a present form; Leaf remarks that there is no reason for supposing that the affection of x by m is confined to aor. and perf. stems. Cobet altered to de/xmenos.

mhte/ra . . fu=la are almost certainly objects, not (as Gemoll) subjects, of o)/yesqai.

e)/qelge me/gan *no/on: Il. 12.255 qe/lge no/on (in a bad sense). Gemoll does not accept Hermann's lacuna. He explains: “so long as she hoped that her mother and the other gods would see her, she trusted (that her cry would avail) and (she called out so that) the mountains echoed.” But if this is the meaning intended, the wording is most obscure. The lacuna seems necessary. The change in sense between 37 and 38, and the absence of protasis to d), require at least another line. The case is different from those noted on 127. The sense of the lost passage, as Francke saw, is “but when she saw the earth opening to swallow her, then she despaired and shrieked loudly.”

xai/tais: for the Attic dative cf. 205, 308, 441. Hermann reads xai/th|s a)mbrosi/h|s.

kua/neon de\ ka/lumma=Il. 24.93; see on 182.

e)*pi\ trafer/hn te kai\ u(*gr/hn= Il. 14.308 , u 98, imitated in later epic, as Opp. i. 11. For the omission of gh=n and qa/lassan cf. 123.

*)/hqelen: (with neg.) “had no mind” (=had not the power). e)qe/lein implies a desire to do what is, or seems to be, in one's power to do, and so is often practically equivalent to du/nasqai. Cf. Il. 9.353 , *f 366.

Bücheler and Francke reject this line. The stress on oi)wnw=n is unusual, but Gemoll compares zw/ein 221, with accent [acutemacr] ¯. There are various emendations which give a usual but characterless verse. The line is modelled on Il. 22.438.

e)*nn=hmar: it is generally assumed from this word that the fast at Eleusis lasted nine days. This is not improbable, and is supported by parallels; see Roscher , , 1903, p. 16 f. ( xxi.), who compares a festival at Lemnos, where fire was put out for nine days ( Philostr. 19. 14); the Thesmophoria ( Ov. x. 434); the fast of Clytia (ib. iv. 262); the Italian Bacchanalia (Livy xxxix. 9). Roscher is probably right in explaining the number as representing an ancient week, one-third of a lunar month ( p. 14 f.). There is, however, no other allusion to the length of the Eleusinian fast; and in the present passage e)nnh=mar may be purely conventional, to express a round number of days, with no special reference to the actual duration of the fast. A period of nine days or nights is common in Homer: Il. 1.53 , *z 174, *i 470, *m 25, *w 107, 610, 664, 784, h 253, i 82, k 28, m 447, c 314; 722, 724, 91. The Sicilian festival of the two goddesses mentioned by Diod.v. 4 lasted for ten days.

*dhw/: first here for *dhmh/thr, then often in poetry. The form is usually regarded as hypocoristic (Mannhardt p. 295, Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 748, Pauly-Wissowa 2713).

strwfa=t)=Il. 13.557. The form is probably late; see Leaf on Il. 15.666.

ai)qome/nas . . e)/xousa=Od. 7.101 (e)/xontes). For the significance of the torches, which play so large a part in the myth and ritual of Demeter, see Introd. p. 10, Lenormant ii. p. 124 f. On the whole subject of fire-festivals see Frazer iii. p. 238-326, who thinks that the use of torches in such cases “appears to be simply a means of diffusing far and wide the genial influence of the bonfire or of the sunshine which it represents” (p. 313). He quotes many examples (p. 255, 313 f.) to shew that the avowed intention of torch-lighting is often to fertilise the fields, or to prevent blight, etc.

49-50. Compare the mourning of Demeter in Callim. 17 au)stale/a a)/poto/s te kai\ ou) fa/ges ou)d' e)loe/ssw. This, however, may be independent of the hymn.

ba/lleto: the editors quote Il. 11.536 and other passages where the act. ba/llein has the meaning of “sprinkle,” “wet.” No other instance seems to occur of the middle ba/llesqai in this sense, unless we accept Hermann's loutra/ t' e)pibalou= xroi+/ (for the corrupt e)pi\ xroi+\ ba/le or ba/lleu) in Eur. 303.

A formulaic line (only here) similar to Il. 6.175 a)ll' o(/te dh\ deka/th e)fa/nh r(ododa/ktulos *)hw/s, and Il. 24.785 (faesi/mbrotos). fainoli/s: Ruhnken compares Sapph. 95 e)/spere pa/nta fe/rwn o)/sa fai/nolis e)ske/das' au)/ws.

se/las: for a torch, Apoll. 3.293, 4.806. Here it is probably collective, “torchlight,” as the regular attribute of Hecate is a torch in either hand; cf. the plur. xei/ressi. So da/os=dai+/das in the formula da/os meta\ xersi\n e)/xousai (Il. 24.647 and elsewhere). For the attribute of Hecate see Roscher 1900 f. Farnell ( ii. p. 549 f.) thinks that the torch was originally the symbol of Hecate as a chthonian deity, not as the moon, with which, however, the hymn-writer plainly identified her (see on 25). For the connexion of Hecate with Demeter and Persephone see on 440.

a)*ggele/ousa: Hecate (or Artemis) was called a)/ggelos at Syracuse (Hesych. s.v. and Schol. on Theocr. ii. 12), but it is unlikely that there is here any allusion to this title.

The “news” which Hecate gives is that she heard Persephone's cry—a circumstance which certainly was unknown to Demeter. Hence a)ggele/ousa needs no emendation, and the difficulties about this part of the narrative, and the inference based on them as to the composition of the hymn, are imaginary. Maass E. *)=iris, i. 164 accepts the continuity of the text (though reading a)gge/llousa, which is virtually the same as the future).

w(rhfo/re: the hiatus is legitimate in the bucolic diaeresis; § 382 (2). On the epithet, “bringer of the seasons,” see Mannhardt p. 227, who compares vi. 98. 1 *dhoi= likmai/h| kai\ e)naulakofoi/tisin *(/wrais.

qew=n ou)rani/wn: not Homeric. For qeo/s a monosyllable cf. Od. 14.251 qeoi=sin. So 44 qew=n, and perhaps Il. 1.18 qeoi/. Below, 259, 325.

fwn=hs *ga\r *)/hkous): the exx. of ga/r lengthened by ictus are mostly before oi( or eu(: Il. 2.342 , *z 38, *i 377, d 826, etc. But cf. Il. 2.39 , *t 49, where ga/r before a vowel appears to be established. ga/r r() would be simple, and the collocation of the two words is confirmed by the metre in Il. 13.352 and other passages, although in other places r(a may have been inserted from mistaken metrical grounds. Of course me/n may have dropped out here, as perhaps in 122, in which case a)/kous) would naturally be altered to h)/kous).

o(/s tis e)/h*n: parenthetical; see 119, and note on 208.

w)=ka le/gw *nhmerte/a: the explanation given in xvii. p. 52 (=le/gw pa/nta soi\ w)=ka ei)=nai nhmerte/a) is improbable, as nhmerth/s must be closely connected in a predicative sense with le/gw; see Ebeling s.v. But the text may be correct: Hecate asseverates the truth of her statement by a common formula; cf. 433, Od. 11.137 ta\ de/ toi nhmerte/a ei)/rw; “I tell thee truly (all I know).” w)=ka is unusual with the present, but justified by the context, “and I tell it quickly.” Hecate wishes to spare Demeter disappointment, by confessing her ignorance at once. Hermann's lacuna (with le/goi) seems therefore unnecessary.

sta\n d' i(/p*pwn *propa/roiqe=Il. 24.286 , o 150.

su/ *per recurs 116, and Ludwich's conjecture is excellent on palaeographical grounds; cp. 308 e)ne/xwn de M=e(/nex' w(=de. The stroke to denote n in qea_ (=qean) was no doubt taken for a circumflex.

kou/rh*n t\hn e)/tekon: the antecedent is attracted to the case of the relative, as in Il. 10.416 , *c 75, 371. § 267. Cf. Verg. i. 573 This “inverse attraction” (for th\n kou/rhn) is slightly different from the attraction of a nominative absolute to the case of the relative, as in Il. 6.396 quga/thr . . . *)heti/wnos: *)heti/wn, o(\s e)/naie, a 50. In Od. 8.74 (oi)/mhs th=s) the gen. may be partitive, or due to either of these forms of attraction.

a)din/hn: see Leaf on Il. 2.87. The word is often used with verbs or substantives expressing grief, where it seems to mean “loud” or “vehement.” The derivation, and consequently the original meaning are obscure (Leo Meyer , 1902): Göbel's suggestion (a) intens. and [root ]de ‘move’) is as probable as any. The primary sense would then be “quick” or “busy.” Prellwitz s.v. suggests a connexion with a)dh/n.

di) ai)qe/ros a)truge/toio=Il. 17.425. Elsewhere a)tru/getos is applied to the sea. The derivation and meaning are unknown. The ancients connected the word with tru/gh, i.e. “unharvested,” “barren,” or with tru/ein, “unconquered” (by tempests), see Ebeling. Modern scholars have generally adopted one of these derivations. Prellwitz s.v. sees in -trug- the German Dorf, Eng. thorp, with the same general sense.

katade/rkeai a)kti/nessi: cf. Od. 11.16, where katade/rkesqai (here intrans.) is more naturally constructed with an obj. acc. katade/rketai in M is a common scribe's error (e.g. Il. 10.82 e)/rxeai e)/rxetai, 115 nemesh/seai nemesh/setai) assisted by the similar context in Od. 11.16, where the verb is in the third person. o)/pwpen followed naturally.

The writer has a reminiscence of Od. 3.93 kei/nou lugro\n o)/leqron e)nispei=n, ei)/ pou o)/pwpas (cf. 65 h)\ e)/pei h)\ e)/rgw| with Od. 3.99).

me/ga a(/zomai: unless with Ruhnken we insert s) there is an hiatus, which however may be justified by 532 tau=t' a)/ra a(zo/menos (this is practically the MS. tradition, as the only variant is a)/r) for a)/ra; see Rzach's note). Curtius Grundzüge p. 162, Prellwitz s.v., and Fortunatov xxxvi. 46 assume an initial which would produce hiatus. The same explanation is sometimes given of w(s making position ( § 397).

ou)de/ is suspected by Wegener and Gemoll. Puntoni (p. 52) defends the text. ou)de/ may be illogical for ou), but it is quite natural after the parenthetic clause dh\ ga/r ktl. (cf. 32). The sense of the passage is: “you shall know all (for I pity you); you are to know that Zeus alone is to blame.” See further on vii. 56. Indeed ou)de/ is hardly to be distinguished from ou) in several Homeric passages; see Fränkel in p. 61 f., who quotes Il. 19.420 , *u 133 etc. (ou)de/ ti/ se xrh/). In Il. 16.225 (ou)de/ tis a)/llos) the de/ has force.

qaler/hn: the special epithet of a young husband or wife, like the “blooming” bride in English ballads; so with go/nos, 104, and with ga/mos, z 66, u 74, 35.

82-83. There is no reason to eject ou)de/ ti/ se xr\h . . xo/lon. Hermann altered *go/on to xo/lon on the ground that the formula oude/ ti/ se xrh/ introduces a repetition of a previous statement (Il. 7.109 , *t 67 etc.). But the duplication of xo/lon is intolerable; and as go/os is the expression of xo/los there would be no difficulty, even if the present passage were from the old epic.

a)mfi\ de\ tim/hn, “in respect of honour”; the wording, if somewhat prosaic, is correct. The order is like that of Hes. 74a)mfi\ de\ th/n ge. The proposed alterations (timh=| or timh=|s) rest on the analogy of 390 a)mfi\ bo/essin and ib. 172 a)mfi\ de\ timh=s (so MSS., timh=|s Gemoll). But for a)mfi/ with acc. cf. 57, viii. 1, xxii. 1, xxxiii. 1. These exx. are all of “speaking about,” but Pind. vii. 8Pind. Isthm., 9 has both dat. and acc. in a wider sense.

toi=s: rightly explained by Franke as demonstrative: Hades dwells among those over whom he is lord.

88-89. Cf. 341-342. tanu/pteroi is to be taken with oi)wnoi/, not with i(/ppoi. Nothing is said in this poem about winged horses, although Gemoll compares Eur. 466.

ai)*no/teron kai\ ku/nteron: cf. 305 f., Od. 11.427.

*nosfisqei=sa, “rejecting,” as in 562 and ap. Hendess 119. 7 nosfisqei=sa ge/ra prote/rwn tima/s te palaia/s (of Deo).

a)maldu/nousa: not, as in Homer, “destroying,” but “disguising.” Baumeister compares Apoll. 1.834, 4.112.

baquzw/nwn, “low-girt,” i.e. girt over the hips. The epithet, which occurs in Il. 9.594 , g 154, is apparently not synonymous with baqu/kolpos, as the ancient grammarians and most editors assume; see on 257.

*keleoi=o: this is the usual tradition for the king's name; cf. Paus.i. 39. 1(Pamphos), Apollod.i. 5. 3. schol. on 695; see further in Roscher ii. 1026 f. The schol. on Nicand. 130 calls the king Hippothoon (the eponymous hero of the Attic tribe) with Metanira as his wife. For other accounts see Förster p. 12. There was a cult of Celeus and his daughters at Eleusis ( i. p. 39), and a shrine of Metanira ( ).

*parqeni/w| fre/ati: for the metre of fre/ati_ cf. 101, 248; La Roche i. p. 49, § 373. The local dative is amply supported by examples in § 145; it is here not harsher than trape/zh| “at table” (Od. 21.35). See further on 308 and 173. Gemoll objects that the “Ionic” form is frei/ati (frh/ati), while in Attic fre/ati has long. But Herodotus uses fre/ar, and the hymn - writer might naturally adopt the epic quantity (frei/a^ta *f 197). On the forms of the word see Brugmann ii. p. 236, 342 f., Prellwitz s.v.

The “Maiden well” is not mentioned again in the hymn; it is most probably identical with the “Flowery well,” at which, according to Pamphos, Demeter sat; cf. Paus.i. 39. 1fre/ar e)sti\n *)/anqion kalou/menon. e)poi/hse de\ *pa/mfws e)pi\ tou/tw| tw=| fre/ati kaqh=sqai *dh/mhtra ktl. Frazer () thinks it may be the spring called , about a mile and a half west of Eleusis, on the road to Megara. The well is not to be confused with the Callichorum, which was close to the precinct of Eleusis (see on 272), although the fame of this latter well led several ancient writers to identify it with the place where Demeter rested; cf. Callim. 16, Nicand. 486, Apollod.i. 5. 1; in 729 a river in Asia is called both Parthenius and Callichorus, probably in view of this literary tradition. The accounts of Pamphos and the present hymn no doubt follow the ancient Eleusinian tradition; see further on 200. The last hemistich is a formula: Od. 7.131 , r 206.

*grhi+/ *palaigene/i+ e)*nali/gkios: the corn-spirit, in the form of the last sheaf, is often called the “Old Woman,” “Grandmother” etc.; see Frazer ii. p. 170 f. It has been suggested that in grhi+/ we have a survival of the otherwise nameless corn-spirit. Jevons even holds that the corn-goddess was known simply as grau=s, and her daughter as ko/rh, until the Athenians identified the two with Demeter and Persephone (p. 367, 378 f.). But it is difficult to believe that the Eleusinian goddesses were nameless until so late a period. Indeed, as far as regards the hymn, the metamorphosis of Demeter into an old woman need have no special significance; some disguise was necessary for the purpose of the story. Compare the account of Pamphos mentioned by Paus.i. 39. 1（grai+\ ei)kasme/nhn). For a similar disguise cf. Il. 3.386, of Aphrodite, which shews that the present passage may be due to epic influence.

*)eleusini/dao: son of Eleusis, the eponymous hero of the place, Paus.i. 38. 7.He was also called Eleusinus, Hyg. 147, Serv. on i. 19,

eu)/hruton: (only here) formed, like kotulh/ruton *y 34, from a)ru/w which first occurs in Hesiod.

108-110. Pausanias causes a difficulty in this passage: in i. 38. 3 he states kalou=si sfa=s (the daughters of Celeus) *pa/mfws te kata\ tau)ta\ kai\ *(/omhros *dioge/neian kai\ *pammero/phn kai\ tri/thn *saisa/ran. Puntoni considers the lines interpolated, following Hermann, who, however, subsequently retained 108 reading trei=s w(sei/ te. The name *kallidi/kh in 146 would on this view have been substituted for another, unless the whole verse has been interpolated. An interpolation however is on general grounds highly improbable, and later than Pausanias' time out of the question; it would be more legitimate to suppose an early variant. Cf. n. crit. on 476. Gemoll thinks that the text of Paus. is corrupt, suggesting kalei= de\ sfa=s <ou)> kata\ tau)ta\ kai\ *(/omhros . . *dioge/neian ktl., the gap being filled with the names Callidice etc. Preller, Baumeister, and others suppose that Paus. may have made a slip of memory, which seems the most probable solution of the difficulty.

e)/g*nwn: for the Homeric e)/gnwsan. So Pind. ix. 85(136). The correct form, however, seems to be e)/gnon which Cobet restores. Compare e)/ba^n, and e)/fa^n 118.

*palaigene/wn a)*nqrw/pwn: a variation of the Homeric ti/s po/qen ei)=s a)ndrw=n Bücheler's xamaigene/wn is no improvement.

The form pilna=s given by M being transitive (pilna=| 3 sing. Hes. 510, pi/lnatai passive Apoll. 4.952), Voss's pi/lnasai, as preserving the sigma, seems preferable to Hermann's pilna=|, which rests only on the analogy of damna=| *c 199 (called Doric in schol. T ). The syllable ai was omitted, as in e)pibh/sesq) 332, from the effect of the hiatus.

ai<*>/ tine/s e)ste: parenthetical, as in 58. Demeter speaks as though she did not know their names.

*dwsw/: the name is uncertain; Fontein's *dhw/ is some way off dw/s, and as Demeter (called *dhw/ in 47) invents her story, it is natural that she should give a fictitious name. Brunck's *dw/s is not elsewhere found as a proper name, but=do/sis in Hes. 356.This, however, requires the insertion of me/n, and preference may be given to Passow's *dwsw/, where the vowel could easily have been lost before e)moi/. In either case there might possibly be a mystic allusion to the corn as a “gift” to men (see Pater p. 102).

*nu=n au)=te: for nu=n de/ as in Od. 22.6. Ruhnken's nu=n d' au)=te, though of course common, is therefore needless. *kr/hthqen: editors see an allusion to the early worship of Demeter in Crete, as if the writer wished to hint this fact, even in a fictitious story. For the Cretan cult see Diod.v. 77.The myth of Iasion (Od. 5.125) was localised in Crete, 970. Miss Harrison believes in Cretan influence at Eleusis ( p. 565 f.). But the explanation is unnecessary; the name of Crete would naturally occur to any one who wished to give a plausible account of his parentage or travels. In Od. 14.199 f. Odysseus invents a Cretan home. Cf. also Od. 13.256 f., Od. 19.172 f.

*qoriko/nde: the town and deme of Thoricus (Therikó) was N. of Sunium, with a harbour now called Mandrí. See Leake p. 68. It was one of the twelve independent cities of Attica until the time of Theseus (Strabo ix. p. 397). For its history and remains see Frazer on Paus.i. 31. 3.

kate/sxeqon: the construction katasxei=n nhi+/ is not Homeric, but occurs in Herodotus and Attic (Francke).

Hermann's lacuna is perhaps unnecessary, considering the elliptical style of this hymn generally; cf. 317, 446. Of course a step in the narrative is omitted. For the Homeric custom of landing for meals cf. Od. 14.346 , i 85, k 56, o 499. This passage seems to be a reminiscence of that in c, where Odysseus escapes from the Thesprotian sailors.

e)*phrtu/nonto: Francke objects to the verb, on the ground that it is not used by Homer in the middle, and should mean “fix on.” But the simple verb a)rtu/nw is found in the middle, with the sense here required “prepare”: cf. Il. 2.55=Il. 10.302 h)rtu/neto boulh/n. Homer, however, has e)ntu/nesqai with a)/riston, dai=ta, dei=pnon.

do/rpoio: used in the proper sense of supper; cf. Od. 14.347 do/rpon e(/lonto with e(spe/rioi 344. dei=p*non in 128 must therefore be general for any meal, or perhaps for the principal meal of the day, here supper.

tim=hs (for w)/nou) is not Homeric ( Herod. and Attic).

Demeter feigns ignorance of the name of the country, although in 126 she mentions Thoricus. But Eleusis is sufficiently far from Thoricus to justify the word a)lalhme/nh and to give colour to her feigned ignorance of the place.

The key to this difficult passage is te/wn, which is of course interrogative. To follow oi)ktei/rate it would have to be relative. Therefore rather than write te/ws (un-Homeric in the sense of “until”) with Ruhnken, it seems better to assume a lacuna containing a verb to govern te/wn, e.g. (on the analogy of the corresponding line 149) tou=to de/ moi safe/ws u(poqh/kate, o)/fra pu/qwmai. The termination -wmai coming before i(/kwmai and e)rga/zwmai would account for the omission. The answer, 149 f., implies a question. Attempts have been made to give tokh=es its full metrical value, but the synizesis is probably genuine; cf. basilh=es Hes. 263, and perhaps i(pph=es *l 151. So e)phetano/s (quadrisyll.) Hes. 607, 113.

a)f/hlikos: not in Homer. Cf. Moeris p. 82 a)fhlikeste/ran, presbute/ran *)attikw=s. But a)ph=lic is found in Herod.iii. 14(in compar.). In Il. 22.490 (a late passage) panafh=lic has a different sense.

despo/sunon: first in Pind. iv. 267(475). didask/hsaimi: for the form cf. Hes. 64e)/rga didaskh=sai. diaq[r]h/saimi and diaq[l]h/saimi are of course easier changes than Voss's didaskh/saimi, which also involves the alteration of gunaiko/s to gunai=kas. The sense, however, is very near, and the corruption not greater than some of those known in M (p. xviii). diaskh/saimi (cf. the variant in ) would be little removed from diaqh/saimi.

148-9=216-7. Cf. Solon 5. 64 dw=ra d' a)/fukta qew=n gi/gnetai a)qana/twn, Rhian. ap. Stob. 54 fe/romen de\ qew=n e(tero/rropa dw=ra

Cf. 105 d\s *qh/bhs krh/demnon e)/xei r(u/etai/ te po/lha. kr/hdemna: applied to the walls of Troy, a ‘diadem,’ Il. 16.100 , n 388. Compare the epithet e)u+ste/fanos. So Il. 2.117 poli/wn ka/rhna. See also vi. 2.

*triptole/mou: for Triptolemus and the other princes cf. 474 f. According to Paus.i. 14. 2Triptolemus was the son of Trochilus or (the Athenian version) of Celeus. Apollodorus (i. 5. 2) calls him the eldest son of Celeus and Metanira, but mentions other genealogies, i.e. that of Panyasis (son of Eleusis and Demeter) and that of Pherecydes (son of Oceanus and Ge). Hyginus 147 and Serv. on i. 19 give a different parentage (Eleusinus and Cothonea or Cyntinia). For the later myth of Triptolemus see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 770 f., Harrison p. xlix f. (and Eumolpus). The derivation tri/s, polei=n must now be abandoned, as Triptolemus had no early connexion with the plough (Kern , 1887; cf. Lehrs ^{2} p. 459, von Wilamowitz p. 132); for the name cf. Neoptolemus etc.

For Dioclus cf. Plut. 10(a king of Eleusis). In 474Plut. Thes., 477 the form is *dioklh=s; Ruhnken compares the double *)/ifiklos, *)ifiklh=s and others. Polyxeinus and Dolichus appear to be abstracted from titles of Pluto; for Polyxeinus (whose name is not elsewhere mentioned in connexion with Eleusis) cf. on 9 *polude/kth|. Dolichus is certainly an epithet of Pluto; cf. von Prott in xxiv. p. 251 [plouto]ni d[oli]xoi. Elsewhere he is a son of Triptolemus (Dolichius), Eusth. 306 on Il. 2.625, Byz.Steph. ; Herodian (p. mon. le/c. p. 10) quotes a line *eu)/molpos *do/lixo/s te kai\ *(ippoqo/wn mega/qumos.

Eumolpus, like Triptolemus, is here only one of the Eleusinian chiefs; his fame as the first hierophant and founder of the priestly family is later than the hymn.

The genitives depend on a)/loxoi, tw=n pa/ntwn being explanatory.

a)mu/monos: as Pausanias in his citation (see crit. note) expressly says that Homer calls Eumolpus a)gh/nwr, Ruhnken and others would exchange the epithets in 154, 155, reading a)gh/noros *eu)mo/lpoio and patro\s a)mu/monos. But Pausanias' quotation is probably a casual error, influenced by the next line.

*porsai/nousi: probably intrans., “manage in the house.” Ruhnken takes dw/mata as an object, joining kata/ with the verb.

*prw/tiston is sound. For this feminine form in comparative and superlative adjectives cf. Od. 4.442 o)low/tatos o)dmh/, 408 (*lhtw\) a)ganw/taton e)nto\s *)olu/mpou, Pind. 152 glukerw/teros o)mfa/. For exx. in prose see Kühner-Blass i. p. 554 n.

qeoei/kelos: the gods, when they are disguised as mortals, often shew a nobility which excites admiration; cf. the disguise of Apollo ( 464 f.), of Aphrodite ( 92 f.), and of Dionysus (vii. 17 f.).

ei) . . e)*pi/meinon=Od. 17.277, where of course e)qe/leis (the proper Homeric form) is found. Hermann is probably right in restoring it here; cf. 137. For the later qe/lw see on 46.

thlu/getos: M. and R. on Od. 4.11 summarise Savelsberg's view ( 1853) that this word=, “grown big” (*th=lus “great”), and is applied to boys and girls from the age of about thirteen to twenty or more. Leaf on Il. 3.175 approves. This explanation takes no account of the present passage, where Demophon is quite an infant. Fick i.^{4} 440 connects the word with ta=lis a bride: Prellwitz s.v. sees in the latter part the root of u)gih/s etc. It is of course possible that the writer was ignorant of the real meaning, and understood the word as referring to an only son, or to one born to his parents in old age, as the ancients variously explained. Francke and Gemoll think that the sense “lateborn” could not have been here meant, as o)yi/gonos follows; but pleonasms are quite in the manner of this poem; cf. polueu/xetos and a)spa/sios 165, and the synonyms in 124.

*polueu/xetos: only here, for polua/rhtos in Homer and below 220.

qrept/hria: see on 223. doi/h: sc. Metanira: cf. 223 doi/hn.

kudia/ousai: for the occasional retention of the original -a/w etc. see § 55. Instances in the hymns are 266, vii. 14, 41.

w(|s, “according as”; so 295, 416. Ruhnken's o(/ss) is quite needless.

It is noticeable that here and in 401 M represents the diphthong ei by h; cf. also 9. h)/aros may be a genuine form (i.e. a correct transcription of a prae-Euclidean E), or it may be a confusion with h)=ros, h)rino/s. Homer only uses e)/aros, *z 148, t 518 (but see Agar in xxviii. 1901, p. 80 f.). For h)=ros cf. 455.

The picture of girls raising their dress to run is not found in Homer or Hesiod. The action, as Francke notes, is commonly represented in art from the seventh century, and (although Gemoll rejects the idea) it is quite possible that the writer may have been influenced by such works of art (Francke p. 26). At all events, the pictorial touch is rather after the manner of a later poet. Baumeister compares Apoll. 3.873 a)\n de\ xitw=nas leptale/ous leukh=s e)pigouni/dos a)/xris a)/eiron. (Compare this description of maidens running by the side of the chariot with the simple statement in Od. 13.84, 319.)

a)mfi\ . . a)i+/ssonto: borrowed from Il. 6.509 (of a horse). So kudio/wn *z 509=kudia/ousai 170, and Il. 6.400 pai=d' e)pi\ ko/lpw| e)/xousa=187 (u(po/).

krokhi+/w|: only here; for the form (=kroke/w|) cf. kourh/i+on (a)/nqos) 108, also a(/pac ei)r. For the colour cf. i. 530

kata\ kr=hqen: Il. 16.548, where see Leaf, Od. 11.588, 574, and a)po\ krh=qen 7. The stem krh- appears in krh/demnon, krh/nh § 107, n. 5. The covered head, and the kua/neos pe/plos are, of course, signs of mourning; cf. Demeter *me/laina at Phigalia Paus.viii. 42, Pauly-Wissowa 2734.

qea=s may be restored, as in 210 M gives qea=|. For the confusion of h and a in the MS. see 147.

186=Od. 1.333 (sth= r(a) and elsewhere. te/geos, properly any roofed space, is here the me/garon.

u(*po/: we should expect e)pi/, as in Il. 6.400 (Gemoll). But the variation is trivial; in Od. 15.469 u(po\ ko/lpw| is used though with a slightly different sense.

188-211. Preller brackets these lines as interpolated, and others eject the whole or part of the passage. Preller's reasons are quite inadequate, as Baumeister, Gemoll and others point out.

188-189. Objection has been needlessly raised to this account of Demeter's miraculous entrance, in spite of which Metanira does not seem to recognize her divinity (cf. 213 - 215). She seems, indeed, to suspect that her visitor is something out of the common (190), just as Demeter appears qeoei/kelos, i.e. “noble,” to the girls (159). But when her momentary fear has gone, she is ready to accept Demeter as a mortal. Compare Anchises' original scruples ( 92f.), and his acceptance of Aphrodite's denial of divinity. Even more striking is the indifference to a miracle shown by the Tyrrhenian captain in the hymn to Dionysus; see vii. Introd. p. 228, and notes on 159, 465.

mela/qrou ku=re ka/rh= 173. Gemoll thinks that the present passage was borrowed from the while Abel reverses the debt. In both places the words seem equally suitable. Gemoll argues that me/laqron is properly used of the roof-timbers in the , but improperly here for the lintel; but this is hypercritical. Indeed, we may suppose the goddess to have just crossed the threshold and to be standing actually in the me/garon.

*pl=hsen ktl.: miraculous light marks the presence of the gods: cf. 444 (of Apollo), Eur. 1083 (Dionysus), Ov. i. 94 lucidior visa est quam fuit antc domus; so infra 278.

klismoi=o: on the klismo/s see Helbig pp. 118, 122. It was more luxurious than the phkto\n e(/dos (=di/fros 198) which Demeter accepted. Matthiae compares Athen. v. 4 and Od. 19.55 f.

faeinou=: epithet of qro/nos, *l 645. The klismo/s is poludai/dalos *w 597, and poiki/los a 132, i.e. inlaid, or studded with silver (a)rguro/hlos). In Il. 8.436 the epithet xru/seos is ideal, for the chairs of gods.

The last hemistich= 156. Cf. Verg. xi. 480

*)ia/mbh: the episode of Iambe and Demeter is related by Apollod.i. 5. 1grai=a/ tis *)ia/mbh skw/yasa th\n qeo\n e)poi/hse meidia=sai. dia\ tou=to e)n toi=s qesmofo/rois ta\s gunai=kas skw/ptein le/gousi: Nicand. 130; cf. Diod.v. 4, and Hesych. s.v. The scholia on Nicand. , Hephaest. p. 169, Eustath. p. 1684 attribute the invention of the iambic metre to Iambe. The connexion is absurd, although it may have been present in the mind of the writer of this hymn. As Gemoll notes, there is no proof that the Eleusinian raillery was uttered in iambic or any other metre; it was no doubt The schol. on Nicand. 484 mentions Ambas as a son of Metanira who laughed at the sacred rites; this suggests a connexion with Iambe, whose similarity to i)/ambos must be accidental. Iambe's jesting is here a mythological explanation of the banter which was a feature of the Eleusinia. No doubt the jesting was part of the primitive festival, although the literary references mostly mention the practice in connexion with the Athenian period of the Eleusinia. According to the schol. on 1014 the Athenian women abused one another, on their way to Eleusis in carriages; cf. also Suidas s.v. ta\ e)k tw=n a(macw=n. There was a similar custom at the sth/nia (Athens): see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 778. So Epidaurian women railed at each other at the parallel festival of Damia and Auxesia ( Herod.v. 83; cf. Frazer on Paus.ii. 30. 4). In these cases the raillery was peculiar to women, who were so intimately connected with agricultural rites. But at the Eleusinia there was also a custom known as gefurismo/s, in which men and women alike seem to have abused and jested with the procession at a bridge on the Eleusinian road. See 384 f., Strabo ix. p. 400, p. 229, Hesych. s.v. gefuristai/, Svoronos p. 297. There was a general ai)sxrologi/a in the Sicilian festival ( ). The custom is probably due to the widespread idea that abuse of a person or his belongings brings good luck (by avoiding the fqo/nos qew=n or the evil eye, etc.). Frazer ( i. p. 97 and on Paus.i. 37. 3) quotes, among other examples, Theophr. viii. 3, vii. 2. 2; a Greek sower of cummin must curse to avoid failure of the crop.

The raillery of Iambe is akin to the indecencies associated with Baubo (Babo), who was actually worshipped at Paros (see inscr. quoted on 491) and certainly figured in the Eleusinian cult of Demeter ( Harp. s. v. *dusau/lhs, ii. 77).

Cf. Il. 5.879 tau/thn d' ou)/t' e)/pei+ protiba/lleai ou)/te ti e)/rgw|.

a)*ge/lastos: this has been referred to the tradition that Demeter sat upon an a)ge/lastos pe/tra: Apollod.i. 5. 1, schol. on 782, Suidas s.v. *salami=nos, Hesych. s.v. The situation of the stone cannot now be identified. Apollodorus places it by the Callichorum, but this is no authority, as he does not seem to follow the local tradition in regard to the resting-place of Demeter (see on 99). The stone is mentioned in a fourth-century inscr. (*)ef. *)arx. 1883 p. 115); it was probably near Athens, and unknown in the old Eleusinian myth; see Svoronos p. 247 f. In any case it should be noted that the word a)ge/lastos has no connexion with the a)ge/lastos pe/tra, for Demeter is now sitting e)pi\ di/frou (198) in the house.

The latter hemistich=Od. 4.788.

a)/pastos: Callimachus ( 8), who says nothing of Iambe, makes Demeter break her fast in the evening: e(/speros o(/s te piei=n *dama/tera mw=nos e)/peisen. This supports the theory that the Mystae fasted only till sunset (cf. the Mohammedan Ramadan; see Ramsay p. 126 n. 5).

202-205 bracketed by Matthiae and others, needlessly. Hermann ( cv) objects to min followed by po/tnian a(gnh/n, but this apposition is quite Homeric; see Il. 21.249 , z 48, and cf. the frequent use of the pronominal o( in apposition with a proper name. He is also offended by the inelegancy of 204 and by o)rgai=s, 205. Francke thinks that pri/n g' o(/te dh/ in 202 was written by an imitator of 195; but the writer of 195 may surely have repeated himself.

i(/laon sxei=n qumo/n: Hes. 340w(/s ke/ toi i(/laon kradi/hn kai\ qumo\n e)/xwsin. The metre (with the last feet spondaic) is not common, except in stereotyped endings, as in qnhtoi=s a)nqrw/pois (or the genitive of this formula) 11, 22, 29, 45, 55, 73, 403, and often in Homer. In 195, 202 *)ia/mbh ke/dn' ei)dui=a the older epic form was of course ke/dna vidui=a (Od. 1.428 etc.). In 302 canqh\ *dhmh/thr is formulaic (=Il. 5.500); so 452 kri= leuko/n =Od. 4.604. With the present line cf. 417, 421, 474. The number of “spondaic” verses (i.e. with the last feet spondaic) is much greater in this hymn than the proportion in the first book of the (e.g.) or in the hymn to Apollo (see Schürmann etc. p. 55 f., Francke p. 23, and see generally Eberhard i. p. 10 f., La Roche xx. p. 70 f.).

o)rgai=s, “humour,” “mood,” a sense common both in sing. and plur. See L. and IambeS. , who was Demeter's companion as long as she remained in Celeus' house, “pleased her afterwards also,” not merely for the moment. The double dat. (oi( . . o)rgai=s) presents no difficulty; for the sxh=ma kaq' o(/lon kai\ me/ros in the dat. compare Il. 1.24 , *q 129, *n 82, 221, Herod.vii. 16.

ou) *ga\r qemito/n: cf. schol. on Nicand. h( de\ qeo\s ou)k e)de/cato, le/gousa mh\ qemito\n ei)=nai piei=n au)th\n oi)=non e)pi\ th=| qli/yei th=s qugatro/s. Jevons (p. 379 f.) thinks that wine is here a surrogate of blood and was for this reason excluded from the non-animal sacrifices to cereal deities. For wine as akin to blood see Frazer i. p. 358 f., and for bloodless offerings to Demeter or other deities of vegetation cf. e.g. Paus.viii. 42. 11.So the Eleans did not pour wine to the Despoinae. But Demeter and Persephone did not as a rule object to animal sacrifice: pigs were offered at the Attic Thesmophoria, and at Thebes ( Paus.ix. 8. 1); see Schömann ^{4} ii. p. 232 f. And, since human blood seems, at least originally, to have been shed during the Eleusinia (see on 265), the goddesses can hardly have objected to wine as its substitute. It need hardly be noted, in fact, that abstention from wine would be natural in any fast, such as took place in the Eleusinia.

The passage refers to the kukew/n, the institution of which the hymnwriter, according to his wont, ascribes to Demeter herself. The drinking of this mixture of meal and water was the actual means of communion with the goddess. and belonged therefore to the most sacred part of the ritual in the telesth/rion. The mystae received certain objects from the hierophant and answered e)nh/steusa, e)/pion to\n kukew=na, e)/labon e)k ki/sths, e)ggeusa/menos a)peqe/mhn ei)s ka/laqon, kai\ e)k kala/qou ei)s ki/sthn ( 18, Arnob. v. 26; see Lobeck i. p. 25, Harrison p. 155).

For the kukew/n in Homer see Il. 11.624 f., Od. 10.234 f. In the latter passage it is called si=tos, being compounded of a)/lfita. but it is always drunk (e)/kpion k 237). So Eusth. 870. 65 ei) kai\ metacu\ brwtou= kai\ potou= o( kukew\n ei)=nai dokei=, a)lla\ ma=llon oi(=a zwmo/s tis r(ofhto\s h)=n, comparing Il. 11.640 f. Cf. Ar. 712ou)/k, ei)/ ge kukew=n' e)pipi/ois blhxwni/an, schol. on Nicand. 128 f. (e)/pie).

On the sacramental eating of corn see Frazer ii. p. 318 f.

o(si/hs e(/neken, “to observe the rite,” as practised by the mystae. The expedients to bring the apodosis into this line are violent. e)pe/bh is far removed from e(/neken, which gives admirable sense and is defended by 1461 o(si/as e(/kati. Another suggestion, pi/e po/tnia, is equally rash. The lacuna has Puntoni's support; it must contain the verb of drinking. The missing verse may have run somehow as follows: e)/kpien: h( de\ labou=sa de/pas qe/to e)/nq' a)na/eire.

*polupo/tnia: not in early epic, but cf. 1156, Apoll. 1.1125, Orph. xl. 16 (of Deo). The writer of this hymn is fond of compounds with polu-; cf. 9Orph. h., 17Orph. h., 18Orph. h., 28Orph. h., 31 etc.

xai=re: not here a salutation at meeting, but a courteous form of address or congratulation after some incident has occurred: Baumeister compares Od. 18.122 (after pledging a guest in wine, = “your health”), Od. 11.248 , q 408, 413.

e)*pei\ ou)/ se kakw=n ktl.; cf. 132 ou) me\n ga/r ke kakoi\ toio/nde te/koien, and a close parallel in [Theocr.] xxv. 38 ou) se/ ge/ fhmi kakw=n e<*>\c e)/mmenai ou)de\ kakoi=sin e)oiko/ta fu/menai au)to/n: oi(=o/n toi me/ga ei)=dos e)pipre/pei (possibly an imitation of this passage; but kakw=n e)/c is in Il. 14.42 and for ei)=dos e)pipre/pei Gemoll compares Od. 24.252).

ai)dw/s, “dignity,” a sense not in Homer.

216-217. Cf. 147-148.

*zugo/s: only the neut. in Homer. For the phrase cf. Hes. 815e)pi\ zugo\n au)xe/na qei=nai bousi/, 1023 u(po\ zugo\n au)xe/na qh/sw, where the gender is indeterminate, but is probably neuter. Callimachus ( 467) is the first writer who certainly uses zugo/s in the sense “yoke,” but Plato ( 63 B) has the masc. for “balance.”

221-223=166-168, with small variations.

doi/h*n is certainly to be retained; the mother would reward the nurse with qrepth/ria, when the child grew up. This is not to be confused with the qrepth/ria in Hes. 188, of the return made by the child to his parents in their old age; so qre/ptra (the Homeric form) in Il. 4.478 , *r 302.

kou)/: objections have been raised to the crasis, which, however, is perfectly tolerable; cf. n. on 13.

228-230. e)*phlusi/h, “witchcraft,” is certain (cf. 37), but u(potamno/n and u(loto/moio are puzzling. The former has been explained as a “cut herb,” used in sorcery, but the formation hardly allows such a meaning. Voss's ou)/te tomai=on (sc. fa/rmakon) is too violent. The same editor altered u(loto/moio to ou)loto/moio (a non-existing word), i.e. herbs cut for harmful purposes. In the 1895, p. 13 it was suggested that u(potamno/n and u(loto/moio are superstitious paraphrases for the worm (e(/lmins or skw/lhc), and that Demeter knows of a remedy against this children's complaint. For such paraphrases cf. Aratus 959 skw/lhkes,

Davies is, however, probably right in seeing an allusion to “teething,” the first inevitable trouble of childhood. It may therefore be suggested that the u(pota/mnon and ou)loto/mos, or gum-cutter, is a worm, which, according to the belief of many peoples, causes toothache. Although teething itself could hardly be attributed to a worm, the incidental aches could be referred to that agency, i.e. the absence of a worm would result in easy teething. This explanation would be more certain, if we accept the correction ou)loto/moio, but it may still hold good with the retention of u(loto/moio (a general word for a worm), as suggested above.

For the worm as the cause of toothache cf. Shakespeare iii. 2. 28; the belief is very common, e.g. in Scotland, iii. (Orkney), p. 140; India, Crooke i. p. 151 (where women of the gipsy tribes know charms to extract the worm); Finland, Abercromby i. p. 328. Dyer p. 273 f. gives parallels from Germany and China. In the xii. 27 and 35 the same remedies are assigned to worms and toothache.

The story of Demeter nursing Demophon has a parallel in Paus.ii. 5. 5: the children of Plemnaeus, a legendary King of Aegialea, in Sicyon, died at birth, until Demeter took pity and under the guise of a strange woman reared up a child named Orthopolis. On the close connexion between the growth of children and vegetation see the interesting chapter in Mannhardt p. 351 f. “Kind und Korn.” For Demeter as a goddess of healing see Rubensohn in xx. p. 360 f. In the hymn, Demophon is in no present danger; Demeter only promises to keep him in good health. According to Nicand. 485 a lizard (a)skalabw/ths) had wounded Metanira's child; in Ovid iv. 446 f. the child (Triptolemus) is dying.

quw/dei+ de/cato ko/lpw|=Il. 6.483 (khw/dei+), of Andromache; hence quw/dhs does not refer to the divinity of Demeter, who sheds a superhuman fragrance only when she appears as a goddess (see on 277).

xersi/n t): the te, to which many editors object, seems genuine. Demeter receives the child in her bosom her arms (not “places the child with her hands in her bosom”).

*dhmofo/wnq): Apollod.i. 5. 1 follows this version of the story. He mentions however Triptolemus as the elder son of Celeus, and relates the gift of the winged chariot. Demophon was finally ousted altogether by the greater fame of Triptolemus.

The abruptness of the text is impossible, and Hermann's supplement is recommended by the homoeoteleuton.

For the story cf. Apollod.i. 5. 1boulome/nh de\ au)to\ a)qa/naton poih=sai, ta\s nu/ktas ei)s pu=r kateti/qei to\ bre/fos kai\ perih/|rei ta\s qnhta\s sa/rkas au)tou=. Ovid iv. 487 inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla obruit, humanum purget ut ignis onus. Similarly Thetis wished to make Achilles immortal, but was prevented by Peleus: cf. Apollod.iii. 13. 6 and Apoll. 4.869 f. (a passage which, as Ruhnken pointed out, may be derived from the hymn) h(\ me\n ga\r brote/as ai)ei\ peri\ sa/rkas e)/daien nu/kta dia\ me/sshn flogmw=| puro/s: h)/mata d' au)=tc a)mbrosi/h| xri/eske te/ren de/mas, o)/fra, pe/loito a)qa/natos kai/ oi( stugero\n xroi+/ gh=ras a)la/lkoi.

katap*nei/ousa: cf. Ovid iv. 540 iungere dignata est os puerile suo. pallor abit, subitasque vident in corpore vires. tantus caelesti venit ab ore vigor.

kru/pteske: so Apollod.iii. 13. 6kru/fa *phle/ws ei)s to\ pu=r e)gkrubou=sa. For the purifying effect of fire on human beings cf. Rohde p. 29, Mannhardt p. 52f., Frazer iii. p. 312, who says “to the primitive mind fire is the most powerful of all purificatory agents.” He compares the custom of modern Greek women who leap over the midsummer bonfire, crying “I leave my sins behind me.” The myth of Demophon suggests, if it does not prove, that the Eleusinian children were purified by passing over fire (Jevons p. 365, Introd. p. 10). For such customs in the case of children see Frazer iii. p. 239 f. Modern Greeks still believe that newborn babies are protected from evil by the presence of fire; see Rodd p. 107 f. For the cognate idea of carrying fire over the field see on 48.

*)hu+/te dalo/n: this may mean “she hid him in fire as a brand is kept alight” (in the ashes); for which see Od. 5.488 f. and n. on 234. More probably, however, we should understand “she wrapt him in flames like a lighted torch.”

la/qra^ occurs only in a doubtful fragment of Euripides (1117 28 Dind.); it is corrected in 835（la/qr' ou)damou=). e(h=| for fi/lh| was read by Zenodotus in Il. 3.244, but the alteration seems too violent here; much more so kru/bda fi/lwn.

*proqal/hs, “early - growing,” only here; for the form cf. a)mfiqalh/s *x 496, and eu)qalh/s common in poetry after Homer.

The last hemistich = Il. 24.630 with ga/r (for de/) which Voss wrongly restores here. The sense requires de/, and the hiatus in the bucolic diaeresis is legitimate.

a)*g/hrwn: see on 214.

e)*pithr/hsasa: she watched to see how the nurse made the child thrive, and thus broke the taboo. The magic could only be worked in secrecy, although the writer implies rather than expresses this (258 f.). In fact it is doubtful whether he understood the real nature of the taboo in the myth; he lays stress only upon Demeter's anger (251, 254), as if she renounced her design of her own will. In the Achilles legend, Apollodorus () is more explicit: *qe/tis kwluqei=sa th\n proai/resin teleiw=sai. Apollonius vaguely states that Thetis left Peleus, as soon as she heard him cry, and rushed into the sea, xwsame/nh (Il. 4.877); the schol. on 1068 similarly says h( de\ lithqei=sa e)xwri/sqh. Curiosity in seeing a forbidden sight is punished in the classical myth of Cupid and Psyche; for other examples of this world-wide motive see Hartland pp. 270 f.

kw/kusen: the language of Apoll. 4.872 is similar: h(=ke d' a)u+th\n smerdale/hn e)sidw\n me/ga nh/pios

a)/mfw *pl/hcato mhrw/: cf. Il. 12.162 13. 198.

a)a/sqh: for the quantity of the first vowel cf. Od. 13.68 a_)/asan, *l 340 a_)a/sato de\ me/ga qumw=|. In 258 the a is short, for which cf. Il. 16.685 , *t 113, 136, 253.

The trochaic caesura in the fourth foot is not uncommon, when the caesura is preceded by a monosyllable (me/n, de/, ge, etc). Instances like that in 17 (where see note) are different. For the quantity of the i in puri/ see on 99. No emendation is necessary.

e)/tikte: the omission of the mother's name is awkward, as Demeter is the subject of the main sentence; but there is no real difficulty, especially as th=s and th=| immediately precede.

a)*po\ e(/o q=hke: cf. Il. 12.205 a)po\ e(/qen h(=ke, i 461 a)po\ e(/o pe/mpe. Here Cobet reads a)po\ e(/qen h(=ke, which Gemoll approves, as qh=ke with -de is remarkable; it may be added that a verb expressing violent action would seem more appropriate to Demeter's anger: cf. Apoll. 4.674 to\n me\n a)/r' a(rpa/gdhn xama/dis ba/le keklhgw=ta.

e)*canelou=sa *puro/s: Apollodorus, seemingly following a different tradition, says to\ me\n bre/fos u(po\ tou= puro\s a)nhlw/qh. In Ovid's account, the mother takes the child from the fire.

kote/sasa: in Homer kotessame/nh.

The editors compare xxxii. mhdama\ mhde\n ei)do/tes, ou)/te kakoi=o proserxome/noio noh=sai fra/dmones, ou)/t' a)/poqen ma/l' a)postre/yai kako/thtos ou)/t' a)gaqou= pareo/ntos e)pistre/yai te kai\ e)/rcai i)/dries, a)lla\ ma/thn a)dah/mones a)prono/htoi. The resemblance can hardly be accidental, but it by no means follows that the Orphic poet read fra/dmones here, as Bücheler infers (so Tyrrell). For the quantity of the first syllable in a)fra/dmones cf. Od. 15.444 e)pifra/sset' o)/leqron: Hes. 655propefradme/na: 160 e)pefra/ssato: 388 e)fra/zeto, and regularly *)afrodi/th. La Roche i. p. 10, § 370.

*n/hkeston: the reading of M mh/kiston might possibly be defended as a superlative of me/g' a)a/sqhs: cf. also Eur. 818ta\ ma/kist' e)mw=n kakw=n. But Voss's correction, based on Hes. 283, is easy and highly probable, if not certain.

i)/stw *ga/r ktl.: cf. Il. 15.36 -38, e 184-186 (with M. and R.'s note); Leaf on Il. 2.755. On the position of o(/rkos (the object of the oath) before *stugo\s u(/dwr cf. Apoll. 3.714 f.

qa/naton . . a(lu/cai=Il. 21.565, Od. 17.547 , x 66. Hence Huschke's gh=ras should not be received, although Apollonius has gh=ras a)la/lkoi (see on 237).

265-267. The text is certainly sound (with the sole correction of sunauch/sous) to suna/cous), for which cf. Il. 2.381 , *c 149, 448): “when Demophon is a man, the Eleusinians will always be fighting with one another.” Editors have assumed a lacuna before 265 and after 267, or at all events after the lines. It was supposed that the lost passage or passages referred to the death of Demophon, or to his leadership in the war, or mediation between the parties. This supposition is quite gratuitous; 265 simply marks the time, “when he has grown to manhood,” and has no closer connexion with the preceding or succeeding lines. There is no trace in myth or history of an Eleusinian civil war; hence Matthiae (followed by Baumeister) substituted *)aqhnai/oisi for e)n a)llh/loisi, assuming that Demophon was the leader of the Eleusinians in their war against Athens. The corruption is most improbable, not to mention the further difficulty that tradition made Eumolpus, not Demophon, the leader of the Eleusinians ( Thuc.ii. 15, Isocr. 19, Apollod.iii. 15. 4, 24, Paus.i. 38. 3). There are so few allusions to early Eleusinian history in Greek literature, that it would not be surprising if mention of a civil war were found in this passage only. But Creutzer was no doubt right in explaining the lines by reference to the ballhtu/s, or sham fight, which is expressly connected with Demophon by Hesychius s.v., e(orth\ *)aqh/nhsin e)pi\ *dhmofw=nti tw=| *keleou= a)gome/nh. Lobeck ( p. 206) quotes an anonymous verse in Artemid.i. 8tau/rois e)n *)iwni/a| pai=des *)efesi/wn a)gwni/zontai kai\ e)n *)attikh=| para\ tai=s qeai=s e)n *)eleusi=ni: kou=roi *)<*>aqhnai=oi peritellome/nwn e)niautw=n; but it is not clear whether this line has any connexion with the ballhtu/s. According to A. Mommsen and Lenormant the ballhtu/s took place at the end of the festival. It may, however, have been a ceremony during the initial stage of purification (see Introd. p. 10). The rite was like that at Troezen ( Paus.ii. 32. 2, called liqobo/lia). See Gruppe p. 901. Similar customs are quoted by Bather in xiv. 253, Jevons p. 292. It need not be supposed that the origin of such liqobo/lia was always the same; in the present case the mystae may have stoned one another to draw blood as a means of communion with the Corn-goddess, or the blood may have been thought to increase the fertility of the land. The latter idea is probably at the root of some, if not all, of the numerous parallel examples which shew that fights, either sham or more serious, have taken place to ensure a good harvest. This, as a European custom, was first clearly demonstrated by Mannhardt p. 548 f.; for instances from savage tribes see Frazer on Paus.ii. 30. 4.As often, the meaning of the rite was lost at Eleusis, where the mock-battle was supposed to commemorate an early civil war.

w(/rh|sin: the editors (mostly adopting Fontein's tou= ge), understand this as “in his riper years.” But tw=| ge is to be retained and w(/rh|sin taken in the proper sense of the plural, “when the years revolve for him in their seasons.” Cf. 102 w(/rh|sin pa/sh|si, 399, 350.

ai)e\n . . *)/hmata *pa/nta: Baumeister, understanding the reference to be to an actual war, is obliged to explain this as an epic formula vaguely indicating a “long time.” But it has its regular meaning “for ever”; the ballhtu/s takes place every year.

tima/oxos: only here and in 31, which Gemoll claims to be the original passage.

a)qana/tois is made necessary by similar formulas: e.g. 11, 21, 45, 403; hence Stoll's a)qana/twn must be rejected. There remains the difficulty of o)/neiar, which can scarcely be a disyllable with synizesis; in Hes. 462 the MSS. have ei)/ari polei=n, but Pollux (i. 223) rightly gives e)/ari (e_a_). The synizesis of he is no authority for that of eia (see on 137). It seems best therefore to remove the diphthong, with Ilgen, and read o)/near, the form accepted by Schulze p. 228 and Solmsen 32, 292, who calls it “sprachlich tadellos.” This could be a trisyllable by the correction of qnhtoi=sin to qnhtoi=s t); but it is nearer to the manuscript to read qnhtoi=si/ t' o)/near. For the synizesis compare (besides Hes. 462 quoted above) Hes. 492mh/t' e)/ar gigno/menon, Mimnerm. 2 and Chaerem. 42 (e)/aros a trochee). If o)/neiar is to be retained, with its full value u--, it must contain the whole of the fourth foot; this involves the lengthening of the last syllable by position, as is done by the conjectures of Ruhnken and others. The legitimacy of this use was the subject of a discussion in the Dec. 1896, Feb.-Apr. 1897. The result was entirely to justify the use in Homer and Hesiod, although undisputed examples are not common in early epic, and very rare in later hexameters. For the most recent discussion on the subject see Leaf vol. ii. App. p. 634 f.

There is no proof that there was a “temple” of Demeter at Eleusis, apart from the hall of initiation, which cannot properly be called a nho/s. Strabo, it is true, speaks of a i(ero/n as well as the mustiko\s shko/s (ix. p. 395), but the word i(ero/n need not imply a building; it may=te/menos. As Frazer remarks (on Paus.i. 38. 6, p. 511) “no later writer” (than the hymn) “and no inscription yet discovered speaks of such a temple.” Various attempts have been made to identify this supposed temple with some of the pre-Persian remains discovered by the excavations of the Greek Archaeological Society. Frazer ( p. 509) doubtfully suggests that it may have been on the site of the later hall of initiation, where walls of Eleusinian marble have been unearthed. Remains of another early building, probably a temple, have been discovered north of the hall, and separated from it by a rock-cut staircase, leading up to the terrace. This building has also been thought to be the old temple of Demeter. It is possible that the nho/s served also as a hall of initiation, which would of course be sacred to Demeter. In this case the building may be identified with the walls abovementioned, which belong to a building older than the age of Pisistratus; but it is impossible to judge of the form of this building from these scanty remains, or to conjecture how far it was a prototype of a later hall (probably built by Pisistratus), and of the enlarged Periclean hall. See Philios p. 65, 74, who also identifies the nho/s with the primitive telesth/rion; Svoronos (p. 345 f.) places the nho/s on the brow of the hill, but this seems negatived by u(pai\ po/lin.

*po/lin ai)*pu/ te tei=xos: i.e. the acropolis, the fortifications of which (tei=xos) have been traced on the low hill above the hall of initiation. The actual town lay at the foot of the hill, and extended to the sea.

*kallixo/rou: see on 99; this well was not identified until 1892, when excavations shewed it to be situated by the great Roman propylaea, just outside the precinct. The well-mouth is surrounded by concentric circles, which no doubt served as marks for the Eleusinian woman who danced round the water in honour of the goddess ( Paus.i. 38. 6). For references to the discovery see Philios p. 57 f., and Svoronos p. 252.

eu)age/ws: the adv. in Apoll. 2.699, etc. eu)agh/s is not found in early epic. For exx. of eu)agh/s, eu)age/ws in ritual see Dieterich 1891, p. 34. i(la/skoisqe: for the opt. after u(poqh/somai cf. Od. 17.250, § 306. The mood expresses a less certain result than would be indicated by i(la/skhsqe, which Schäfer reads.

me/geqos kai\ ei<*>=dos= 82.

*peri/ t' a)mfi/ te: cf. Il. 2.305 a)mfi\ peri\ krh/nhn, 271 a)mfiperifqinu/qei, Theocr. vii. 142 peri\ pi/dakas a)mfi\ me/lissai.

ka/llos a)/hto: modelled on Hes. 7 f. th=s kai\ a)po\ krh=qen . . . toi=on a)/hq' oi(=o/n te poluxru/sou *)afrodi/ths.

o)dm/h ktl. Fragrance is a sign of divinity: cf. Theognis 9, 115, Eur. 1391, Verg. i. 403, Ov. v. 375.

fe/g*gos: see on 189. With this passage cf. Bacchyl.xvii. 102a)po\ ga\r a)gla

katen/hnoqen: properly sing. Hence Ruhnken and others read canqh\ de\ ko/mh. But, as Franke well remarks, the writer may easily have taken the archaic form for a plural. There is no reason to suppose a genuine , with Baumeister.

au)*g=hs: for Ruhnken's simple correction cf. Soph. 1190au)tai=s MSS., while the scholia preserve au)gai=s.

*gou/nat' e)/lunto: Il. 7.16 lu/nto de\ gui=a: Il. 13.85 gui=a le/lunto, and often lu/to gou/nata.

a)*po\ dape/dou: Hesych. ii. 253 quotes the parallel form za/pedon, which occurs in Xenophanes i. 1, and an inscr. from Paros ( 401 = Roberts 17); da/pedon therefore stands for the original da/pedon (or for dva/pedon Prellwitz s.v. da-) and the metre is not due to false analogy (as Gemoll supposes), but was, at least originally, justified by pronunciation. In Od. 11.598 Aristotle iii. 11 read e)pi\ da/pedo/nde for the vulgate e)/peita pedo/nde. La Roche i. p. 49.

e)lein/hn: the Attic form is accepted by most editors after Ruhnken; it does not occur elsewhere in epic. Rutherford ( p. 160) rejects e)leeino/s in Attic prose; the form is due to late usage.

eu)strw/twn: only here and in 157 e)s le/xos eu)/strwton.

e)lou/eon: called an “impossible” form by Gemoll. It is a false formation, but is not to be ejected on that account. Cf. Schulze p. 65 n. 1, Smyth p. 535, Solmsen p. 13, 29, 98. Ludwich needlessly objects to the washing of the child. The women perform one of the duties of a nurse, in place of Demeter. It is perhaps unnecessary to press the phrase further, and to point out that the child would be covered with wood-ash. This motive, however, is expressly mentioned in a very similar passage (of the Nymphs and Bacchus), ix. 331 ai<*> *nu/mfai to\n *ba/kxon, o(/t) e)k puro\s h(/lato kou=ros,

trofoi/ and tiq=hnai, “those who cared for and nursed him,” are here synonymous. Cf. tiqhnoi/mhn (142) used by Demeter in her disguise as a trofo/s (103). Tyrrell's suggestion h)e\ tiqh/nh is no improvement. Cf. x. 18 trofo\s h)de\ tiqh/nh.

*pan*nu/xiai: the origin of the pannuxi/s is almost certainly indicated in this word (Preller). Gemoll notes that the ignorance of Celeus as to what has happened until the morning points to a mystery. Most of the sacred ceremonies during the whole course of the Eleusinia were carried on at night. In the very earliest period the worship of Demeter Thesmophoros at Eleusis, as elsewhere, was probably confined to women (Foucart p. 78, Jevons p. 379, Ramsay p. 127); and the hymn clearly shews the important part played by the women, even in a later stage of the Eleusinian religion. For women as mainly or exclusively concerned in agriculture see Jevons p. 239-242. Even when a share in agriculture falls to the lot of the men, the place of women in festivals concerned with sowing, reaping, etc. is often predominant; for examples see Frazer i. p. 35, ii. p. 203, etc.

dei/mati *pallo/menai: the same phrase in an oracle ap. Herod.vii. 140(Hendess 111. 10).

*polupei/rona, “countless:” literally “with many boundaries,” formed on the analogy of a)pei/rwn. Cf. 33 polupei/ronas oi)/mous.

Matthiae thinks that the rest of the hymn, from this line, was put together from fragments of the hymn seen by Pausanias, but the in Paus. only point to natural and quasiclerical errors, see Preface p. xli.

*canq\h *dhm/hthr = Il. 5.500. The epithet may have originally referred to the colour of ripe corn, as the “hair” of Demeter (cf. 454 komh/sein a)staxu/essin, Euseb. v. 34 oi( de\ e)ko/mwn *dh/mhtri), although, of course, in the hymn Demeter is purely anthropomorphic; see Mannhardt p. 234.

e)*pi\ xqo/na: for the accusative see on xxv. 3. The worship of Demeter and Cora in Triphylia was thought to be explained by the alternation of good and bad years (ta/xa dia\ ta\s u(penantio/thtas) according to Demetrius of Scepsis ap. Strab. 344 kai\ ga\r eu)/karpo/s e)sti kai\ e)rusi/bhn genna=| kai\ qru/on h( *trifuli/a: dio/per a)nti\ mega/lhs fora=s pukna\s a)fori/as gi/nesqai sumbai/nei kata\ tou\s to/pous.

a)rou/rais: for the local dat. (like ou)/resi etc.) cf. Il. 5.137 a)grw=|, and see on 99. Here the dat. is used with a verb of motion; § 145 (6). There is a different const. in Il. 10.353 e(lke/menai neioi=o baqei/hs phkto\n a)/rotron.

Cf. Hes. 180*zeu\s d' o)le/sei kai\ tou=to ge/nos mero/pwn a)nqrw/pwn.

qusiw=n: so 368. The word is not Homeric (for que/wn which Hermann gratuitously read).

*)=irin . . . xruso/pteron=Il. 8.398; see on 107. Iris is here employed as a messenger to gods on earth, while Hermes is sent to the underworld (335). Cf. Maass *)=iris i. 157 sq.

*polu/hraton . . . e)/xousan= 908 (e)/xousa).

w(\s e)/faq): the use of this formula after an indirect speech is not Homeric, but occurs in Hes. 69, infra 448, Apoll. 4.236, 1119. Wyttenbach's lacuna is not needed; cf. on 127.

Cf. 108.

kuano/peplon: not in Homer, and in the hymns only here, and in 360, 374, 442 of Demeter. 406 it is a general epithet of Leto, with no special reference to mourning, as in this hymn (cf. 183).

a)/fqita ei)dw/s: only here, for a)/fqita mh/dea ei)dw/s 43, where see note.

Valckenär's addition of path/r is preferable to the other suggestions, as it retains qeou/s , which is probably the cause of its omission, unless this is simply due to “haplography” in -ta, pa-.

Hermann's e(/loito met' a)qana/toisi qeoi=si (on the analogy of 444) does not account for e)le/sqai in place of qeoi=sin. The suggestion bo/loito rests on Il. 11.319, where one family of MSS. () has dh\ e)qe/lei for dh\ bo/letai. e)qe/loi bo/loito might produce e)qe/loito which otherwise it is difficult to explain.

quw/deos: applied to Olympus in 322. It appears to be a favourite word with the writer of this hymn: cf. 231, 244, 288, 355, 385. The meaning here may be literally “fragrant with incense” (which ascends to heaven), or perhaps simply “sweetsmelling” as in 231. See further on 231.

a(*gn/hn: specially an epithet of Persephone: Od. 11.386, 439. She was worshipped as *(agnh/ in Messenia, Paus.iv. 33. 4; cf. the inscr. of Andania. a(gnh/ is also frequent with Demeter, Hes. 465, 203, Archil. 120.So a(gnai\ qeai/ of both goddesses 5431, 5643. Rohde p. 192, Roscher i. p. 1813 f., Pauly-Wissowa 2754.

a)*po/ may here be retained, though Voss pointed out that in the Homeric formula the prep. is u(po/: cf. Il. 21.56, 653.

metal/hceie: the spelling is philologically correct, as lh/gw makes position in Il. 9.191 , q 87. According to Didymus in schol. A, Aristarchus read the single liquid in the Homeric passages Il. 9.157, 261, 299. On the other hand it should be noted that M constantly neglects a double consonant; cf. 14, 40, 158, 313 in this hymn.

344, 345. Baumeister's despair at this passage still holds good. e)p' a)tlh/twn might possibly be construed “in such intolerable circumstances” if the neglected position a)tlh/twn is permissible (there is no instance in Homer except sxetli/h, La Roche i. p. 4 and 16; but cf. Pind. viii. 20 and 77, Emped. 14). But it is hard to believe that epic, or any Greek usage admits of the translation. Of the conjectures, a)pothlou= is the best; if written a)potlhou, the resulting word is not worse than M's other corruptions; e.g. e)phlsi/hsi for e)phlusi/h 228.

In the next line a word of the quantity uu- has perhaps fallen out, owing to qew=n (cf. 325); this may have been xaleph/n (with boulh/n), the dative boulh=| having been written afterwards to ease the construction. mhti/seto is not a Homeric form for mhti/sato, which should probably be restored; cf. 322, 325

M's reading se is just possible, as a)/gein, e)ca/gein could mean “let go,” “turn out.” But the parallel passage 335 f. makes me practically certain.

*)ere/beusfi: Franke's correction is easy (cf. Il. 9.572, 669, where some MSS. have e)re/besfi), but perhaps unnecessary, if the peculiarities of our tradition of the hymn (katenh/noqen with plur. 278, pau/seien neut. 351) are to be preserved. So the form ei(sth/kei 452 is defensible.

*pau/seien is no doubt genuine although the act. for the middle pau/saito is remarkable. Compare, however, Hes. 449pau=e ma/xhs. In Od. 4.659 there is overwhelming MS. support for mnhsth=res . . . pau=san a)e/qlwn, where most editors read mnhsth=ras. So 580 pau=e pau=e tou= lo/gou. Tyrrell considers the use to be a mark of lateness (p. 39).

xamaigene/wn a)*nqrw/pwn = 108 (where see note).

mei/dhsen: Hades “smiled,” anticipating the success of his plan to keep Persephone (372 f.). o)fru/sin: generally with u(po/ or e)pi/ in Homer (neu/ein etc.), but cf. Od. 9.468 , m 194. So without a prep. Pind. ix. 65.

The line is quite genuine, in spite of Bücheler's objection (). Gemoll thinks that moi is required, but the sense is quite clear without it. The object of Persephone's anger is plain from 344 po/ll' a)ekazome/nh|. Hades carefully avoids saying “come back” (as Gemoll thinks he ought to say); Persephone will find out in due time the of returning. She has not yet eaten the pomegranate, and he therefore uses the ambiguous futures e)/ssomai etc., which suit equally well the choice or the necessity of returning.

*periw/sion a)/llwn = Pind. iv. 3.

despo/sseis: not in early epic. Like a)dikei=n (367) it is chiefly Attic, but also found in Herodotus. The word may be suggested, as Baumeister notes, by the title *de/spoina, under which Persephone was worshipped at many places, especially in Arcadia; Paus.viii. 37. 9, Immerwahr i. p. 120.

sx/hshsqa: since there is no instance of the termination -sqa or -qa in a future, while the aorists ba/lhsqa, pa/qhsqa, ei)/phsqa are Homeric (KühnerBlass ii. § 209. 3), it seems better to keep the spelling of M and regard sxh/shsqa as the subjunctive of the otherwise late aorist e)/sxhsa. The subjunctive will be of the nature of the type du/somai ei)s *)ai/dao kai\ e)n neku/essi faei/nw ( § 275 f.), which in Homer occurs constantly in combination with futures and is practically indistinguishable from them in meaning; see 1. sxh/seisqa which most recent editors prefer is called a “verbildete Form” by Schulze 33. 317.

tw=n d' a)dikhsa/ntwn: “those who have wronged thee” (by not paying due honour) will be punished all their days (i.e. by the Furies, for whose relation to Hades and Persephone see Il. 9.454 with Leaf's note and 571). There is no allusion to punishment after death, although the fate of the uninitiated is not happy in the underworld (cf. 481 f.); line 365 shews that the reference is here to the living.

qusi/aisi: the Attic form (for qusi/h|si) may well be original in this hymn.

au)to/s, (Hades) “himself,” in contrast to Persephone; or possibly “with his own hands.”

r(oi=hs ko/kkon e)/dwke: Apollodorus (i. 5. 3) follows: r(oia=s e)/dwken au)th=| fagei=n ko/kkon. In Ov. v. 535 f. Persephone of her own accord picks the fruit in a garden, and eats seven seeds. There is a widespread belief that the living may visit the underworld and return safely, provided that they abstain from the food of the dead. The Finnish hero Wäinämöinen refuses to drink in Manala, the place of the dead ( xvi. p. 293). In Africa S. there is a similar story: a man visits spiritland and is warned to return before he meets one who will give him food (Leslie p. 121). In New Zealand a Maori woman was thought to have come back from the dead, having by the advice of her father refused the food which the dead people offered her (Shortland p. 150). The last story is quoted by Tylor ii. p. 51, who gives a parallel among the Sioux of N. America. Several similar tales are collected by Hartland , ch. iii. (among the ancient Danes, in the Banks islands, and in the Hervey islands). Hartland remarks that there is the same objection to eating the food of the fairies (cf. Rhys i. p. 290; see also viii. p. 380; iii. (Orkney and Shetland), p. 25, 27). Some other references are given by Frazer on Paus.viii. 37. 7; cf. also x. p. 300 f. (Japan). The basis of the belief is the idea that a common meal unites the partakers in a close bond; hence the sanctity of the relation between host and guest in primitive society. By eating any food in the underworld, Persephone established a bond with the dead. But there is no doubt a special significance in the particular food—a pomegranate—although its precise meaning has been disputed. According to one view, the fruit, from the blood-red colour of the inside, is a symbol of blood and death. A pomegranate tree was planted over the graves of Menoeceus, a suicide ( Paus.ix. 25. 1), and the unlucky Eteocles (in the latter case by the Erinyes, ii. 29, i. 4). It was believed to have sprung from the blood of Dionysus Zagreus ( ii. 19). The fruit was therefore appropriate to the dead. Probably, however, it is here rather symbolical of marriage and fertility, from the multitude of its seeds; cf. Herod.iv. 143o(/soi e)n th=| r(oih=| ko/kkoi. It was the emblem of Hera, probably as goddess of marriage; the fruit expedited birth, xxiii. 107; cf. ib. 112 (of its flowers) It was an attribute of Aphrodite (see Murr p. 50 f., Roscher 2090, Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 763). Pausanias (ii. 17. 4) refuses to discuss the meaning of the fruit in the hand of the Argive Hera. The mystae at Eleusis abstained from eating it (Porphyr. iv. 16) as did the Thesmophoriazusae ( ), and the banqueters at the Haloa (schol. Lucian vii. 4; see Harrison p. 148). The Arcadians would not bring the pomegranate into the temple of Despoina ( Paus.viii. 37. 7). According to this view, the pomegranate would symbolise, not so much Persephone's general union with the dead, as her special union with Hades. In actual custom, the Greeks made wedding-cakes of sesame (dia\ to\ polu/gonon, w(/s fhsi *me/nandros schol. 869).

For the pomegranate as an attribute of Persephone and Pluto in art see Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 763 n. 2, Bötticher ch. 38.

It does not appear, however, that the writer of the hymn attached any particular meaning to the pomegranate (unless, like Pausanias, he was afraid to divulge a mystery). Apollodorus does not offer any explanation, while Ovid ( v. 532) simply says

a)mfi\ e(\ *nwm/hsas: the sense is obscure, owing to the peculiar use of nwma=n. The meanings of the verb fall mainly under two heads (1) “distribute,” of food etc., (2) “wield” or “handle” (a) weapons etc., (b) of the mind, “turn over.” Hermann first read a)mfi\s nwmh/sas (after Santen) translating seorsum tribuens, i.e. apart from Hermes. Gemoll follows this view. Hermann afterwards retained a)mfi/ (with e( for e(\ after Ruhnken) and understood “dividing it into two parts” (one of which he himself ate). Either a)mfi/s or a)mfi/ e( might bear this sense, but the participation by Hades in the food is not mentioned elsewhere in this or any other version of the myth. Nor is such participation required according to folklore; the living have only to eat the food offered by the dead, not share it with them, to prevent their return. Voss's explanation , is quite impossible; nor can we assume , “embracing her,” a sense which a)mfinwma=n could not bear, although it might be used of a nurse “handling” a baby.

The most probable view is to take nwma=n figuratively. Ilgen translated “turning it (e() over in his mind,” but a far better sense is given by retaining e(\ (as accented in M), and translating after Matthiae “peering round him,” = papth/nas, cf. Il. 4.497 a)mfi\ e(\ papth/nas (cf. also Il. 15.241 a)mfi\ e(\ ginw/skwn e(ta/rous). For this sense of nwma=n cf. Herod.iv. 128nwme/ontes . . si=ta a)naireome/nous “observing them foraging.” Plat. 411D to\ nwma=n kai\ to\ skopei=n tau)to/n. Eur. 1255ma/nteis de\ mh=l' e)/sfazon, e)mpu/rous t' a)kma/s

die\k mega/rwn: Gemoll rightly notes that the realm of Hades is thought of as a huge house; cf. Il. 3.322 du=nai do/mon *)/aidos ei)/sw etc. Otherwise the entrance of horses into the me/garon would be impossible.

tw\ d' ou)k a)/konte *pete/sqh*n: the common Homeric formula, with a)e/konte, which, however, is not to be read in the later hymn; cf. 413. With the passage generally cf. Il. 5.364-7.

u(/dwr has always u short in early epic; hence Hermann suggested ou)/t' a)/r' u(/dwr. But Baumeister quotes 97, Apoll. 4.290 and other later passages in support of the text.

ou)/t' a)/kries is remarkable, according to Gemoll, between i(/ppwn a)qana/twn and e)/sxeqon o(rmh/n. He does not note, however, that a)/kries (as) always forms the fourth foot in epic; see Ebeling. The unusual position is moreover justified by the great stress laid on a)/kries, cf. au)ta/wn “over the very mountains” (383).

st=hse d' a)/gwn: from Il. 2.558.

*)hu+/te maina/s: the editors quote Il. 22.460 maina/di i)/sh (of Andromache). So Il. 6.389 mainome/nh| e)i+kui=a; cf. (of Demeter herself) Ov. iv. 457-8. In the hymn, as no doubt in Homer, maina/s may be simply “a mad woman,” with no reference to the “maenads”; in any case this passage does not imply that there was as yet any Dionysiac influence at Eleusis.

u(/l|h: Ruhnken's correction of u(/lhs is in accordance with Homeric usage, which requires the singular; the genitive may have arisen from a mistaken view that o)/ros u(/lhs could stand for o)/ros u(lh=en. The MS. reading, however, would be more easily explained if the dat. plur. u(/lh|s were original. This form is found in Anacreon 51 o(/st' e)n u(/lh|s (so Bergk; u(/lais schol. Pind. iii. 52, u(/lh| Athenaeus and Aelian). Otherwise the plur. does not seem to occur before Dion. 6; see Zachariae xxxiv. p. 453 f. It seems safer to retain the singular.

*pauome/n*h: M has paom . ., but the confusion of a and au is common in MSS., e.g. *na/sths *nau/sths *b 867, *fasia/dhn *fausia/dhn *l 578, kalo/n kaulo/n *p 338, a)gh/n au)gh/n Aratus 668, Herod.ii. 111.Ignarra's excellent correction suna/cous' ou for sunauch/sous) (= suna（u）chs)) in 267 rests partly on this principle.

The corrections e)pa/sw or ti pa/ssao no doubt give the sense, but it is rather violent to suppose such a desperate corruption as pta=sa in M, especially when the scribe had no difficulty with pa/ssat) 50 and pa/sasqai 413. pta=sa was first defended in the March 1901, <su/ g)> being supplied to complete the line. The ellipse of the verb of the second protasis in a double condition is occasionally found: Il. 9.42 ei) de/ toi au)tw=| qumo\s e)pe/ssutai w(/s te ne/esqai, e)/rxeo—ei) de\ kai\ au)toi/, feugo/ntwn ktl. (Il. 9.262 ei) de/, su\ me/n meu a)/kouson is only similar in form). In later authors exx. are fairly common: Plat. 285C, 212 C. So ei) d' ou)=n Soph. 722.pth=nai is not Homeric, but e)ce/pth occurs in Hes. 98, 208 Batr., 211, pta=sa in Herod. p. dixr. 289. 24. The line thus gains in vividness: “but if so, you will have to fly back”; cf. Od. 11.208. If i)ou=sa following pta=sa is awkward, it would be possible to read e)ou=s), as in 364Herod., 395.

Ilgen's w(re/wn (for o)re/wn M) is nearest to the MS., and preserves an Ionic form and Homeric synizesis; cf. e)re/w 406, *kroni/dew 414. ei)s e)*niauto/n: the supplement of can hardly be an invention of the scribe, and the lexx. give instances of the distributive force of ei)s, “every year.” See L. and S. s.v. ii. 2.

The division of time is followed by Apollod.i. 5. 3.*persefo/nh de\ kaq' e(/kaston e)niauto\n to\ me\n tri/ton meta\ *plou/twnos h)nagka/sqh me/nein, to\ de\ loipo\n para\ toi=s qeoi=s. The third part of the year is of course the winter season, when the corn is below the earth. The editors note the old division of the year into three seasons. According to another account (Ovid iv. 614, v. 567, Hygin. 146) the year is divided into two equal periods of six months each. See Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 763 n. 3, where it is remarked that Apollo was thought to spend six months in Delos and Lycia respectively, according to Delian tradition, whereas the Delphians believed him to be present among them for nine months.

o(*ppo/te . . qa/llei: the pres. indic. with o(ppo/te (“as soon as”) is rare; but cf. Od. 18.408 katakei/ete oi)/kad' i)/ontes,

Here the construction is clearly broken, and a lacuna of a line is necessary.

e)re/w: disyll. in Hes. 202; but without synizesis below 416.

e)lqei=n after h)=lqe (407) has been suspected; but the repetition is not offensive. The infin. depends on h)=lqen a)/ggelos, which implies a command. Bücheler compares Il. 11.715 a)/ggelos h)=lqe . . qwrh/ssesqai and Il. 24.194.

The repetition of au)ta/r in one line is hardly possible; probably in the first place it has expelled another particle, which now can hardly be recovered. So Il. 18.203 au)ta\r *)axilleu\s w)=rto dii/filos a)mfi\ d' *)aqh/nh, where several MSS. have au)ta\r a)qh/nh. Ruhnken's ei)=qar and Ilgen's au)ti/k) are equally near to au)ta/r: the sense might be better given by h)/toi.

a)/kousan . . bi/|h . . *prosh*na/gkasse. In 372 (e)/dwke fagei=n) nothing is said of the compulsion on which Persephone here insists. Plainly Hades did not use actual force or compulsion of any kind, especially as Hermes was present. Persephone only means that she had no wish to eat, and could not refuse the food. Nor would it be unnatural for her to overstate the case, from a desire to avoid blame for her thoughtlessness. There is no reason with Mitscherlich and Bücheler to suspect the line as a late interpolation. For the pleonasm cf. the Homeric bi/h| a)e/kontos *a 430 etc.

The list of the Oceanids is borrowed, in the main, from 349 f., from which passage, together with the quotation of Paus.iv. 30. 4, the names in the text are restored. The writer has taken 16 out of the 41 names in Hesiod, adding Leucippe, Phaeno, Melite, Iache, and Rhodope. Of these, Melite appears as a Nereid in 246 and in the interpolated passage Il. 18.42. For the meaning of the names see Goettling-Flach on , PrellerRobert i.^{2} p. 552.

The verse has been needlessly suspected. In 5 only the Oceanids are mentioned; but this is quite natural, as they form the greater part of Persephone's companions. Nor is it an objection that Pallas and Artemis end the list; in fact they may well be considered to occupy the place of honour. Not to quote modern analogies, it may be pointed out that the list of nymphs in 349-361 is closed with the name of Styx h(\ dh/ sfewn proferesta/th e)sti\n a(pase/wn. Pallas and Artemis are present according to most versions: cf. Eur. 1315, Diod.v. 3, Paus.viii. 31. 2, ii. 150, Claud. i. 228, ii. 205 f. (where they try to defend Proserpine). Ovid does not mention either the Oceanids or other companions by name. For the epithet of Pallas cf. *palla/di t' e)grema/xh| in ap. Hendess 79. 6.

For kai/ making position see on 13.

w(/s *per kro/kon: this is difficult, but no doubt genuine; the emendations are all wild. The meaning might be “as (abundantly as) the crocus.” This, however, would be very prosaic; nor is there reason to suppose, with Ilgen, that the crocus was so much more abundant than the narcissus as to serve for a literary comparison. On the contrary, Aristotle ( 111) instances the local profusion of crocus on the promontory of Pelorias in Sicily as exceptional. Probably, therefore, the reference is to the colour of the miraculous flower, the hymn-writer having in mind the yellow Narcissus (see on 12). Sibthorp ( vol. iv. s.v.) quotes Dioscor. 4. 161 (158), where the is said to have koi=lon krokoeide/s. For the comparison cf. 178 krokhi+/w| a)/nqei o(moi=ai, of yellow hair. A similar expression in Theocr. v. 131 pollo\s de\ kai\ w(s r(o/da ki/sqos e)panqei= also refers to colour. The “yellow” is thus distinguished from the , which Dioscorides also mentions.

au)ta/r, to which Ilgen and Gemoll object, is used in a continuative, not an adversative sense. *peri\ xa/rmati, “for joy,” a use of peri/, lit. “compassed by” not found in Homer but fairly common in later poetry. See L. and S. , and add to the exx. there quoted Apoll. 3.866 o)du/nh| pe/ri.

a(/rmasi xrusei/oisi: the short vowel before xr is rare, according to La Roche, i. p. 41, who allows as a certain instance in Homer only Il. 23.186 r(odo/enti de\ xri=en. But the shortening is probable in several other passages, e.g. Il. 24.795 , q 353. See Agar in April 1901. In the Hymns cf. 293, 439, 332, viii. 1, lv. 18.

Cf. Od. 7.297 tau=ta/ toi a)xnu/meno/s per a)lhqei/hn kate/leca, and Od. 3.254.

The first hemistich = Il. 1.601, the second Il. 22.263, 391. The repetition of qumo/s in three lines is ugly; Bücheler suspects a cento.

*ghqosu/nas: Ruhnken's emendation is supported by Od. 20.8 a)llh/lh|si ge/lw te kai\ eu)frosu/nhn pare/xousai. So 312 do\s de\ di/khn kai\ de/co. The plur. of ghqosu/nh is found in Apollonius.

438-440. The genuineness of this passage (suspected by Mitscherlich and others) is proved by the citation in Philodemus; see crit. n.

ko/rh*n: elsewhere the writer uses the Homeric form; the form ko/rh is the Attic official title of Persephone (in decrees). The form is also Aeolic; ko/rai Sapph. 62. 2.

Hecate was closely associated with Demeter and Persephone. According to one tradition, she was the daughter of Demeter ( Eur. 1048, Schol. Apoll. 3.467, schol. Theocr. ii. 12). In art she often appears in scenes relating to the mission of Triptolemus, and, as h(gemo/nh, in the ka/qodos or a)/nodos of Persephone; see Roscher 1900 f., Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 761 n. 1, and 763. Farnell ( ii. p. 511 f.) thinks that the connexion is due, in part at least, to her chthonian character. This is very probable; it is to be noted, however, that the moon is widely thought to influence vegetation (see Frazer ii. p. 154 f.), and this belief may possibly have contributed to the association of Heeate, as a moon-goddess, with Demeter or Persephone.

met): the prep. can hardly go with h(=ke, as meqie/nai is nowhere used for “send to fetch.” Hermann read me/t) “among them”; Gemoll objects to this anastrophe of meta/ as not found in Homer with the dat. (Hoffmann i. 18). It might, however, be permissible in the hymn. This passage must be considered in connexion with Il. 15.144 qeoi=si met' a)/ggelos a)qana/toisi and Il. 23.199 met' a)/ggelos h)=lq' a)ne/moisin, where Aristarchus read meta/ggelos, Modern scholars are not agreed about the existence of meta/ggelos, but in Il. 23.199, at least, it seems required. Probably therefore we should read meta/ggelon here. Voss emended ta\s de\ me/t), “to fetch them.”

*dhm/htera: M has h)\n mhte/ra, a reading which is just possible, as Rhea was the mother of both Zeus and Demeter ( 453 f.); an object au)ta/s could be supplied from tai=s, and the subject of e(/loito is clear from the general sense. But *dhmh/tera greatly simplifies the construction, and kuano/peplos is a standing epithet of Demeter in this hymn; cf. on 319. The mistake of M is natural, after *(rei/hn, and it is noticeable that in the title of xiii. (to Demeter) M has ei)s mht . . ra qew=n (corrected to ei)s dh/mhtran). The scribe may also have had a reminiscence of 360 mhte/ra kuano/peplon (of Demeter).

*neu=se ktl.: the construction, if correct, is highly elliptical; fully expressed the sentence would run neu=se . . kou/rhn <i)e/nai> u(po\ zo/fon, <me/nein> de\ para\ mhtri/. Hermann and Bücheler suppose a lacuna after 446.

w(\s e)/fat): see on 316. a)*ggelia/wn: Homer uses the dat. after a)piqei=n (cf. 358), but the gen. is defensible, as ou)k a)pi/qhse = e)pe/kluen (cf. Od. 5.150 *zhno\s e)pe/kluen a)ggelia/wn).

*(ra/rion: according to Herodian p.m.l. 35, Bekker 693. 11*ra/ros (and therefore its derivatives) should be written with , *)raros, but the authority is perhaps insufficient. For the Rharian plain cf. Paus.i. 38. 6to\ de\ pedi/on to\ *(ra/rion sparh=nai prw=ton le/gousi kai\ prw=ton au)ch=sai karpou/s, kai\ dia\ tou=to ou)lai=s e)c au)tou= xrh=sqai/ sfisi kai\ poiei=sqai pe/mmata e)s ta\s qusi/as kaqe/sthken. “The plain Rharium seems to have been in the immediate vicinity of Eleusis, but on which side it would be difficult to determine” (Leake ii. p. 159); Lenormant places it on the north side ( 38. 134). For the word see 42; 25, and an inscr. in *)ef. *)arx. 1883 p. 119 f., which give the usual termination of the name as Raria or Rharia. Byz. Steph. also recognizes Rharion: *(ra/rion: pedi/on e)n *)eleusi=ni, kai\ r(ari/a gh=. Herod. l.c. quotes *)rari/dos *dhou=s.

fere/sbion: first in 693. Apollodorus in schol. Genev. on Il. 21.319 gives the word as par' *(omh/rw|. See Preface p. l. On the word cf. Solmsen p. 20 f. ou)=qar a)rou/rhs = Il. 9.141; cf. also xxx. 9.

e(/khlon: not (as Baumeister translates), but “idle”; the “work” of the field being to produce crops. Cf. Apoll. 4.1247 eu)kh/lw| de\ katei/xeto pa/nta galh/nh|.

Two seasons are described: spring, when the ears are green; and harvest-time, when the rich furrows are laden with the ripe ears, cut and lying on the ground, while other ears (ta\ d)) have already been bound into sheaves (Franke). Gemoll quotes 288 f. oi(/ ge me\n h)/mwn ai)xmh=|s o)cei/h|si korwnio/enta pe/thla briqo/mena staxu/wn, w(sei\ *dhmh/teros a)kth/n oi(\ d' a)/r' e)n e)lledanoi=si de/on. But the original is rather Il. 18.552 f. dra/gmata d' a)/lla met' o)/gmon e)ph/trima pi=pton e)/raze, a)/lla d' a)mallodeth=res e)n e)lledanoi=si de/onto. In the latter passage, as in the hymn, there are two distinct scenes in the harvesting: (1) reaping, (2) binding; but in the hymn the completion of each operation is described, whereas in the the operations are still in progress (compare brise/men, which implies corn already cut, with the imperf. pi=pton, and dede/sqai with de/onto).

*)=hros: the form is found in Alcaeus 45 and other lyric poets.

On e)lledanoi=si cf. Solmsen p. 244.

supplement k' e)qe/lh|sqa was probably formed from k' e)qe/loito 328, which is anomalous. e)qe/lh|sqa, however, is a correct form (Od. 3.92 etc.) and may stand; it is as good as e(/loio, which Ilgen reads from 444.

For the gifts of husbandry and religion imparted by Demeter to Attica cf. Isocr. iv. 28.

e)/bris): here with dative, in 456 with gen. The two constructions, as also the act. and pass. forms of the verb, appear to be about equally common.

drhsmosu/n*hn is a(/pac leg. in this sense, and possibly drhstosu/nhn (Od. 15.321) is the correct form. But Hesych. and the recognize drhsmosu/nh, explaining by qerapei/a, u(phresi/a. The reading of M xrhsmosu/nh might be defended, as the meaning “arrangement” seems possible; see L. and S. s.v., and cf. xrhsth/rion in the sense of “victim.” Pausanias' variant *pa=si is to be preferred to kala/. pa=si naturally leads to another enumeration of names, and excuses the repetition in 476, to which many commentators object. If the text of M is correct, the addition of semna/ to kala/ would be very awkward. There is perhaps an echo in an inscr. *)ef. *)arx. iii. 81 o)/rgia pa=sin e)/faine brotoi=s (of a priest).

The reason for strict secrecy in the Eleusinia has been variously explained: in many cases secret rites belong to a conquered people, who wish to preserve their religious practices from their conquerors; this explanation has been applied to the Eleusinia, which may have been “Pelasgian” (Gardner p. 383 f.). But the cause may rather be due to the nature of religion: as Ramsay (p. 125) remarks, “it was a condition of their good effect that they (the Mysteries) should not hereafter be lightly spoken of”; cf. Strabo 467 h( kru/yis h( mustikh\ tw=n i(erw=n semnopoiei= to\ qei=on. See further Jevons p. 360 f., who believes that the silence imposed on the initiated was not for concealment (there was little to conceal), but to prevent pollution.

*pareci/men: Agar ( 1896, p. 388) revives Ruhnken's parece/men, not in the sense of “neglect,” but “divulge.” pareci/men must mean “transgress,” “overstep,” and will stand if a)xe/ein means “give out.” See next note.

*puqe/sqai: cf. Paus.i. 38. 7toi=s ou) telesqei=sin, o(po/swn qe/as ei)/rgontai, dh=la dh/pou mhde\ puqe/sqai metei=nai/ sfisin.

a)xe/ein, “divulge.” The existence of this form was maintained by Buttmann (, Engl. tr. p. 178 f.) here, and in 18, where the MSS. give e)piproxe/ousa xe/ei. It is apparently defended by 93 h(\n a)/thn a)xe/wn, and Ion 39 u(/mnon a)xe/wn (MSS. a)xaiw=n), Moschion 187 a)xh/setai. Zenodotus read the same form instead of i)a/xwn *s 160, and apparently supposed it to be an equivalent in sense (although the schol. understands “grieving”). Of the conjectures, there is nothing to be said for xanei=n, and h)xe/ein would not become a)xe/ein. See generally Schulze 29. 247 sq., who however does not admit a)xe/ein here, while he reads a)xe/ei in

This is the earliest allusion to the happiness of the initiated after death; cf. Pind. 137 o)/lbios o(/stis i)dw\n kei=n' ei)=s' u(po\ xqo/n): oi)=de me\n bi/ou teleuta/n,

o)/pwpen: the word suggests the e)poptei/a, but no doubt refers more generally to all the sights seen by mu/stai and e)poptai/ alike (if the distinction between the two classes of initiated is as old as the hymn).

484 = Il. 23.142 (a)\y i)/men).

me/g) o)/lbios ktl.: cf. xxx. 7 (with 489 cf. xxx. 12, and with 494 cf. xxx. 18).

Plutus is son of Demeter and Iasion, 969 f. Cf. in Athen. xiv. 694 *plou/tou mhte/r' *)olumpi/an a)ei/dw

a)/fenos: neuter, as always in Homer (in Il. 23.299 there is a variant a)/fenon). Only here in the Hymns.

490-495 are considered a later addition by Hermann and others.

For confusions caused by a)/g) or a)/ge cf. Il. 7.299 , *s 314, 165.

The special cult of Demeter at Paros is attested by the title *dhmhtria/s applied to the whole island (Nicanor ap. Byz. Steph. s.v. *pa/ros); cf. Herod.vi. 134.The island was colonized from Crete, one of the oldest centres of the cult (see on 123). According to the schol. on 1764, Archilochus composed a hymn to Demeter at Paros. The cult is also known by an inscr. from Paros ( xvi. p. 6), dhmhtri qesmoforwi kai korhi kai dii euboulei kai baboi (= *bauboi=). Cf. also Boeckh 2557, and i. p. 135. 54. An ear of corn and the head of Demeter are common types on the coinage; Head p. 417. See further PaulyWissowa 2722 f.

*)/antrwna (*)antrw=nas in Demosth. x. 9, cf. Strabo 432 and Scylax 63 Müller): a Thessalian town, mentioned in the Catalogue Il. 2.697, opposite Oreus in Euboea, not elsewhere mentioned for the worship of Demeter. But in Il. 2.696 the neigh bouring Pyrasus is called *dh/mhtros te/menos (cf. Strabo 435), so that the cult no doubt prevailed along the Pagasaean gulf in very ancient times. There is thus no difficulty in the mention of these places by an early Attic or Eleusinian poet.

494, 495 = xxx. 18, 19. w)|d=hs: the contracted form first in 20. o)*pa/zein: this correction of o)/paze (cf. Il. 21.217 r(e/ze r(e/zein, Hes. 611a)po/drepe -en -ein) is slighter than to write pro/frwn d) for pro/frones (on the analogy of xxx. 18). For the infin. in liturgy see Adami p. 243 and Smyth p. 500, who compare Soph. 1144, and the song of the Elean women e)lqei=n, h(/rw *dio/nuse (Smyth p. 154). On the general Homeric use of the infin. for imper. see Hentze in xxvii. 1902, p. 106 f.

sei=o. The writer returns to Demeter, the subject of the hymn, although the previous lines include Persephone in the invocation.

mn/hsomai is probably aor. subj., like la/qwmai. For the subjunctive as an emphatic future in principal clauses see § 274 f. With the first person in affirmative sentences the subj. expresses a resolution on the part of the speaker; cf. Il. 9.121. It is possible that mnh/somai is fut. indic. There is a similar doubt in Il. 2.488, Od. 4.240 ou)k a)\n e)gw\ muqh/somai ou)d' o)nomh/nw, Od. 6.126 peirh/somai h)de\ i)/dwmai, Od. 12.383 du/somai ei)s *)ai+/dao kai\ e)n neku/essi faei/nw, Od. 13.215 a)riqmh/sw kai\ i)/dwmai. Cf. also on 366.

So the gods rise on the entrance of Zeus, Il. 1.533, and of Hera, Il. 15.84.

e)*pi\ sxedo/n, for which cf. Od. 22.205 e)p' a)gxi/molon . . h)=lqen, is rightly preferred by Peppmüller to e)pisxedo/n, which is only found in Apollonius.

For titai/nei Barnes and Gemoll read titai/nh|, perhaps rightly; cf. § 289. The words cannot be equivalent to tetame/na e)/xei, but must mean “when he bends his bow” (in the attitude of a shooter).

mi/mne: the imperf. is difficult to explain, as the aorists following it do not differ materially in time from the presents kaqi/zousin, xai/rei (12). The imperf. cannot therefore have the force of the pluperf., as Baumeister suggests. Gemoll's explanation (imperf. of “repetition”) must stand although Homeric analogies appear to be wanting (see, generally, § 78. 2). Cf. 29.

Bücheler reads o)/fra for *h(/ r(a, making Apollo the subject of e)xa/lasse and e)klh/i+se. The common reading is preferable.

to/con: the “bow” must include the quiver, which alone, to speak properly, is hung on the back of Apollo. *pro\s ki/ona *patro\s e(oi=o is briefly put for “the pillar against which stood his father's seat.” So Arete sits ki/oni keklime/nh, z 307, and Odysseus sits pro\s ki/ona makrh/n, y 90. In both cases the pillar is near the hearth, and appears to be the place for the master or mistress of the house. In Od. 8.65 f. the herald puts a seat for Demodocus against a pillar, on which he hangs the lyre of the minstrel.

*ne/ktar: cf. the scene of the gods drinking nectar in Il. 4.1 f.

Gemoll objects to the usual punctuation (adopted in the text), on the ground that the order should be e)/nqa d' e)/peita, and that in Il. 15.86 all the gods pledge Hera. He therefore punctuates at the end of the line, supplying a verb for dai/mones from deiknu/menos. But the point is that the gods remain standing until Apollo is seated; and this is best brought out by the punctuation of the text. e)/nqa is emphatic in this position: “then and not till then,”

13 = 126.

14-18. This invocation has been suspected by many commentators, who think that it is the beginning of a hymn to Leto (or a complete hymn). According to Ilgen it may have been interpolated owing to the similarity of xai/rei de/ te po/tnia *lhtw/ to xai=re ktl. But there is no good reason why Leto should not be honoured in a hymn addressed to her son, and the invocation is not unsuitable at this place.

ma/kair' w)= *lhtoi=: for the formulaic order cf. Eur. 565 ma/kar w)= *pieri/a, 1205 ma/kar w)= *streyi/ades, iii. 12 ma/kair' w)= *nu/c. The position of w)= is Homeric; e.g. Il. 4.159 , d 26, q 408, s 122, u 199, xxvi. 11. The order is not found in Attic prose. (In Plat. 271C Stallbaum reads qaumasi/a, w)= *kri/twn for qauma/si) w)= *kri/twn.) For later poetry cf. vi. 239. 1 a)grono/m' w)= *pa/n.

It is natural to mention both the children of Leto, although the hymn is addressed to one of them. Artemis is joined with Apollo in the invocation at 165, where see note.

16 = xxxv. 5. *)ortugi/|h: hardly the Syracusan Ortygia, as Fick ( p. 281) supposes, although that place was closely associated with Artemis; see Pind. i. 1 f., Pind. ii. 7.Delos itself was anciently called Ortygia (schol. Apoll. 1.419, Athen. ix. 392 D and in Alexandrian poetry e.g. Callim. 59, followed by Verg. iii. 124, Hesych. s.v. *)ortugi/a, Eust. 1558), but the islands are here expressly distinguished; cf. vi. 273 *)/artemi *da=lon e)/xousa kai\ *)ortugi/an e)ro/essan. We may here follow Strabo (x. 5. 5), who identifies Ortygia with Rheneia. The Ortygia of Od. 15.404 is unknown. For further references see Preller-Robert i. p. 297, Farnell ii. p. 433, Jebb on Soph. 214.Farnell (ib. p. 465) and von Schoeffer () favour strabo's identification.

Apollo was also supposed to have been born at other places where the localities possessed, or were given, a verbal resemblance to the Delian sites: at Ephesus ( Tac. iii. 61; see below 117); at Tegyra near Orchomenus, where a mountain was called Delos, and the birth was localised between the streams called Phoenix and Elaia ( 16, 412 B, v. 4).

The hymn evidently represents the birth as taking place on the mountain, at the early sanctuary known as the grotto (Lebègue p. 49, 54, 75, Jebb i. p. 47); in later times, beginning with Theognis, the scene of the birth was transferred to the plain below, and the li/mnh took the place of the Inopus (Lebègue p. 95 f.). The transference was no doubt due to the building of the first temple of Apollo in the plain. Cf. Appendix i.

*ku/nqion: on the derivation see Fick xxi. p. 271.

foi/nikos: see on 117.

e)*p' *)inwpoi=o r(ee/qrois: the preposition u(p) is just possible, in the loose sense of “near”; cf. Apoll. 2.794 u(f' ei(amenai=s *(upi/oio. There are, however, no certain examples of u(po/ with a river in Homer; in Il. 2.616 o(/sson e)f' *(urmi/nh is clearly right (u(f) a minority of MSS.); in Il. 21.87 all MSS. have u(po\ *satnioe/nti, which Strabo corrects to e)pi\ (xiii. 605); the vulgate probably arose from ignorance that Satnioeis was a river (Il. 6.34 , *c 445). u(po/ might indeed suit a mountain-torrent in the literal sense, “under” its waters, but this does not apply to the Inopus, whose position has been identified by an inscription ( vii. p. 329 f.). For the Inopus cf. Callim. 171, 203, 263, Lycophr. 576, Paus.ii. 5. 3.The name occurs in inscriptions; there was an official called i)nwpofu/lac or krhnofu/lac, xiv. p. 487; cf. vii. p. 330. *)inwpo/s is probably connected with i)na/w i)no/w and their cognates, one of the senses of which is “to flow” or “pour”; cf. Fick xxii. p. 62, Meister xxxii. p. 136 f. Johansson iv. p. 135. 6 thinks the latter part contains õp = water. The spelling oi)n- in some MSS. of Callim. l.c., vi. 273. 1, Lycophr. , and Suidas has no authority in inscriptions, and may have resulted from a false derivation (oi)=nos, oi)nwpo/s).

t' a)/r: cf. 207. So Il. 1.8 etc. The line is illustrated by Callim. 30 ou)d' o( xoro\s to\n *foi=bon e)f' e(\n mo/non h)=mar a)ei/sei, e)/sti ga\r eu)/umnos.

20-24 have been ejected by Baumeister and others as a gloss on eu)/umnon. Lines 22, 23 = 144, 145, where they are more suitable; but the repetition is of course no proof of different authorship. Verrall (p. 17) thinks that this passage (as well as 136-139) is interpolated by the “compiler,” to pave the way for the Pythian part, by a reference to the h)/peiros. But the passage does not disturb the context, and may very well have been composed by the Chian poet. He knew, though he did not lay stress on the fact, that Apollo was widely worshipped on the mainland; by a casual allusion to this continental worship he complimented Delos, which was preferred by Apollo to all other sanctuaries.

*nomo\s bebl/hatai w<*>|d=hs: the MSS. appear to give a case of the Ionic perf. plural taken for a singular. Smyth § 613. In Il. 16.243 Zenodotus read oi)=os e)piste/atai against which Aristarchus protested (a)gnoei= o(/ti ta\ toiau=ta r(h/mata plhquntika/ e)sti). In Od. 3.438 several MSS. have qea\ kexaroi/at' i)dou=sa, in Il. 11.660 one reads beblh/atai me\n o( tudei/dhs. Aratus 817 (Maass) has kai\ ma=llon melaneu=sa kai\ ei) r(hgnu/ato ma=llon; conversely in the plural kexei/mantai fre/nes Pind. ix. 56, ke/krantai sumforai/ Eur. 1255. Eur. Itis therefore possible that the text may be correct, although all editors since Wolf and Barnes have accepted no/moi or nomoi/. There is a doubt as to which of these two words should be adopted; Smyth ( p. lviii) reads no/mos, in the sense of ‘strain,’ ‘tune,’ a meaning which first occurs in Alcman xxv o)rnixw=n no/mws. The specific meaning ‘nome’ may have been developed from this more general use. On the whole, however, nomo/s “range” is perhaps preferable, on the authority of Il. 20.249, Hes. 401e)pe/wn nomo/s (note the singular). For ba/llesqai (mid.) = lay (as a foundation) cf. Pind. vii. 4, Pind. i. 8.None of the emendations of beblh/atai are convincing. w)d*=|hs may be kept; cf. 494 with 495.

*)/hpeiron probably includes the mainland of Greece and Asia Minor, as places situate in both are mentioned in the geographical list 30 f. *portitro/fon: “cattle-feeding.” This rare word is now found in Bacchyl.xi. 30, of Metapontum. The fact that it is there the specific epithet of a place (like ai)gi/botos and bou/botos of Ithaca, Od. 13.246) is no objection to its generic use here. pantopro/fon, if not an intentional conjecture, may be a corruption; cf. po/rdalis, pa/rdalis, po/rtios, pa/rtios; xv. p. 261.

Cf. Il. 8.557 , *p 299 e)k d' e)/fanen pa=sai skopiai\ kai\ prw/ones a)/kroi. So Il. 12.282 u(yhlw=n o)re/wn korufa\s kai\ prw/onas a)/krous.

*potamoi/ q' a(/lade *prore/ontes: an Homeric formula; cf. Il. 5.598 , k 351.

Cf. Od. 13.234 h)e/ tis a)kth\

The line has been ejected by Lenz and others, as a repetition of 17, which, however, is not offensive. The duplication of e)ni/ and e)n (27) presents no difficulty; cf. Il. 2.721-2, and see n. on 438. *ku/nqou: the MSS. give ku/nqos o)/ros, and Byz. Steph. explicitly says ku/nqos: kai\ qhlukw=s kai\ ou)dete/rws. But in 141 *ku/nqou paipalo/entos must be masculine, and it is difficult to suppose that any writer, however negligent, could use it with two genders. The case of w)|dh=s and a)oidh=s in 494 and 495, already quoted, is not so hard. Moreover, the Homeric idiom requires the gen. with o)/ros (cf. 34, 35, 40 etc.) In Od. 9.21 , n 351 o)/ros can be taken as in apposition to *nh/riton (*nhri/tou has been suggested), as in i. 8 *nu/sh, u)/paton o)/ros.

*d/hlw| e)*n a)mfiru/t|h = in , 1879, p. 45; so Od. 1.50 , 198, m 283 nh/sw| e)n a)mfiru/th|, l 325 (*di/h|).

ligup*noi/ois: a(/pac leg., but cf. Od. 4.567 *zefu/roio ligu\ pnei/ontos. On the lengthening -oi/ois see Solmsen p. 114.

29-30. The lacuna which Hermann wished before 30 does not seem necessary, if we put a full stop at a)na/sseis. The sense is no doubt abrupt, but not more so than the general style of the hymns, and the connexion at the of the narra tive (to/sson e)/p' . . . i(/keto, 45) is certain. The asyndeton is closely paralleled by Il. 24.544 o(/sson *le/sbos a)/nw, *ma/karos e(/dos, e)nto\s e)e/rgei ktl., a passage evidently in the writer's mind; cf. e)nto\s e)/xei 30, and *ma/karos e(/dos 37.

30-44. Many, though by no means all, of the places mentioned in this geographical list were famous for the worship of Apollo. It has been thought that they were named for this reason; the poet perhaps meant to recount a number of cities and islands which afterwards received Apollo, although each feared to become his birthplace. But, if this view is correct, it is remarkable that Rhodes, one of the chief seats of Apollo-worship, is not mentioned, although the neighbouring island of Carpathos, which was far less important, occurs in the catalogue. The list, taken as a whole, is purely geographical, and is compiled to show the extent of Leto's wanderings round the coasts and islands of the Aegean. The places are enumerated in a more or less orderly sequence; Leto starts from Crete, moves northwards by Aegina, Athens, and Euboea to Athos and Samothrace; she then returns southward, visiting Ida and taking on her way the chief islands of the Aegean and places in Asia Minor, until she reaches the most southerly group of islands; from Carpathos she moves in to Delos by way of Naxos, Paros, and Rheneia.

There was a connecting link between Crete and Athens in a myth of Theseus, according to which the hero, after leaving Crete on his homeward voyage, instituted a festival in honour of Apollo at Delos. Cf. Paus.viii. 48. 3, Plut. 21.The Cretans were among those who danced round the altar of the Delian Apollo, Verg. iv. 146.The poet may of course have known the legend; but the connexion between the two places seems to be geographical rather than mythological. According to the Athenian version, Leto passed direct from Attica to Delos (Hyperid. 70).

Schneidewin and Baumeister read *ai)gi/nhs i.e. the nymph Aegina, as the name of the island would be in the nominative. But it is simpler to correct the Attic *ai)/gina to *ai)gi/nh. The rhythm of the line, which (as written in the MSS.) is entirely spondaic, is very rare. Indeed, the original existence of any such sti/xoi dwdekasu/llaboi may be doubted; the exx. usually quoted (Il. 11.130 , *y 221, o 334, f 15) admit at least one dactyl, if open syllables are restored. La Roche ( xx. p. 68) leaves Od. 22.175 = 192 seirh\n de\ plekth\n e)c au)tou= peirh/nante, where however au)to/o may have been original. Here nausiklei+th/ t' *)eu+/boia would give two dactyls.

*ai)*gai/: of several places so called, the most famous was the Achaean Aegae on the Corinthian gulf, but this is here out of the question. Hesychius (s.v.) mentions an island pro\s th=| *eu)boi/a| i(ero\n *poseidw=nos, which suits the present passage. Cf. Eust.708.

*ei)resi/ai: the editors have accepted Ruhnken's *peiresi/ai for t' ei)resi/ai. Peiresiae was in Magnesia, and would be geographically suitable; cf. Apoll. i. 37, 584. But Pliny iv. 23 mentions an island, Irrhesia, on the Thermaic gulf, and there was a city, Iresiae, in N. Greece (Livy xxxii. 13, where Leake iv. 493 proposes to read Piresiae). An island in the Thermaic gulf might well be mentioned together with Peparethos and Athos; metrical difficulties would prevent an absolutely accurate order in the recital of Leto's travel. See on 35.

a)*gxia/lh, “near the sea,” more properly of a city; Il. 2.640. But cf. Soph. 135*salami=nos a)gxia/lou. On the fem. termination see xv. p. 261. It is impossible to decide between a)gxia/lh and a)gxi/alos; cf. Il. 2.697 a)gxi/alo/n t' *)/antrwna (a)gxia/lhn Zenodotus). Similar variants of fem, terminations in the hymns are 181, 251, 124, 209, 272, 412, 39, 50. See Lobeck p. 474 f., KühnerBlass § 147. Among later poets, Pindar rather affects the fem. termination of compound adjectives (see Bury on iii. 2); Bacchylides v. 25 has a)kama/tas.

*sku=ros: the proper order is again broken; coming southward from Samothrace Leto would naturally visit Imbros and Lemnos, before reaching Scyros.

*fw/kaia: a city in N. Ionia; its situation is described by Livy xxxvii. 31, Strabo 582.

*au)toka/n*hs: the value of the manuscript tradition is here well demonstrated; the existence of Autocane was doubted, and various emendations were proposed; but a town of this name, in Aeolis, is now known from its coinage (*au*to*ka*na. The head of Apollo sometimes occurs, pointing to an Apollo-cult). See Head p. 478 (a reference we owe in the first instance to Mr. G. F. Hill). *ka/nh or *ka/nai is known from Strabo 615 as a mountain-range opposite the S. point of Lesbos. See PaulyWissowa 2597. The prefix au)to- seems to denote “centre of” (so Fick xxii. p. 257), with which may be compared Autoba, Autolala, Automula (although some or all of these may not be genuine Greek names).

eu)ktime/n*h: a quadrisyllable, cf. eu)/skopos 262; on the other hand e)u+ktime/nhs 102, in accordance with Homeric usage. Hence Hermann omits t).

a)mixealo/essa: only here and in Il. 24.753, in the same phrase. The derivation is obscure; see Leaf and Ebeling. The most probable meaning is “smoky” (cf. o)-mi/x-lh) with reference to the volcano Mosychlos. Antimachus read mixqalo/essan in the Homeric passage; this would get rid of the dactylic caesura (see on 17), but would introduce a spondaic fourth foot by position (see on 269). L. Meyer ( i.) thinks that mixqalo/eis may be the older form.

See above on 29 f.; cf. Paus.x. 38. 2*ma/karos tou= *ai)o/lou. For the legends connected with this mythical king see Leaf on Il. 24.544, Roscher s.v.

The epithet liparo/s (= fruitful) is not applied to lands by Homer.

ei)*n a(li\ kei=tai: cf. Od. 9.25, Callim. 3. The complimentary reference to his own island is natural for the Chian poet.

*mi/mas: opposite Chios, in the peninsula of Erythrae; cf. Od. 3.172. In Callim. 157 Iris watches on Mimas to prevent the islands from receiving Leto. *kwru/kou: a neighbouring mountain, S. of Mimas.

*kla/ros (not in Homer): cf. ix. 5; famous for the temple and oracle of Apollo, but probably mentioned only as being a land-mark. On the site see Frazer on Paus.vii. 3. 1.ai)*gl/hessa: the adjective is only found as an epithet of Olympus in Homer. It is applied to horses in xxxii. 9, and here seems to refer to the brightness of an elevated city.

Nicander ( 958) has *kla/rou nifo/essa poli/xnh, where the adj. means “bright,” as in 291 Ther., 881, 252.

*ai)sage/hs: mentioned in Nicand. 218, where the scholia note a variant *ai)gage/h. Its position can only be inferred from this passage. A place *ai)gane/h is mentioned in vii. 390, but this was apparently in Macedonia.

Samos is called u(drhl/h from the abundance of its streams. Callim. 48 nh/soio dia/broxon u(/dati masto\n *parqeni/hs (ou)/pw ga\r e)/hn *sa/mos). Pliny v. 37 names several rivers and fountains on the island. *muka/lhs . . . ka/rh*na = Il. 2.869 (following Miletus 868).

*mero/pwn a)*nqrw/pwn: the Meropes were the ancient inhabitants of Cos (not Miletus, hence po/leis () is a mistake; the same variant occurs in Il. 20.60). They are mentioned by Pind. iv. 26, Pind. v. 31, Herondas ii. 95, Hesych. s.v., Eusth. 97. 40. The Homeric formula mero/pwn a)nqrw/pwn no doubt suggested the addition of a)nqrw/pwn here; the usage is not Homeric, but is found 398, 424 *pulhgene/as a)nqrw/pous. So Apoll. 2.677 *(uperbore/wn a)nqrw/pwn. In Homer the idiom only occurs with a)nh/r; cf. Il. 1.594 *si/nties a)/ndres, z 3 *faih/kwn a)ndrw=n, but a)/nqrwpos o(di/ths, p 263.

Neither Cnidos nor Carpathos occurs in Homer. The Cnidians worshipped the Triopian Apollo, as well as Aphrodite (Head 523), and *kni/dios is found once (in an inscription, as a title of the god). See Pauly-Wissowa 57. There was a temple of Apollo in Carpathos, but the island was not specially celebrated for his cult. From this island, the most southerly point of her wanderings, Leto returns towards Delos.

*na/cos: in spite of the fame of the Naxian Apollo, the island is doubtless only mentioned as a landmark between Carpathos and Delos (Gemoll). *(r/hnaia/: the form is found in Theocr. xvii. 70, and in Suid. s.v., who also gives *(rhni/a, and Byz. Steph. attests *(rhnai/a (parox.); but the usual and probably correct form is *(rh/neia, which Lobeck 302 would restore. Attic inscriptions support *(rh/neia ( i. 283, ii.^{2} 814), but cf. *(rhnaieu/s ib. 813. Byz. Steph. also mentions the forms *(rh/nh, *(rhni/s. Paros and Rheneia are not in Homer.

The variants were produced by the synizesis in gaie/wn. oi(, the conjecture of H, is usually read, and is necessary with i)/keto. Fick reads soi with i(/keo 45, but *lhtw/ nominative (cf. *lhtoi= 62) is against this.

qe/loi: the optative is necessary. As e)qe/lw is the Homeric form, Franke and Gemoll write ui(ei= e)qe/loi, but the synizesis is very harsh, although it would have commended itself to Aristarchus, who wrote *phlei/dh)/qel) (= *phlei/dh, e)/qel)) in Il. 1.277. However, in that passage and in Od. 15.317 qe/lw seems to be established, and should be retained here, as in 274, 38, and possibly 160.

e)b/hsato: the MSS. vary between this form and e)bh/seto, as in Il. 3.262, where Aristarchus preferred the forms in -e-, but did not make the change in his text. See Leaf , and § 41.

ei) *ga/r k' e)qe/lois: the apodosis is not expressed. For ei)/ ken with opt. see § 313. ei) ga/r k' e)qe/lois cannot be a wish, as this would require ei) ga\r e)qe/lois, § 312. Matthiae suggested h)= ga/r k) or h)= a)/r k) a direct question, comparing Od. 18.357 cei=n), h)= a)/r k' e)qe/lois.

a)/llos: this gives excellent sense, though a)/llws has some manuscript support, and has found favour.

Agar's l/hsei, suggested by the reading of S ( x. p. 388), has settled this line. ou)de/ se lh/sei is a common threat “thou shalt know it,” cf. Il. 23.326 , *w 563, l 126, and the same Od. 11.102. It is curious that the corruption should so long have imposed upon the commentators.

se e)/sesqai: Spitzner compares Il. 19.288 , z 151 for the hiatus after se. Hence Hermann's se/ g) is needless though Eberhard ii. p. 11, 12 prefers it.

pollh/n, though an interesting addition to the textual material, is evidently the weaker reading. The accentuation oi)sei=s is due to scribes who had been copying Theocritus. ou)/t) a)\r futa/ ktl.: Delos is quite treeless at the present day.

The history of the gradual reconstruction of this line is instructive. The key was given by the members of the family, and the problem was therefore beyond the older editors. Stoll in 1849 would have completed the solution, had he not neglected the indication m dhron, which it was left to Cobet to add (dhmou= indeed had suggested itself to Baumeister, but, with a perverse sequel, a)nai+/cei first apparently to Schneidewin). Hollander p. 13 ingeniously explained peri/ tas as a note by a scribe giving the size of the lacuna in his archetype, xv. 165. One syllable only (-hs-) in boskh/seis has to be added, and this is a slighter step than Priem's bo/skois de/ ken, which involves neglect of qeoi/. Moreover, the future tense is indicated by a)ginh/sousi and a)nai+/cei. We miss the evidence of M, but this, to judge from 152 (another case of this curious syllabic corruption, a sure sign of long neglect), would not have been better. The sense “you shall feed those who own you by alien hands” is supported by the case of Delphi, equally barren (536, 537).

*pi=ar u(*p' ou)=das: cf. Od. 9.135 e)pei\ ma/la pi=ar u(p' ou)=das. Buttmann is probably right in considering pi=ar a substantive here, as it almost certainly is in Il. 11.550 , *r 659 bow=n e)k pi=ar e(le/sqai. “There is no rich soil beneath the surface.” For u(po/ with the acc. in this sense cf. Il. 3.371 , *t 259, b 181 etc. Some take pi=ar as an adjective, in which case u(po/ (u(/p)) would be for u(/pesti. In support of this Solon xxxvi. 21 is quoted pi=ar e)ce/lh| ga/la, where, however, pi=ar may still be a subst., “take the rich part out of the milk,” e)ce/lh| being used with a double acc.

*koi/oio: cf. 404, and *koiogenh/s Pind. 88. 2, *koioge/neia Apoll. ii. 710, *koihi+/s Callim. 150, *koi/ou ko/ras paean of Aristonous (Smyth p. 527). *kro/noio is a case of the substitution of a more familiar name, aided perhaps by Il. 8.383 mega/loio *kro/noio. If we could assume an original mega/loio *koi^/oio (or *ko/oio), the mistake of the MSS. would be easier to account for.

*gon\hn . . decai/mh*n: Matthiae compares 10 h(/ ge gh= pa=sa ou)k a)\n du/naito u(pode/casqai ta\s au)th=s gona/s (Leto).

dushx/hs: this passage seems to shew that the word is connected with h)xe/w and not with a)/xos (as Döderlein supposes); the sense required is “of evil repute.” In Homer the word is only applied to po/lemos and qa/natos.

For the use of tis with an adjective cf. Il. 3.220 , *e 638, *h 156, *k 41, *x 281.

*prutaneu/semen: the verb and its cognates are not in Homer. pru/tanis, in the sense of “chief,” is not uncommon from the time of Pindar and Aeschylus.

i)/dh|s () is of course wrong, and a)timh/sw, a)timh/sh| are evidently corrections which further require a conjunction in 73. Such an insertion, whether after katastre/yas (Franke), or after w)/sh| (Giphanius) is not a legitimate critical proceeding. The two participles, though ungraceful, seem original, and are defended by Matthiae. There is a similar, though easier, example in Il. 12.113 f. nh/pios ou)d' a)/r' e)/melle, kaka\s u(po\ kh=ras a)lu/cas,

The construction is not uncommon in later Greek: cf. 937 f. with Teuffel's note, Eur. 656 f., 643 f.

krana/hpedos: only here; cf. kranaa/, of Delos, Pind. i. 3, as in this hymn 16Pind. Isthm., 26; 1357.

katastre/yas: the exact meaning is not clear; the verb hardly admits the translation of L. and S. “trampling on it.” The sense is rather “overturning” or “upsetting” Delos, and so sinking it. There is, however, nothing in the word which need imply a floating island, as Gemoll supposes. In Pind. 87, 88 Christ (cf. Callim. 34 f., Strabo 485) the island is said to have floated until the advent of Leto. Gemoll thinks that Pindar had this passage in mind, and quite needlessly emphasises this doubtful supposition to prove that the hymn is older than Pindar. Better proofs can, of course, be given. In a different connexion Apoll. 2.679 f. says of an island visited by Apollo h( d' u(po\ possi\n

a(lo\s e)*n *pela/gessin = Od. 5.335.

Compare Od. 5.432 poulu/podos qala/mhs e)celkome/noio.

oi)ki/a *poi/hsontai: cf. Il. 12.168 . a)khde/a is probably passive, “unheeded,” and so “safe.” But it has also been taken as active, “careless,” in which case the epithet would be transferred to the oi)ki/a from the fw=kai, to which it would more properly refer. Cf. Il. 21.123 ai(=m' a)polixmh/sontai a)khde/es.—The reading of the Paris family e(/kasta/ te fu=la nepou/dwn is recognised to be a late piece of patchwork, suggested by Od. 4.404 fw=kai ne/podes kalh=s a(losu/dnhs. The form nepou/dwn (= nepo/dwn) is quite barbarous, and the sense of “fish” or “sea-monsters” was not attached to the word before Alexandrine times. The variant was probably due to a “corrector,” who could make nothing of a)khde/a a)/xh tei+la/wn, or some similar corruption.

Cf. Od. 5.178 , k 343.

xrhst/hrion: not in Homer (Hes. 39. 6, 48). For the oracle at Delos see (besides reff. in Gemoll) Lebègue 1876, F. W. H. Myers p. 29 f., Dyer p. 370. References in Pauly-Wissowa, art. , and s.v. *ku/nqios 57. Verrall (p. 18 f.) minimises the importance of the oracle, and rejects 80-82, with 132, as the work of a “compiler.” The passages, however, are genuine; the Delian oracle must have had some power, at least for the islanders, although its fame was obscured by Delphi. At all events, it is hard to follow Bouché-Leclercq ( iii. p. 13 f.) who argues that there never was an actual oracle at Delos, and that xrhsth/rion refers loosely to unattached diviners, who drew their inspiration from the goddess Brizo, or Glaucus.

Hermann is almost certainly right in marking a lacuna after this line. The sense is: “let him first make a temple here, and then <he may build temples> among all men, for he is destined to be famous.” But this meaning cannot be extracted from the passage as it stands.

*poluw/numos: see on 18. e)/stai: the future is necessary to the sense, and the corruption in is easy; see xv. p. 272.

qew=n me/gan o(/rkon = Il. 2.377, followed by au)ta\r e)pei/ r() o)/mosen ktl., as in 89.

84-86. Cf. Il. 15.36-38 = Od. 5.184-186 where see note in M. and R. on the oath of the gods. For the author's familiarity with e, see 79 (Gemoll).

o(/rkos is here not the oath (as in 83) but the object sworn by; so in Il. 2.755, 400, 784 and often.

quw/dhs bwmo/s: cf. 59, ap. Hendess 19. 1 bwmou/s te quw/deis.

*go/nw|: this should mean “offspring,” not “birth”; Aesch. 171(144) has been quoted for gonw=| = gonh=|, but the passage is doubtful. (See Tucker ) Franke's gonh=| is supported by gonh/n 63.

e)*nn=hmar: a vague conventional number; see on 47.

e)/ndoqi, “in the island.” Cf. Callim. 222 *lhtw/ toi mi/trhn a)nalu/etai e)/ndoqi nh/sou, an expression which Baumeister thinks may have been borrowed from the present passage. So Hes. 93 e)/ndoqi nh/sou.

o(/ssai a)/ristai e)/san = Il. 17.377 (masc.). Wolf's e)/asi has been generally accepted, as the first syllable of *diw/nh is short in Homer and Hesiod (Il. 5.370, 17, 353); cf. also Theocr. xv. 106 *ku/pri *diwnai/a. e)/san may be due to e)/san in 92; Gemoll, however, retains it, comparing Diana in Latin. Schulze p. 156 n. In Il. 17.429 the MSS. vary between *au)tome/dwn *diw/reos and ge *diw/reos a)/lkimos ui(o/s.

The choice of the goddesses who are here named is rather remarkable; they probably represent older, Titanic deities. Rhea and Themis are mentioned together as Titans by Hesiod ( 135) and Apollodorus (i. 3), who adds Dione. Baumeister notes that, while these goddesses are very rarely found in Homer, they frequently occur in the Orphic poems; he therefore suggests that their names may have been interpolated by a follower of that school. But the influence may well have been Hesiodean rather than Orphic.

*)ixnai/h te *qe/mis: from Ichnae, a town in Thessaly famous for the cult of Themis; Strabo 435 *)/ixnai, o(/pou h( *qe/mis *)ixnai/a tima=tai, Hesych. s.v. *)ixnai/hn, Lycophr. 129. Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 477. For such titles cf. Il. 4.8 *(/hrh t' *)argei/h kai\ *)alalkomenhi+\s *)aqh/nh.

a)*ga/stonos *)amfitri/th = Od. 12.97. Amphitrite was present at the birth of Athena (relief of Gitiadas, Paus.iii. 17. 3) and of Aphrodite (base of statue of Olympian Zeus by Pheidias, Paus.v. 11. 8); for extant monuments see Pauly - Wissowa 1966.

This line, omitted in M and two members of , fell out from with 98. The fact has no bearing upon its age or genuineness. For exx. of the line of a pair being omitted cf. below 344, 345, 215, 216.

97-99 are apparently adapted from Il. 13.521 -524 ou)d' a)/ra pw/ ti pe/pusto . . a)ll' o(/ g' a)/r' a)/krw| *)olu/mpw| u(po\ xruse/oisi ne/fessin

mogosto/kos *ei)lei/quia = Il. 16.187 , *t 103. We find the plural mogosto/koi *ei)lei/quiai in Il. 11.270, where see Leaf's note on the derivation of the two words. Schulze p. 259 f.

xruse/oisi *ne/fessin: here and in Il. 13.523 La Roche ( i. p. 57, 83) would read xruse/ois nefe/essin, as ne/fos and nefe/lh generally make position in Homer. So in 67 meta\ nefe/essi. But there are exceptions to the rule; cf. Il. 17.243 and 372.

fradmosu/n|hs: the dat. plural is suggested by the reading of M, and would be liable to corruption; see xv. p. 274. Baumeister compares 626, 884, 891, 245.The singular fradmosu/nh| first occurs in Apoll. 2.649.

o(/ t), i.e. o(/ te (= o(/ti te); La Roche i. p. 122 f., § 269 (3).

The importance of Eilithyia must have been greater in the older versions of the legend, since her journey from the Hyperboreans to help Leto was the subject of Olen's hymn ( Herod.iv. 35, Paus.i. 18. 5Paus., viii. 21. 3Paus., ix. 27. 2). On Eilithyia see Farnell ii. p. 608 f. “In the Delian worship, so far as the hymn of Olen expressed it, she was more than a divinity of childbirth: the poet invoked her as a primaeval goddess, older than Cronos, a dispenser of destiny, and the mother of Eros” (p. 610). Herodotus () and Pausanias (i. 18. 5) testify to a regular cult of the goddess at Delos. See inscr. in vi. 100, xiv. 412; Baur in viii. p. 475.

*)=irin: the Delians sacrificed to Iris ( Semus ap. Athen. 645 B) on the *(eka/ths nh=sos, an islet off Delos (Harpocr. and Suid. s.v.), and it is possible that the archaic Delian statue called the Nike of Archermus, really represents Iris (Sikes , see Gardner i. p. 117). But the introduction of Iris in the hymn may be due to epic influence. Cf. generally Maass i. 164 sq.

xrusei/oisi li/noisin e)erme/non: Barnes' xru/seon, h)le/ktroisin e)erme/non, which recent editors have accepted, is graphically quite unjustified; nor is there reason to suppose that the author slavishly imitated Homer (Od. 18.296). See xvii. p. 244. The manuscript tradition has been vindicated by a close parallel from a Delian inventory of 364 B.C. Cf. x. p. 464 ormos xrusous sun twi linwi kai tois ephrthmenois, ii. pt. ii. p. 18. v. 71, p. 128 vv. 1, 19. In Od. 15.460 xru/seon o(/rmon e)/xwn meta\ d' h)le/ktroisin e)/erto the chain was strung at intervals with amber beads or pendants; so here the necklace appears to have been ornamented with gold wire used like thread, or with actual thread gilded (xru/seioi). The latter explanation seems supported by vi. p. 50 ormos xrusous epi tainidiwi and p. 32 tainia perihrgurwmenh. The poet's description of the necklace may well have been based upon votive offerings which he saw at Delos. On these Delian o(/rmoi see Homolle vi. p. 123, 124.

*pod/hnemos w)ke/a *)=iris = Il. 5.368, and see Leaf on Il. 23.198, where the form w)ke/a, and the question of an originally digammated *)=iris are discussed. The epithet podh/nemos, taken in conjunction with xruso/pteros *q 398, *l 185, shew that Homer conceived of Iris as actually flying, but with foot wings, such as are generally found in archaic monuments of the winged female type. Flying figures were first represented by Greek artists in attitude of striding; cf. bh= r(a qe/ein. See xiii. p. 463 (review of Studniczka's ).

to\ mesh*gu/: cf. 317.

Cf. Il. 5.367, 868.

a)*po/ seems preferable to a)pe\k (a)p' e)k), which is not found in Homer, although die/k, u(pe/k are common. For a)pe/k Baumeister quotes Q. Smyrn. iv. 540.

e)/pea *ptero/enta *proshu/da: the phrase is properly followed directly by the speech which it introduces; with the present passage Franke compares Od. 13.165, where two lines intervene; and Il. 24.142, where the speech precedes w(=s . . . e)/pea ptero/ent' a)go/reuon. But even these instances are hardly parallel, as here there is no actual speech recorded at all.

The line is interesting as being, in all probability, one of the rare passages in the hymns to which ancient authors refer. It seems to prove that Aristophanes knew the hymn; cf. 575 above. The schol. Rav. remarks o(/ti yeu/detai pai/zwn: ou) ga\r e)pi\ *)/iridos a)ll' e)pi\ *)aqhna=s kai\ *(/hras: ai(\ de\ ba/thn trh/rwsi peleia/si i)/qmaq' o(moi=ai (Il. 5.778, the origin of this line). The schol. Ven. , however, notes oi( de\ e)n e(te/rois poih/masin *(omh/rou fasi\ tou=to gene/sqai( ei)si\ ga\r kai\ u(/mnoi. The probability that the latter scholiast is right is much strengthened by 1015dia\ tripo/dwn e)riti/mwn, which seems to be a quotation from 443

i)/qmaq): verbal subst., “goings.”

eu)=te: regularly with asyndeton in Homer; Il. 6.392 etc., 427.

Most editors follow Ilgen in reading dh\ to/te th/n, on the ground that greater stress should be laid on the time than on the person. But the MSS. are unanimous in giving th\n to/te dh/, and the emphasis laid on th/n is quite suitable.

For the palm at the birth cf. Theogn. 5 *foi=be a)/nac o(/te me/n se qea\ te/ke po/tnia *lhtw\

The legend suggests a Greek belief in the efficacy of the palm or olive to ensure a safe or quick delivery. Traces of the custom have survived in modern Greece, where an olive-branch, called the Virgin's hand, and sacred to Eleutherios St.or Panaghia Vlastike, is sometimes grasped by women (Bent p. 182, Rodd p. 141). So Swedish women used to twine their arms round a venerated tree (Mannhardt p. 51). See also Frazer i. p. 196.

*gou=na d' e)/reise: for this position see Frazer on Paus.viii. 48. 7: “we may infer that in antiquity Greek women were often, perhaps generally, delivered on their knees.” He quotes Ploss ^{2} p. 175 to shew that the attitude is still adopted in Greece and elsewhere.

mei/dhse de\ *gai=) u(*pe/nerqen: so Theognis 9 e)ge/lasse de\ gai=a pelw/rh, gh/qhsen de\ baqu\s po/ntos a(lo\s polih=s. The idea of earth “smiling” is Homeric, cf. Il. 19.362 ge/lasse de\ pa=sa peri\ xqw\n xalkou= u(po\ steroph=s, where, however, the original meaning of gela=n (= shine) may be predominant. As Leaf () notes, the two ideas pass naturally into one another. In the present passage as often in later Greek, the personification of smiling Nature is clear; cf. 14, 90, Apoll. 1.880 , *d 1169. For the joy of Nature at the birth of a god, compare also the Delphic hymn (quoted on 117) pa=s de\ ga/qhse po/los ou)ra/nio[s, a)nne/felos, a)glao/s, n]hne/mous d' e)/sxen ai)qh\r a)[ellw=n taxupet]ei=s [dro/]mous ktl. (of Apollo); paean to Dionysus ( 1895 p. 393, Smyth p. 524) pa/ntes d' [a)ste/res a)gx]o/reusan, pa/ntes de\ brotoi\ x[a/rhsan sai=s], *ba/kxie, ge/nnais. For other exx. see Adami p. 232 f.

e)k d' e)/qore *pro\ fo/wsde: see on 12. For e)kqrw/skw in this sense cf. 281, Callim. 255, 20, Panyas. ap. schol. Pind. 3. 177kai/ r() o( me\n e)k ko/lpoio trofou= qo/re possi\ *quw/nhs.

qeai\ d' o)lo/lucan: cf. Frazer on Paus.ix. 11. 3, where parallel examples are quoted of the cry uttered by women, probably as a signal that a birth had taken place. So Theocr. xvii. 64 *ko/ws d' o)lo/lucen (at the birth of Ptolemy); the whole passage (58-70) shews Theocritus' acquaintance with the hymn. Callimachus also appears to borrow: cf. 255-258.

*)/hi+e: an obscure epithet of Apollo, only here and in Il. 15.365 , *u 152. L. Meyer ( i.) marks it as of uncertain derivation. Aristarchus connected it with i(/hmi, a derivation apparently accepted by Ebeling. Others compare the cry i)h/ (i)e/), which certainly produced i)h/i+os; for the double form cf. i)/oulos, ou)=los. Brunnhofer (, 1899) translates , comparing the Vedic

lo/on: the MSS. give the unmetrical form lou=on; so 838 katalou/ei for katalo/ei. Cf. Od. 10.361 lo/), Hes. 749lo/esqai, and variant in the Townley schol. on Il. 15.393 tine\s “e)/terpe lou/wn” (Nauck lo/wn i.e. lo/vwn), and see Schulze p. 65 n., Smyth p. 535, Solmsen p. 13.

a(*gnw=s kai\ kaqarw=s: cf. Hes. 337, where each word has its proper sense, “with pure heart and hands.” Here, as Gemoll remarks, a(gnw=s is superfluous; the expression seems to have been blindly copied from Hesiod. So ap. Hendess 1. 14, and 54. 3.

xrusa/ora: an epithet of Apollo in 395 (where see note), Il. 5.509 , *o 256, Hes. 771, 227, Pind. v. 104, Apoll. 3.1282; of Demeter, 4. In Homer and the nom. would be xrusa/oros, according to the MSS.; so xrusao/rou 395. Leaf on Il. 5.509 argues that forms from xrusa/wr should everywhere be restored; the hiatus in Il. 15.256 produced xrusa/oron for xrusa/ora.

q/hsato: only here in a causal sense, of the mother. In Homer and 236 the verb is used of the child. The prose form qhla/zw has a similar double use.

So the babe Aristaeus is fed on nectar and ambrosia, and is made immortal, Pind. ix. 63.

e)*p/hrcato: for the Homeric formula e)pa/rxesqai depa/essin cf. M. and R. on Od. 3.340, Leaf on Il. 1.471. It seems established that in this phrase e)pa/rxesqai means to offer a “first portion” of the wine by pouring some drops into each cup successively (e)pi/). In the present instance, this force of the preposition has been lost, and the verb has come to mean “handsel with,” or simply “offer as an act of ritual,” without any notion of making a beginning. The word is no doubt chosen to express the reverence which Leto feels for the young god. For the acc. with e)pa/rxesqai cf. a similar construction with kata/rxesqai in Od. 3.445 xe/rniba/ t' ou)loxu/tas te kath/rxeto. There is no reason to alter a)qana/th|sin xersi\n to a)qana/tois xei/lessin (Eble, followed by Baumeister and Abel); the manuscript reading is perfectly intelligible.

Apollo, like Hermes in 15 f., shews his divinity by precocions strength and talent. For this idea, common in folklore, see II. App. p. 311. Later accounts make Apollo slay the monster when he was a mere child; see on 214.

desma/: this is the plur. of desmo/s in the hymns ( 157, 409, vii. 12, 13) without variant; in Homer the form is de/smata. Here there is some force in the repetition of se, and this may induce us with Matthiae, to give the preference to reading. xv. p. 263.

131-132. Apollo here claims his prerogatives; he will be a god of music, an archer, and a prophet. Gemoll compares Callim. 44 *foi/bw| ga\r kai\ to/con e)pitre/petai kai\ a)oidh/ kei/nou de\ *qriai\ kai\ ma/nties. For the ki/qaris of Apollo see on 450.

fi/lh: hardly an epithet, like kampu/la, but predicative with ei)/h, “for my own”; cf. 144.

xr/hsw: the active once in Homer, Od. 8.79 (absolute). For the oracle of Apollo at Delos see on 81.

e)*pi/: the manuscript a)po/ was defended in xvii. p. 244; but it is difficult to resist Matthiae's e)pi/. *e 13 o( d' a)po\ xqono\s w)/rnuto pezo/s is hardly parallel.

a)po/ might mean “off the ground,” i.e. in the air (cf. 186), but e)bi/basken suggests that Apollo “walked” on the earth; it is not equivalent to bh= r(a qe/ein (108). There is no resemblance between the symbols of a)po/ and e)pi/.

xrusw=|: the idea is borrowed and amplified by Callim. 260 f. xru/sea/ toi to/te pa/nta qemei/lia gei/nato, *dh=le, xrusw=| de\ troxo/essa panh/meros e)/rree li/mnh, xru/seion d' e)ko/mhse gene/qlion e)/rnos e)lai/hs: xrusw=| d' e)plh/mmure baqu\s *)inwpo\s e(lixqei/s: au)th\ de\ xruse/oio a)p' ou)/deos ei(/leo pai=da.

The author of the hymn probably, and Callimachus certainly, conceive of actual gold miraculously covering the island; Theognis 8 only speaks of an ambrosial scent marking the birth of the god.

136-139. This is the clearest case of the alternatives which are frequent in the text of the hymns (see p. xliii), since here the MSS. distinguish between them; 136-138 are found only in (in *p they have accidentally crept into the text). Attempts to combine all four verses are not successful (Gemoll places 139 after 135, altering bebri/qei to bebri/qh|). Of the two versions, perhaps 136-38 is the later, since the construction of ei(/leto with gen. “preferred to” is un-Homeric ( Soph. 1100). For w(s o)/te te without a verb cf. Il. 12.132; for the languageSoph. Phil., i. 8a)nqe/on u(/lh|.

khro/qi ma=llon: Agar in xxviii. (1901) p. 51 would everywhere restore kh=r) (i.e. kh=ri) e)/ti ma=llon, arguing that khro/qi is an impossible form.

au)to/s: probably resumptive, in contrast to Delos; but see on 181.

a)\n *n/hsous: D'Orville's correction (also made by Ilgen and accepted by Peppmüller and Tyrrell among recent critics) appears to be necessary. h)la/skazes might perhaps govern a direct accusative nh/sous, on the analogy of 175 strefo/mesqa po/leis, but the construction can hardly be extended to a)ne/ras. For the corruption cf. Il. 2.198 o(\n d' au)=, Eust. o(\n d' a)/n. The expression nh/sous te kai\ a)ne/ras is a sort of hendiadys for “inhabited islands” in contrast to the solitude of Delos, or rather, perhaps, of its mountain Cynthos. For a similar hendiadys (also with te kai/) cf. Theocr. xvii. 77 muri/ai a)/peiroi/ te kai\ e)/qnea muri/a fwtw=n “a thousand lands with their tribes” (Cholmeley). The alterations of either word are mistaken; cf. Pind. vi. 10ou)/te par' a)ndra/sin ou)/t' e)n nausi\ koilai=s.

144, 145=22, 23; see on 20-24.

On the variants between this passage in the MSS. and as quoted by Thucydides and Aristides see Pref. xliv f., xv. p. 309, 310. The view held by Gemoll admits of not much doubt, that the two versions are independent. In the present edition the text of the MSS. has been followed except in two places (165 and 171) where graphical corruption has evidently taken place.

a)lla\ su/: this suits the context, as it appears in the vulgate, better than a)ll' o(/te in the Thucydidean version. We cannot, of course, be sure that the form of the hymn known to Thucydides contained the lines immediately preceding, in their present condition. But, to assume that this was the case, there would be no absolute need to alter a)ll' o(/te to a)/llote, with Guttmann. The passage would mean: “but when your heart most rejoices in Delos, do the Ionians gather,” a way of saying that the Ionians gather at the feast of Apollo in Delos. e)/nqa would thus be apodotic and demonstrative; in the manuscript text it is relative, “there.” Lines 143-145 are merely explicative of the range of Apollo's interests. Graphically, however, a)/llote would be an easy correction; for the omission of de/ Guttmann compares Od. 3.50, Hes. 552 etc.

Cf. *)ia/ones e(lkexi/twnes in Il. 13.685 (thought to be an Attic interpolation; see Leaf ). The long robes, especially associated with the Ionians, would be suitable for a solemn festival. See Thuc.i. 6. 3, Strabo 466. By the time of Thucydides this Ionic dress had become antiquated, and was only affected by older men. For the Delian festival cf. Introd. p. 66.

au)toi=s su\n *pai/dessi: Hermann's au)toi=sin pai/dessi is neat and idiomatic (cf. 94, where Demetrius corrects fa\s sune/seue for fasi\n e)/seue), but unnecessary; cf. Il. 12.112 , *c 498, n 118. The Thucydidean sh\n e)s a)guia/n is curious. a)guia/ can hardly mean “a sacred procession” as Baumeister suggests. Probably it is the “square” before the temple of Apollo, where the contests took place. The passages in Pindar quoted by L. and S. ( Pind. ix. 51, Pind. vii. 92) hardly prove that a)guia/ can be used as a poetic synonym of po/lis.

o)rxhqmw=|: both this form and o)rxhstui= are found in Homer, who uses o)rxhqmoi=o (Il. 13.637 etc.), and o)rxhstui= (Od. 8.253 , r 605). The dat. o)rxhqmw=| first occurs in 282, 791.

151, 152. Thucydides leaves us here. In 152 the reading is established by Martin's brilliant conjecture; the only difficulty, the alteration of oi(/ into o(/s is made necessary by the verbs in 153. The emendations a)pantia/sai (Barnes), e)nantia/sei) (Ilgen) and u(pantia/sei) (Abel) are superfluous. Though e)pantia/zein does not occur elsewhere, there is force in the preposition, “light upon them.” In 151 M reads a)qa/natos, and this was part of Martin's conjecture; a)nh/r in is perhaps connected with this reading. The construction is possible: “he would believe himself immortal, who was present when,” etc. There can be little doubt, however, that a)qana/tous is right; the poet glorifies the appearance of the Ionians with a direct compliment. For the variant cf. Il. 24.499 au)tou/s and au)to/s.

ai)ei/: supported by Il. 12.323 (with a)gh/rw t' a)qana/tw te), and by the numerous instances in which the two adjectives are followed by h)/mata pa/nta *q 539, e 136, h 94, 257, y 336, verse ap. Paus.x. 24. 3.

*pa/ntwn: probably masculine. te/ryaito de\ qumo/n is best joined with ei)soro/wn; there is nothing to be gained by taking it as parenthetical, in which case i)/doito would go closely with ei)soro/wn.

au)tw=n: here emphatic, contrasting the people themselves with their ships and other material possessions. Cf. Od. 7.43 qau/mazen d' *)oduseu\s lime/nas kai\ nh=as e)i+/sas

o(/ou kle/os ou)/pot' o)lei=tai=Il. 2.325; cf. ap. Paus.x. 6. 7.<*> On the false form o(/ou (for o(/o) see § 98.

kou=rai *dhlia/des: for this chorus see Homolle in xiv. p. 501 f.; it was called xoro\s tw=n gunaikw=n, e.g. ei)s tog xoron tog gunaikwn tog genomenon tois apoll[wniois]. The Delian women took part, as a chorus, in various festivals: Apollonia, Letaea, Artemisia, Britomartia, Aphrodisia, and on the occasion of qewri/ai from Cos, Rhodes, Siphnos, and Carystos. For the lastmentioned festival cf. also Dion. 527 r(u/sia d' *)apo/llwni xorou\s a)na/gousin a(/pasai (sc. ai) *kukla/des) i(stame/nou glukerou= ne/on ei<*>aros. The imitation of dialects (see on 162) was probably to please the qewroi/ (so Lebègue p. 13 and 257, Homolle ). The *dhlia/des, a play of Cratinus, may have referred to such a chorus. Euripides 687 f. calls their song a paia/n; cf. also 462 f., Wilamowitz-Möllendorff i. p. 140. Compare the chorus of *ludw=n ko/rai at Ephesus: 599 f., Aelian xii. 9, Ion 22, Diog. 1, Kock i. p. 806.

qera/p*nai: Homer uses only the masc. qera/pwn.

a)*ndrw=n te *palaiw=n ktl.: usually explained as a reference to the Hyperboreans, for whom see Müller i. p. 294, Frazer on Paus.x. 5. 7, Roscher s.v. 2810 f. But we should expect some mention of their name; and the more obvious explanation is that the chorus of women, like the rhapsodists, sang of heroes and heroines, after a prelude to the gods.

krembaliastu/n: the alternative bambaliastu/n is not elsewhere found, but it can hardly be a graphical corruption, and may be justified by bambai/nwn *k 375, bambalu/zw schol. , and other forms: see xv. p. 301. It would mean “rattling,” and so be an equivalent of krembaliastu/s, “playing on castanets.” The sense of the passage is evidently that the Delian singers reproduced the speech and the musical accompaniment of the various pilgrims; but there is no other reference to this curious mimicry of (apparently) different dialects. krembaliastu/n cannot mean “dancing,” as some suppose; but there was no doubt a dance during the song, in the “hyporchematic manner.” See Smyth p. lxix f. The hyporcheme was properly sacred to Apollo, and was kept up in Delos in the time of Lucian ( 16 pai/dwn xoroi\ sunelqo/ntes u(p' au)lw=| kai\ kiqa/ra| oi( me\n e)xo/reuon, u(pwrxou=nto de\ oi( a)/ristoi prokriqe/ntes e)c au)tw=n). It is impossible to say whether this chorus of boys took the place of an older chorus of women, or whether Lucian is only describing one out of several kinds of Delian u(porxh/mata existing in his day; as there were numerous festivals at Delos (see on 157) the latter explanation is more probable.

Peppmüller's au)th\ e(ka/sth entirely misses the point.

mimei=se): mimicry was the essence of the hyporcheme; cf. Athen. 15 D e)sti\n h( toiau/th o)/rxhsis mi/mhsis tw=n u(po\ th=s le/cews e(rmhneuome/nwn pragma/twn. Smyth p. lxxii. But the mimicry mentioned by Athenaeus is of course different from the Delian imitation of dialects.

The reading of M is intelligible as far as it goes, but necessitates a lacuna to contain a verb (as Martin and Barnes proposed); that of the other MSS. will not construe. The probability is very great that the manuscript text is a direct corruption from a reading the same as the Thucydidean. a)ll' a)/ge, a)/geq), etc. are liable to corruption; cf. 490, and lhtw/ (through lhtoi=) is not, for an ancient error, far from -lh/koi. So Dion. 447 a)ll' o( me\n i(lh/koi; the second person is common. *)apo/llwn *)arte/midi *cu/n=Od. 15.410. The cults of the two deities were closely connected at Delos, as at many other places; their temples were side by side, and they had common offerings. Farnell ( ii. p. 465 f.) thinks that it was from Delos that the idea of the close relation between Artemis and Apollo was diffused. References in Farnell, ii. p. 577, Pauly-Wissowa 33. For their common cult at Delphi see on xxvii. 13 f.

The lines seem to be practically a request by the poet to be awarded the prize; for the mousikh=s a)gw/n see p. lix. In xvii. p. 245 (after Ilgen) it was pointed out that this passage must be taken in connexion with Hes. 227 e)n *dh/lw| to/te prw=ton e)gw\ kai\ *(/omhros a)oidoi\

For de/ in asking a question cf. Il. 6.123 etc.

eu)= ma/la *pa=sai: Baumeister quotes examples of eu)= ma/la (Od. 22.190) and ma/la pa/ntes etc. (Il. 13.741 etc., so 417 and in late epic as Aratus 17, 805, 952); and, for the whole phrase, Theocr. xxv. 19 eu)= ma/la pa=si.

u(*pokri/nasqai a)f/hmws: here again the reading of the MSS., whether a)f' h(me/wn or a)f' u(me/wn cannot be original to them. The lection of the younger Thucydidean MSS. eu)fh/mws (adopted by Ruhnken and subsequent editors) must be later than a)f-, which survives in the MSS. of the hymns (a and eu in minuscule are alike). Therefore the reading of Thucydides' older MSS. a)fh/mws seems the origin of the others. This word (either with or without the aspirate) was accepted by Bergk ( i. p. 750 n.), in the sense of “with one voice.” The Thucydidean scholiast glosses the word h(su/xa, a)qro/ws. The latter meaning may stand if the prefix is connected with a(/ma. So a)fh/toros in Il. 9.404 was explained by Aristarchus as =o(mofh/toros (approved of by Prellwitz xxii. p. 85). See xvii. p. 246.

For the reference of the poet to himself and his country cf. 23 f. In “personal” poetry (e.g. Hes. 639 f., 227, quoted above) the autobiography is of course natural.

*paipaloe/ss|h: epithet of Chios, Od. 3.170. This line was, at least partly, the origin of the tradition that Homer was blind, and lived in Chios ( ); Simonides of Ceos (or Simonides of Amorgos) 85 e(\n de\ to\ ka/lliston *xi=os e)/eipen a)nh/r. See Jebb p. 87 f. The legendary Thamyris and the Phaeacian Demodocus were also blind; indeed it was natural that the blind should have recourse to the profession of the a)oido/s, just as the lame found employment as blacksmiths (cf. the lame smith-god Hephaestus). This explanation (suggested by Bergk) is opposed by Fries 57. 2 (1902), p. 265 f., who curiously thinks that the idea of blind poets is a folk-tale of Egyptian origin, and even throws doubt on the genuineness of this passage as a personal narrative. Cf. also Brugmann iii. 257 n., who compares Servian epos.

For Cynaethus, who, if the tradition is true, must be the speaker here, see Pref. p. lii and Introd. p. 65.

a)risteu/ousin: the alteration a)risteu/sousin is needless; the poet claims that his songs are famous as soon as he has sung them (meto/pisqen). His merits are recognized during his lifetime; cf. 70. u(me/teron also in 174 is clearly correct; he makes a bargain with the *dhlia/des, just as the minstrel in xiv. bargains with the potters.

strefo/mesqa *po/leis: the acc. denotes the goal, as often after i(kne/omai etc.; see § 140 (4). Cf. Od. 6.114 po/lin h(gh/saito, o 82 a)/stea d' a)nqrw/pwn h(gh/somai. The exx. quoted by Hermann, Od. 13.325 (a)nastre/fesqai), Od. 17.486 (e)pistrwfa=n), are not parallel in construction, as the verbs are compound, in which case the acc. is common; cf. 216. The statement suits the profession of rhapsode in general, and Cynaethus in particular, who rhapsodized the Homeric poems at Syracuse.

179-81. These three lines do not appear to belong to the Delian part, although their connexion with it could be defended (see Introd. p. 62, and on 181). On the other hand the abrupt change of person (a)na/sseis 181, ei)=si 182), inadequately explained by Gemoll as due to the “strophic” nature of the lines, seems to separate them from 182 f. They may therefore be regarded as a fragment (no doubt of genuine antiquity), apparently introduced to give some sort of transition from the Delian to the Pythian parts.

The enumeration of a list of places in which a god was worshipped is common in poetry from Homer onwards; cf. Il. 1.37 f., and many exx. quoted by Adami p. 227 f.

*luki/h*n: on the Lycian Apollo see Pauly-Wissowa 58 f. and 83, Preller Robert i. p. 254 f. Apollo was thought to spend six months, in summer, at Delos, the other six at Patara in Lycia (Serv. on Verg. iv. 144; cf. iii. 4. 65). According to another tradition, he absented himself from Delphi during the three winter months ( Pind. iv. 5, EI 9). Such periodic migrations are natural for gods of the sun or vegetation; but they are not confined to such deities. If a god was worshipped in different lands he might readily be supposed to spend the year in his various temples. See further Frazer on Paus.ii. 7. 8.

*m|honi/h*n e)ratein/hn: cf. Il. 3.401 , *s 291; for the Lydian cult (especially at Magnesia, near Sipylos) see PaulyWissowa 82.

*mi/lhton: for the cult of Apollo *didumeu/s at Branchidae, near Miletus, see Pauly-Wissowa 49, Preller-Robert i. p. 283 f.

e)/nalon: of a town on the sea; cf. Pind. ix. 150ei)nali/a *)eleusi/s.

au)to/s: the word may emphasize the bodily presence of Apollo at Delos. There can be no contrast between Apollo and another, as there may be in 140, 337. But au)to/s seems to be not infrequently used as a kind of title of Apollo, without any antithesis: “Apollo himself”=great Apollo; see note on 234. If this line formed part of the hymn recited at Delos, it must be intended as a final compliment to the island.

*periklu/stou: cf. 27 ( p. 153) e)n periklu/stw|

182-206. This passage (or 179-206) is considered by some editors as a separate fragment, or short hymn to Apollo; by others as the exordium of a “Pythian” hymn. As, however, a new poem obviously cannot begin with 182 ei)=si de/ ktl., Hermann, Baumeister and others assume that the opening of the “Pythian” hymn has been lost.

tequwme/na: Barnes' conjecture is supported by ii. 8 tequwme/na ei)/mata e(/sto. eu)wde/a (Pierson) is about on a level with tequwme/na in point of similarity to tequwde/a (t' eu)wde/a in the Oxford text was an error).

kanax\hn e)/xei: so Il. 16.105, 794. Cf. Il. 18.495 boh\n e)/xon.

w(/s te *no/hma: for the simile see note on 43.

Cf. Il. 1.604 , w 60. Apollo's connexion with the Muses is as old as the first book of the For later references see Pauly-Wissowa 38, PrellerRobert i. p. 279 f. Compare especially the dance of the Muses, to the sound of Apollo's phorminx in Pind. v. 22 f., inscr. on the chest of Cypselus ( Paus.v. 18. 4) *mou=sai d' a)mf' au)to/n, xari/eis xoro/s, ai(=si kata/rxei (*)apo/llwn). Gemoll thinks that Pindar imitated the hymn; but there is nothing in his theme or treatment which may not be independent.

Compare M. Arnold's description of Apollo and the Muses: First hymn they the Father Of all things: and then The rest of Immortals, The action of men. (）

dw=r): prerogatives, i.e. the immortality of the gods (Franke). qew=n dw=ra in 147, 216 is different.

a)frade/es: cf. 256, nh/i+des a)/nqrwpoi kai\ a)fra/dmones.

For the connexion of the Charites with Aphrodite see n. on 61, and for the Horae n. on vi. 5. With the line cf. Panyas. ap. Athen. ii. 38 *xa/rite/s t' e)/laxon kai\ e)u+/frones *(=wrai; Plat. vii. 5(dance of Charites, Horae, and Nymphs). For the conjunction of Charites and Muses cf. 64 f., Sappho 22 deu=te/ nun, a)/brai *xa/rites kalli/komoi/ te *mou=sai. The Charites are associated with Apollo in literature ( Pind. 14. 10) and art ( Paus.ix. 35. 1, of the Delian Apollo).

196=Il. 18.594.

197-199. Artemis is “divinely tall and most divinely fair” beyond the other goddesses. Cf. Od. 6.107 f., where she is conspicuous among her attendant nymphs. In xxvii. 15 f. Artemis leads the Muses and Charites in the dance. metame/lpetai: not loosely used of dancing only; the goddess sang as she danced, according to the regular practice; cf. Il. 16.182 melpome/nh|sin e)n xorw=| *)arte/midos. So the Phaeacian girls sang as they played ball, Od. 6.100 f.

Cf. ix. 2.

*pai/zous): the verb is often used =o)rxei=sqai: Il. 8.251 , y 147, 120. There is certainly no idea of ungainly or ludicrous motion, as O. Müller (quoted by Baumeister) imagines, as if the two gods played the part of kubisthth=res (Il. 18.593 f.); the dance may however be thought of as “hyporchematic” (for this see above 162).

kala\ kai\ u(/yi biba/s=516. Apollo keeps time to his own music, cf. his title o)rxhsth/s Pind. 125, and perhaps skiasth/s in Laconia, which the scholiast on Lycophr. 561 explains as “the dancer.”

marmarugai/: only here and in Od. 8.265 marmaruga\s qhei=to podw=n. Schneidewin and Baumeister emend to marmarugh=s, unnecessarily; the te is explanatory: “brightness shines around him, even the twinklings of his feet and chiton.” Possibly ai)/glh, rather than marmarugai/, may be mentally supplied to xitw=nos.

For the pride of Leto, with whom Zeus is here associated, in her children, cf. Od. 6.106, 12, 126. qumo\n me/gan; Baumeister compares 37 me/gan no/on, adding But of course such expressions are not confined to the gods; cf. Il. 9.496 a)ll), *)axileu=, da/mason qumo\n me/gan, and the common megalh/tora qumo/n. For the construction cf. 45 pa/ntes d' a)/ra qumo\n e)te/rfqen.

ei)soro/wntes governs ui)=a; there is no difficulty in the intervention of the explanatory subjects *lhtw/ and *zeu/s. Peppmüller's transposition of 205 and 206 is bad; Gemoll's punctuation e)pite/rpontai, qumo\n me/gan ei)soro/wntes (ui)=a in apposition to qumo/n) is very clumsy.

208-213. The passage is very obscure, but it needs explanation rather than “higher criticism.” Gemoll rightly points out that it is certainly not a separate hymn, and that the theory of interpolation is simply a confession of inability to understand.

mn*hst*=|hsin appears to be sound, being explained by mnwo/menos; for the use of mnhsth/ absolute (=Homeric a)/loxos mnhsth/) cf. Apoll. 1.780. It forms a kind of zeugma with filo/thti: “am I to sing of thee in thy love of brides?” mnhsth=rsin does not seem to be an improvement, and mnhstu=sin is a doubtful form, mnhstu/s being only known in sing. a)ei/dein tina e)n filo/thti may be unusual, but it is not impossible Greek, as Gemoll (after Matthiae) contends.

mnwo/menos is Martin's brilliant conjecture. We may suppose that mnwo/menos first lost the n, and o(/ppws became o(/ppos (cf. the variants on 19), when a was added to give the necessary syllable (cf., however, Plat. 401C a)nemo/menoi for nemo/menoi).

*)azanti/da: the next line makes it almost certain that the reference here is to Coronis. According to Hes. 125 and Pind. 3. 55Ischys, the son of Elatos, was Apollo's rival in his love for Coronis (see also Paus.ii. 26. 5). Elsewhere, however, Coronis is called the daughter of Phlegyas (xvi. 2 and see reff. in Pauly-Wissowa 30; Isyllus 1902, i. 950). It is not impossible that here another legend is followed, in which she is the daughter of Azan (so Preller-Robert i.^{2} p. 520 n. 3). Martin reads *)azani/da, i.e. Arcadian; but Phlegyas is not known to have any connexion with Arcadia. For the various references to his home see Gemoll; according to one version ( Paus.ix. 36. 3) he was a Phocian; hence *)abanti/da (from Abae) has been suggested, but the first vowel should be short. According to another version the mother of Asclepius, by Apollo, was not Coronis but Arsinoe, whose father Leucippus was descended from Atlas (Apollod.iii. 118, cf. 110, Paus.ii. 171). This would support M's *)atlanti/da, which seems, however, either a conjecture or a graphical corruption of *)azanti/da. Moreover, the legend of Ischys is not associated with Arsinoe, but with Coronis; so in the recently discovered fragments of the of Callimachus (col. iv. 6. 7, Gomperz 1893, Ellis in xxiv. 148 f.) o(ppo/te ken *flegu/ao *korwni/dos a)mfi\ qugatro\s *)/isxui plhci/ppw| spome/nhs miero/n ti pi/qhtai. See further reff. in Roscher ii. 359.

*)elationi/d|h: son of *)elati/wn (=*)/elatos), cf. *ei)lati/dhs. For Elatus cf. Paus.viii. 4.On the long i_ (-i_on-) cf. Solmsen p. 58.

*triope/w| *ge/nos: the person intended by trio/pw ge/nos of the MSS. might be another mnhsth/, in which case ge/nos would be objective acc., “child” (an echo of which might be trio/pew go/non, the reading of one MS. Callim. 24). But as Phorbas was the son of Triopas ( Paus.viii. 26. 12, Hyg. ii. 14) ge/nos is certainly acc. of respect, “by descent,” for which cf. Il. 5.544, 5.896 etc. The two words therefore balance *)elationi/dh| in 210, and the dative of a patronymic form must be extracted from trio/pw or triopo/w. The latter points to a synizesis, and the couditions are satisfied by *triope/w|, which must be the dative of *trio/peos, formed direct from *tri/oy (=*trio/pas, Apollod.i. 7. 4. 2*tri/opa, 3 *tri/opos gen.), since the actual adj. in use from *trio/pas is *trio/peios; cf. 1890, no. 1389. This would be parallel to *)agamemnone/hn a)/loxon g 264, *deinome/neie pai= Pind. 2. 18 and other formations; see Leo iv. 1-21 , Kuhner-Blass , Zacher in 1878, p. 59 f.

Phorbas is here the rival of Apollo; according to , Plut. 4 he was beloved by the god. Schneidewin's alteration of a(/ma to w(s is not justified.

*)ereuqei=: nothing is known of an Ereutheus, and there is much probability in a)maru/nqw, which has nearly all elements in common with a(/m' e)reuqei=. But any connexion of Apollo and Amarynthus is merely a matter of inference from this passage (Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa 28 denies it). D'Orville conjectured and some of the earlier editors printed *)erexqei=, after M; but this is not supported by any known myth of Erechtheus.

a(/ma *leuki/p*pw|: the allusion is to Daphne, who was loved by Leucippus and Apollo. Paus.viii. 20. 3 f. says that Apollo was angry with Leucippus, who e)s fili/an i)sxura\n e)pa/getai th\n *da/fnhn, under the guise of a woman. Daphne and her other companions discovered his sex and slew him. This account does not justify Gemoll in giving da/mar its proper sense of “wife,” but there may have been another version, in which Daphne actually became the wife of Leucippus. In any case the dative da/marti is remarkable; if the reference is to Apollo's love for Daphne, we should expect the accusative as in 209. It is possible that *leuki/ppw| has taken the place of some other name, owing to the proximity of *leuki/ppoio. Ilgen's a(/ma *)arsi/ppw| th\n *leuki/ppoio qu/gatra would refer to Arsinoe, daughter of Leucippus (see on 209). The passage seems incurable.

The line is hopeless; it is very possible that there is a lacuna, before or after this verse, or before after (Hermann). Owing to the obscurity of 212, it is not clear whether a new achievement of Apollo is mentioned in the words, pezo/s, o( d' i(/ppoisin which seem to refer to some contest between Apollo, on foot, and a rival, in a chariot. Schneidewin's idea that this contest is between Apollo and Idas, for the love of Marpessa, does not suit the following words ou) mh\n *tri/opo/s g' e)ne/leipen, which he has therefore to eject as a gloss on 211. His explanation that e)ne/lipen or e)ne/leipen is a corruption of a scribe's marginal note e)llei/pei, although quoted with approval by Baumeister and Verrall (p. 8), cannot be accepted. The Greek, as it stands, can be construed; “he (Apollo's rival) fell not short of Triops”; for *tri/oy=*trio/pas see on 211, otherwise the nom. *trio/pas might be read as subject. But the uncertainty of the context makes explanation mere guesswork.

Apollo starts from Olympus in search of a place for his oracle. It is to be noted that there is no mention of Delos as a starting-point; the continental poet has no interest in the island. Later, when the Delian and Pythian myths were systematised, Apollo was supposed to have journeyed from Delos to Delphi (first in Pind. 286 = schol. on Aesch. 11); Pindar made Apollo alight at Tanagra. This was thought a mistake for Tegyra (see on 16) by O. Müller p. 161; but Pindar no doubt referred to the district *dh/lion on the Tanagraean coast ( Thuc.iv. 76, Paus.ix. 20. 1) which was a religious colony from Delos (Strabo 403). According to Aesch. 9 f. and the Delphian hymn ( xviii. p. 345 f. 14 f.) Apollo started from Delos and landed at Athens; thence he travelled by the sacred road of the qewroi/ (cf. on 280, 12 f., Ephorus ap. Strab. 422); see Preller-Robert i. p. 239 n. 1, Pauly-Wissowa 24.

In the hymn, the age of Apollo at the founding of the oracle is indeterminate. In later times, after the connexion with the Delian myth, Apollo was a child, or was even carried to Delphi in his mother's arms ( 1250, Clearch. ap. Athen. 701 C); he slew the Python when four days' old ( Hyg. 140), or while still a youth (Apoll. 2.707).

*pieri/h*n: the acc. is necessary; the gen. () and dat. () seem corrections. For the sense cf. Il. 14.225 f. li/pen r(i/on *ou)lu/mpoio,

*le/kton t' *)hmaqo/enta: no *le/ktos is known in Europe and the Trojan promontory of that name is out of the question; but, with the example of *au)toka/nh in 35, it would be rash to assume that the MSS. are here corrupt, and therefore the conjectures (of which Baumeister's *la/kmon is the best) may be neglected. Since Lectus may have been a town or harbour, or even a river, h)maqo/enta may also stand, in spite of the ingenuity of Matthiae's *)hmaqi/hn te, which rests on Il. 14.226, quoted 216. The same critic, with equal brilliance, mended the rest of the line. *ai)*ni=hnas: this form may be preferred to *)enih=nas (M's a(gnih/nas is nearest; cf. Hes. Op.394a(gnh=| MSS., ai)nh=| a quotation; in the other MSS. the tradition was obscured, though a trace of it remains in ). *)enih=nes is found only in Il. 2.749 (where the Bodl. pap. class. Ms. gr. a. i (P), Oxyrhynch. pap. ii. xxi. and the quotation ap. schol. on Soph. 706 read ai)neih=nes) and Herod.vii. 132, where one MS. “R” gives ai)nih=nes. In Eur. ( 277), Thuc. , and later the form is generally ai)n-. The e is called Ionic, although neither Smyth § 141 nor Hoffmann p. 266 give the form under the head of Ionic e=ai. The spelling may be merely an itacism, helped by a desire to avoid the synizesis -ih, which is not harsher than the Homeric sxetli/h, *ai)gupti/h, *(isti/aia. Fick p. 417 calls *)enih=nes doubtful. The people are coupled with the Perrhaebi in Il. 2.749, as dwellers about Dodona and by the Titaresius and Peneius; both of these rivers are S. of Olympus.

The geography is here accurate. From Iolcus (N. of the gulf of Pagasae) Apollo passes, either along the coast of Phthiotis or across the gulf, to Cenaeon, a promontory at the extreme NW. of Euboea (see Soph. 752). He thus reaches the Lelantine plain, which lay between Chalcis and Eretria. This district became famous about 700 B.C. as the bone of contention between the two cities. See Duncker iii. ch. viii., Holm i. ch. xxi. Chalcis was situated on the narrowest part of the Euripus, over which Apollo crosses to the mainland.

The omission of the name of the mountain is unusual; perhaps, as Baumeister suggests, the poet was not only familiar with the locality, but also assumes the same knowledge on the part of his hearers. The mountain is no doubt the Messapius opposite Chalcis; see Aesch. 284, Paus.ix. 22. 5, Strabo 405.

*mukalhsso/n: a town at the foot of Messapius; it was in ruins by the time of Pausanias (ix. 19. 4). See Frazer who identifies it with the modern Between this place and Teumessus was Harma, where puqaistai/ allowed the qusi/ai to proceed to Delphi, or prevented them, according to the result of divination by lightning (Strabo 404).

*teumhsso/n: , a village or small town on the slopes of a low hill, about five miles from Thebes. See Frazer on Paus.ix. 19. 1.The hill itself is bare and rocky, and the epithet lexepoi/h*n seems quite inappropriate. Frazer suggests that the ancients may have extended the name Teumessus to include the hills on the south (now called Mount Soros), which are less bare. Nonnus ( v. 59 f.) and Statius ( i. 485) speak of Teumessus as grassy and wooded; Antimachus (ap. Aristot. iii. 1408 a 1) as h)nemo/eis o)li/gos lo/fos, which Strabo 409 thinks unsuitable. There is the same variant telmhsso/n in the MSS. of Eur. 1100.On the etymology see Wackernagel xxviii p. 121, Bechtel xxvi. p. 148.

Baumeister, who holds the poet (of this part of the hymn) to have been a Boeotian, understands the reason for the supposed non-existence of Thebes to be due to feelings of patriotism. A Boeotian could not allow the chief city of his country to be passed over by Apollo without honour. Possibly, however, the poet wished to lay emphasis on the extreme antiquity of the Pythian oracle by claiming for it a greater age than for Thebes, which was itself reputed to be a very ancient city. Tradition held that there were other inhabited towns in Boeotia before the foundation of Thebes (cf. Conon 's dihgh/seis ap. Phot. 137 27). The Catalogue (Il. 2.505) mentions *(upoqh=bai only. In historical times Apollo *)ismh/nios was worshipped as an oracular god at Thebes; Herod. i. 52, 92, viii. 134; Paus.ix. 10.

u(/lh for u(/lhn is an admirable conjecture of Barnes. The accusative must have arisen from a tendency to be influenced by the nearest apparent construction.

*)ogxhsto/n: the precinct of Poseidon at Onchestus was famous from early times; cf. Il. 2.506 *)ogxhsto/n q' i(ero/n, *posidh/i+on a)glao\n a)/lsos, Hes. 41 (Rzach), Pind. i. 33Pind. Isthm., iii. 19.Pausanias (ix. 26. 3) saw the ruins of the town, temple (with statue of Poseidon still standing) and precinct; Strabo (412) speaks of the grove as bare and treeless in his day. On the site see Frazer on

231-238. The custom at Onchestus is puzzling, as the account in the hymn is obscurely worded, and is our sole authority. Most scholars have followed Böttiger in explaining the custom as a mode of divination: if the horses entered the a)/lsos the omen was favourable; see Bouché-Leclercq i. p. 150. This and similar views, however, depend on Barnes' emendation a)/gwsin, which cannot be accepted (see on 235). Ilgen first gave a clue, by a suggestion that there is a reference to Poseidon tara/cippos. A bolting or shying horse was often thought to be panic-stricken by that god (see Paus.vi. 20. 15 with Frazer's note). The present editors have discussed the passage in xvii. p. 274 f. (T. W. A.) and xix. p. xxxix f. ( S. ). It is possible that the custom was the ordinary rule of the road: Poseidon was offended at wheeled traffic which passed his home; but the horses were allowed a chance; if they bolted and broke the carriage, the driver had to leave the wreckage in the precinct. In any case the owners kept the horses (see note on kome/ousi 236).

It is hard to believe, however, that this inconvenient practice was a regular “rule of the road”; moreover neodmh\s pw=los is forcible and scarcely looks like a poetic expression for any horse. The custom may rather have been practised with newly broken colts. All horses belonged to the horse-god Poseidon, who might refuse to allow his sacred animals to bear the yoke. The colts were passed before the god; if they drew the carriage safely through, or past, his precinct, they might be driven by men; if they broke away from the chariot, Poseidon claimed them for his own. The owners could indeed retain them, but not for the indignity of a yoke; the chariot was left in the grove, as being marked by Poseidon's displeasure.

a)*nap*ne/ei, “gains new life,” through the inspiration of the horse-god.

o(do\n e)/rxetai: Martial iv. 55. 23

kei/n' o)/xea krote/ousin=Il. 15.453; cf. Il. 11.160.

a)*naktori/h*n: not in Homer, and only here of “driving,” but a)/nac=“master” of a horse etc. is Homeric; for the general sense “lordship” cf. Apoll. 1.839, ap. Paus.x. 12. 6.

a)*g*=|hsin: this is practically the manuscript reading, and is certainly right. Barnes' a)/gwsin should not have been accepted by Baumeister and others. As Gemoll sees, e)n a)/lsei+ dendrh/enti cannot follow a verb of motion; we should have expected e)s a)/lsea dendrh/enta. The meaning of a)*g*=|hsin may be either “broken to fragments” or more probably, “broken off at the end of the pole”; cf. Il. 6.40 , *p 371.

kome/ousi: the subject can only be the owners of the horses. komei=n means to “groom,” “look after” horses in Il. 8.109, 113; but, more generally, to “keep” animals, as in Od. 17.310, 319, vii. 717. 3. There can be no reference to the consecration of the colts to Poseidon as a)fetoi/.

kli/nantes: probably the carriage was propped against the temple-wall; cf. Il. 8.435 , d 42 a(/rmata d' e)/klinan pro\s e)nw/pia pamfano/wnta. e)w=sin almost certainly implies that the chariots were left permanently as a)naqh/mata, or possibly were sold; in the latter case di/fron de\ qeou= to/te moi=ra fula/ssei is rather euphemistic. The sale of duplicate or damaged objects from temple treasures is known from inscriptions; cf. Homolle in Daremberg and Saglio s. v. p. 381. 2.

eu)/xontai: the prayer was apparently to propitiate the god's wrath.

240 sq. The geography here is difficult. Haliartus lies between Onchestus and Ocalea, and the Cephissus or Melas flowed across the northern part of the Copais lake, and would not be crossed at any point by the road from Thebes to Panopeus. We can hardly with Ilgen suppose Apollo to have gone round the whole lake (e.g. to Tegyra) turning N. at this point; and the transpositions and excisions of other editors are even less available. The writer, like the author of the Catalogue, was indifferent to the order of places on a route (cf. his lists of places 30 f., 422 f.), and may therefore be allowed to have transposed Haliartus and Ocalea; but it is hard to imagine a poet whom there are grounds for calling Boeotian (Introd. p. 67 f.) making the stream which actually separates Onchestus and Haliartus (usually identified with the Lophis) into the Cephissus. By the date of the hymn no doubt the old Minyan system of drainage had broken down, and Copais had become, as it remained till a few years ago, in the winter a sheet of water, in the summer a dry swamp intersected by various rivers and canals. It may therefore be suggested (1) that the writer meant *khfiso/s for the lake, somewhat as in 280 he locates Panopeus *khfisi/dos e)ggu/qi li/mnhs, while it was in reality near the river; (2) or that the entire water-system, rivers and canals, may have been considered branches of the Cephissus, and that the southernmost canal with its tributaries (which came close to Haliartus and Onchestus, and actually joined the Melas at the NW. corner of the lake) may have been known by that name. Strabo 407 says distinctly that the Melas flows through the land of Haliartus. There was much confusion of names in this submerged country; even a resident antiquary like Plutarch ( 20, 16) mistook the Cephissus for the Melas, and Strabo 412 accuses Alcaeus of misplacing Onchestus and misspelling the name of a river. Cf. Frazer vol. v. p. 110 f., with his map.

The line is quoted by a schol. on Il. 2.523 as from Hesiod: o( de\ *khfiso\s potamo/s e)sti th=s *fwki/dos, e)/xwn ta\s phga\s e)k *lilai/as, w(/s fhsin *(hsi/odos o(/s te *lilai/h|si proi+/ei kalli/rroon u(/dwr. See Eusth. (p. 275), who quotes the line in the form given by the MSS. here. Baumeister most improbably supposes that the scholiast took the line from the hymn, which he thought to be Hesiodean. The Homeric scholia uniformly ignore the hymns. Probably there was actually a Hesiodean line, which the author of the hymn has borrowed, with or without variation. For Lilaea and the source of the Cephissus see Frazer on Paus.x. 33. 5.

*)wkale/h*n: Il. 2.501; it was near lake Copais, and 30 stadia from Haliartus (for which cf. Il. 2.503 poih/enq' *(ali/arton). Strabo ix. p. 410. For Haliartus see Frazer on Paus.ix. 32. 5.

*polu/purgon: the word does not occur elsewhere; but cf. e)u_/purgos of Troy, Il. 7.71. It must be confessed, however, that the title is strange, for a small and unimportant town, and Barnes' polu/puron is attractive; cf. Il. 11.756 etc., and Od. 16.396 *doulixi/ou polupu/rou poih/entos (so poih/enta 243).

*telfou/shs: here and in 247, 256, 276 the MSS. vary between the forms telfou=sa and delfou=sa. Other spellings are found: *tilfw=ssa Pindar in Strabo 411, Herodian ap. Byz. There Steph. was a temple of Apollo *tilfw/ssios at that place; in Dem.xix. 141, 148, Theopomp. 240 it is called to\ *tilfwssai=on; cf. Ephor. 67 *tilfwse/wn o)/ros e)n *)alalkomeni/a|, Apollod.iii. 7. 4. 3*tilfou=ssa. Pausanias uses the forms *tilfou=sa, *tilfou/sion o)/ros (ix. 33. 1). In Arcadia we find the name of a town and local nymph *qe/lpousa ( Paus.viii. 35; coins with *qe*l, Head p. 382). All these forms are doubtless connected with the root qa/lp-, i.e. “warm-spring” (Pott viii. p. 416). As to the MS. delfou/shs, while there is no evidence for a local form in d, Androtion 2 speaks of *delfou=sa in Arcadia, and Byz. Steph. calls the stream at Delphi *delfou=sa. The interchange of t and d is not uncommon, e.g. dru/faktos tru/faktos, da/pides ta/phtes (see Kretschmer xxxiii. p. 467). It is therefore possible that *de/lfousa is a real form; otherwise it must be a scribe's error due to the association of *delfoi/, *delfi/nios etc.

The spring at Telphusa has been identified at the foot of Mt. Tilphusius, “a spur of Helicon which advances to within a few hundred paces of what used to be the margin of the lake,” i.e. Copais (Frazer on ).

a)*p/hmwn, “peaceful”; the word is not applied to places in Homer, but cf. no/stos a)ph/mwn d 519. So Hes. 670（po/ntos). The idea is explained by 262.

*pelopo/n*nhson: not in Homer; but cf. 6. 3 nh=son a(/pasan

*eu)rw/p*hn: “Europe” here apparently means N. Greece. It is quite reasonable to suppose that the geographical term, like *)asi/a and *(ella/s was gradually extended, as men's knowledge of the world widened. Byz. Steph. and 397. 45 derive *eu)rw/ph from *eu)/rwpos, a Macedonian city ( Thuc.ii. 100). The etymology is so far valuable, in that it points to a belief among the ancients themselves, that “Europe” was once a term for N. Greece; Hegesippus ( 6, v. 422 f.), a native of Mecyberna, states that Europe was used in the narrow sense: a)f' h(=s (sc. Europa) kai\ h( h)/peiros pa=sa h( pro\s *bore/an a)/nemon *eu)rw/ph ke/klhtai. Fick ( xxii. p. 225) explains the meaning by “flatland,” opposed to stenwpo/s. M. Arnold's paraphrase “Wide Prospect” rests on an explanation (of Hermann) that Europe was the broad expanse of land stretching from Thrace to the Peloponnese, as it appeared to the Greeks in Asia Minor.

Byz. Steph. (s.v. *)asi/a) observes that Homer does not know *eu)rw/ph. But the substitution of h)/peiron (Reiz, Gemoll), on this ground, is quite unjustifiable. It is true that Stephanus considers the hymn to be Homer's (cf. on 224); but he may easily have overlooked the present passage, and he could not fail to be struck by the absence of the word in the and

qemisteu/oimi: Ilgen reads k) for t) in 252, but the concessive optative may stand. The sense is “I am willing to prophesy”; cf. § 299 (). Lines 252, 253=292, 293, where M has a)/r), the rest a)/n.

die/qhke: the verb is not found in Homer or Hesiod, and does not seem to occur elsewhere in serious poetry, though common in Attic prose. Cf. Callim. 57 au)to\s de\ qemei/lia *foi=bos u(fai/nei.

Editors commonly punctuate with a colon at qh/sw, assuming an aposiopesis or change of construction after 260. The punctuation in the text seems to avoid all difficulty. Peppmüller places a colon at qh/sw, but reads a)/ll) for a)ll), comparing the common a)/llo de/ toi e)re/w su\ d' e)ni\ fresi/ ktl. But a)/llo here is scarcely appropriate.

e)/pos ti ktl.=Il. 19.121.

ktu/pon: a)kou/ein must be mentally supplied, from ei)sora/asqai. The zeugma here is very similar to that in Od. 9.167 (e)leu/ssomen) kapno/n t' au)tw=n te fqoggh/n. For w)kupo/dwn ktl. cf. Il. 10.535.

e)*n *kri/s|h: for the place see on 439.

This line seems to prove that the hymn (or at least this part of it) is older than the introduction of the Pythian games. See Introd. p. 67, and note on 542.

a)lla/ toi seems an improvement on the vulgate a)lla\ kai/, since Telphusa's argument is to present the advantages of Crisa throughout: at Telphusa the horses and chariots will divert men's attention from the temple; but at Crisa there will be no disturbance, men will bring gifts to Apollo. In and the familiarity of kai\ w(/s ousted toi.

The optatives prosa/goien and de/caio are best taken as expressing the acquiescence of the speaker as in 253 (=293), where see note: “they may bring gifts, and thou mayest receive their sacrifices.”

*)ih*pai/honi: here a title of Apollo as in Apoll. 2.704. In 500, 517 the word is used of the song to Apollo. Compare the paean of Aristonous (Smyth p. 527), with the repeated formulae i)h\ i)e\ *paia/n, w)= i)e\ *paia/n, Timotheus 218; the latter ( 25 Wilamowitz) has also i(/e paia/n, the aspirate being due to the supposed connexion with i(/hmi (be/los), for which see Athen. 701 C. With the origin of the word from this refrain cf. the similar history of the Linus -song, the hymenaeus, and the iobacchus; the last, like *)ihpaih/wn, was a title of the god, as well as the name for the hymn. On *paia/n and *paiw/n see Preller-Robert i. p. 241 n. 2, p. 277 n. 2, Pauly-Wissowa 62, Smyth p. xxxvi f., and further on 500.

a)mfigeg*hqw/s: a)mfi/ is not intensive (“exceedingly” L. and S. ) but is to be connected with fre/nas, as often, in the sense “on both sides,” i.e. throughout the mind. Compare Il. 1.103 me/neos de\ me/ga fre/nes a)mfi\ me/lainai

de/cai): the opt. is strongly supported by prosa/goien.

au)t*=|h=mo/nh|, as in Il. 8.99 , *n 729. Cf. the parallel line 381 (oi)/hs).

For the phrase o)/fra . . kle/os ei)/h cf. a Rhodian inscr. ( xvi. 117 and 357) sama toz idameneus poihsa i.na kleos eih.

*flegu/wn: the godless Phlegyae (or Phlegyes, Eusth. 933. 15) are like the mythical Cyclopes; cf. Od. 9.275 f. ou) ga\r *ku/klwpes *dio\s ai)gio/xou a)le/gousin. But the Phlegyan hostility to Apollo is not mythical: the tribe attacked Pytho, from which they were repulsed by the god, only a few survivors escaping to Phocis; Paus.ix. 36. 2Paus., x. 7. 1, Pherecydes in schol. A on Il. 13.302, schol. Pind. x. 55.For their city Panopeus see Paus.x. 4. 1 f. with Frazer's note. It lay 20 furlongs W. of Chaeronea.

*khfisi/dos li/mn*hs: lake Copais is so called in Il. 5.709; so in Pind. xii. 27.Pausanias (ix. 24. 1) says that the lake was called by both names; he himself uses the name Cephisis by preference. The verse has been suspected on the ground that Panopeus is some distance from the lake, whereas Haliartus and Onchestus are near it. The objection would be hypercritical, even if the geography of the hymn were otherwise strictly accurate; see on 240. The road from Athens to Delphi by Panopeus seems to have been a sacred way; see Frazer on Paus.x. 4. 3.

*prose/bhs=a)ne/bhs, as often. The verb is followed by a direct acc. in Homer; so in 520, 99. Mommsen, quoted by Gemoll, calls the construction prosbai/nein pro/s prosaic; cf., however, 125 (with e)s).

qu/wn: a forcible word expressing violent motion. Hermann's qei/wn and other emendations are no improvement.

*parn*hso\n *nifo/enta: Baumeister compares Panyasis (ap. Paus.x. 8. 9), Callim. 93. For the situation of Crisa, which is correctly described, see Frazer on Paus.x. 37. 5.

kn*hmo/n: only plur. in Homer.

tekm/hrato with inf. is postHomeric; cf. Apoll. 4.559 (nosth/sein).

287-293=247-253.

a)/r): a)/n here rests upon , and cannot be defended by 252, since k) there is only Ilgen's conjecture.

*nhw=|: bwmw= (but in 253 nhw=| without variant). The same variant occurs in Od. 6.162 bwmw=| codd. naw=| 283 E and in Apollod. ap. schol. 56. Here nhw=| is necessary (with xre/wn e)ni/), and bwmw=| may be due to z; the altar must have preceded the temple. See Frazer on Paus.i. 30. 2.

Building of Apollo's temple. On Delphi and the temple see Homolle xx. p. 641, 677, 703, xxi. p. 256, Pomtow li. p. 329 f., Philippson and Hiller von Gärtringen in Pauly-Wissowa 2517 f.

Of the first temple, burned in 58. 1(=B.C. 548), and rebuilt by the Alcmaeonids (see Pauly-Wissowa 2550 f.), no traces have been found, nor any sign of a conflagration. The site was not the same as that of the later temple, but nearer the temple of Ge and the Muses.

The families have each diverged from the parallel line 255, M taking kala/ for makra/, and diampere/s for dihneke/s. So in Od. 12.436 kaloi\ for makroi\ is quoted by Apoll. diampere/s may be a correction of dihneke/s, which as an adverb is not Homeric, though it occurs in Alexandrine verse.

Either this passage, or the of Eugammon (Kinkel i. p. 57) is the first mention of Trophonius and Agamedes as early builders; see Kern in Pauly-Wissowa art. “Agamedes.” For other accounts of their parentage and relationship see Paus.ix. 37. 3, Charax ap. schol. 508= iii. p. 637. They occupy a position in architecture similar to that of Daedalus in sculpture. For buildings attributed to them cf. Paus.viii. 10. 2(wooden temple of Poseidon), id. ix. 11. 1 (qa/lamos of Alcmena), (golden treasury of Augeas, or of Hyrieus, at Elis; and, by Trophonius, his own shrine at Lebadia).

According to Paus.x. 5. 9 f. it was the fourth temple that was built by Trophonius and Agamedes. The hymnwriter knows nothing of the later Delphian tradition that the earliest temple was of laurel-wood, the second of bees' wax and wings, and the third of bronze.

la/i+*non ou)do/n: the ou)do/s built by the sons of Erginus is here distinguished from the nho/s built by “the tribes of men” (298). The ou)do/s may therefore be the as opposed to the ; cf. Byz. Steph. *delfoi/: e)/nqa to\ a)/duton kateskeu/astai e)k pe/nte li/qwn, e)/rgon *trofwni/ou kai\ *)agamh/dous. Probably, however, the two architects laid the first courses (ou)do/s) of the whole temple, on the plan traced by Apollo; the building was then finished by other workmen. In this case a)mfi/ (298) would mean “all round,” i.e. over the whole of the foundations. la/i+nos ou)do/s is applied to the temple at Pytho in Il. 9.404 , *q 80; in the latter passage, at all events, ou)do/s must be the threshold (u(pe/rbh la/i+non ou)do/n).

For the building of the temple by Trophonius and Agamedes cf. also Pind. ap. Plutarch. 14, [Plato] 367 C, Strabo 421, Cic. i. 47.

*)ergi/nou: the “workman” or “builder.”

fi/loi a)qana/toisi qeoi=sin: Baumeister refers to the story of their death, caused by Apollo in answer to their prayer for a reward after building the temple. Plutarch relates the similar story of Cleobis and Bito.

e)/nassan: only here in the sense of “build.” The causal use is rare and confined to the epic aorist; cf. Od. 4.174 kai/ ke/ oi( *)/argei+ na/ssa po/lin, “gave as a home.”

ktistoi=sin: apparently “wrought.” Empedocles (139) uses ktisto/s of trees, but it is very doubtful whether kti/zw could be applied to the material of a temple. cestoi=sin and r(utoi=sin are graphically impossible; in xvii. p. 249 tuktoi=sin was suggested.

a)oi/dimon e)/mmenai ai)ei/: the temple was therefore standing at the time (see Introd. p. 67).

300-304. The slaying of the dragon. If the account of Typhaon is an insertion (see on 305 f.) line 304 would be naturally followed by 356. The episode of the dragon is doubtless part of the original myth; but the hymn-writer turns it to account, in order to explain the supposed etymology of puqw/ (372 f.), which he may have himself invented (Pauly-Wissowa 2527).

The dragon is now generally supposed to represent an earlier Pythian cult, dispossessed by Apollo. As a snake is regularly the symbol or actual embodiment of earth-deities, it is probable that it here stands for the older cult of Gaea (followed, according to some ancient traditions, by that of Themis). For this early oracle of Pytho cf. Aesch. 2th\n prwto/mantin *gai=an, Paus.x. 5. 5fasi\ ga\r dh\ ta\ a)rxaio/tata *gh=s ei)=nai to\ xrhsth/rion, Plutarch 17. 402 C, 1245 f. See e.g. Preller-Robert i. p. 240 n. 1, Pauly-Wissowa 2529, Harrison in xix. p. 222 f. The snake was no doubt originally the giver of the oracle (Miss Harrison compares the oracular snake at Epirus, xi. 2), and afterwards became merely the guardian of the well; for the latter idea cf. 1249, Paus.x. 6. 6e)pi\ tw=| mantei/w| fu/laka u(po\ *gh=s teta/xqai, Apollod.i. 4. 3o( frourw=n to\ mantei=on *pu/qwn o)/fis e)kw/luen ktl. In later times the Python reappears as profh/ths; cf. Hyg. 140, Hesych. and Suid. s.v. pu/qwn, Lucian 23. On the grave of the Python see Harrison p. 225 f.

For the common idea that the water of a spring or well is guarded by a serpent see Frazer on Paus.ix. 10. 5.In many cases, of course, there is no suggestion that the snake was oracular, as at Delphi.

The conflict between a dragon or other monster and a god, hero, or saint is too wide a subject for discussion in a note. Here, again, the causes of the myth may be various; see Crooke (“The Legends of Krishna” in xi. p. 11 f.) who accepts the view that the Pythian myth represents a conflict of cults. The subject is exhaustively discussed by Hartland (in iii. p. 66 f. he rejects the common theory that these stories are traditions of gigantic saurians). It may be conceded that some cases are pure nature-myths (e.g. the struggle of Indra with Ahi or Vitra).

kr/hn*h: the identification of the fountain is not clear. The editors assume that it is the Castalian spring, for the situation of which see Frazer on Paus.x. 8. 9.The great fame of this spring and its close connexion with Apollo make it probable that it would be regarded as the scene of the conflict with the dragon. Frazer, on the other hand, identifies the krh/nh with the spring called Cassotis by Pausanias (x. 24. 7), which is just above the temple, or with another fountain, below the temple (see his notes on x. 24. 7 and x. 12. 1).

dra/kainan: the fem. form is not Homeric. The poet follows what is doubtless the original myth, in which Apollo, like George St., kills a nameless “dragon” or “worm.” In 1245 (poikilo/nwtos oi)nwpo\s dra/kwn), Paus.x. 6. 5 the monster is still unnamed, but its sex has changed to the male. This, as Miss Harrison suggests ( p. 222) may be due to a desire to provide Apollo with a worthier foe; but the present passage proves her to be wrong in supposing that the change of sex probably originated “at the coming of Apollo” (to Delphi). The confusion of sex persisted when names were given to the dragon in later times: the most usual name was *pu/qwn (first in the euhemeristic version of Ephorus, Strabo 646; cf. Paus.x. 6. 5 f.) as in Apollod.i. 4. 3, Clearchus ap. Athen. 701 C (= ii. 318); for other references, see Preller-Robert i. p. 239 n. 2. Other names were *delfu/nh (fem.) or *delfu/nhs (masc.): in Apoll. 2.705, xiii. 28 the gender is doubtful; possibly the masc. is a fiction of grammarians; but see Kern in PaulyWissowa s.v. *delfu/nhs. According to the schol. on Apoll. Callimachus ( 364) used the feminine, which the scholiast thinks more correct; so 442. On the name generally see de Witte

305-355. The episode of Typhaon is reasonably suspected by most commentators, as foreign to the context. The connexion of the dra/kaina with Typhaon is very forced; nothing is said about the fate of this monster, for it is the dragon that is slain by Apollo, 356 f. The passage should not be called a “later addition,” for, as Farnell ( i. p. 183) remarks it is “a genuine though a misplaced fragment.” The snake-form of Typhoeus (see PrellerRobert i. p. 65 n. 1) would help to associate or confuse him with the dragon. In Apollod. i.42Delphyne aids Typho against Zeus.

*tufa/ona: so 352, but in 367 *tufweu/s. The two names are confused in 306 (Typhaon), 821, 869 (Typhoeus). *tufw/s and *tufw/n are other forms; see Preller-Robert i. p. 63. For his parentage cf. p. 772. 50 *(hsi/odos au)to\n gh=s genealogei=, *sthsi/xoros de\ *(/hras mo/nhs kata\ mnhsikaki/an *dio\s tekou/shs au)to/n. It is to be noticed that the quotes Stesichorus, not the Homeric hymn (see Pref. p. liii). So the schol. on Apoll. 4.1310 quotes Stesichorus as the first to describe the birth of Athena full-armed. He neglects xxvii. The parentage here given is evidently later than the Hesiodean account, from which, however, the author of the hymn is not altogether free, as Hera asks for a son from Earth and Heaven and the Titans, but especially from the Earth (cp. 340 f.). On the connexion of Hera and Typhoeus see Farnell i. p. 183 f., who rightly explains it as due to the character of Hera, the jealous goddess of the epic drama. She is not here to be regarded as a Chthonian deity. So Hera nourished (qre/ye) the Lernaean Hydra and the Nemean lion, in her wrath against Zeus ( 314, 323). There was a *tufao/nion near Thebes, 32.

h(/nex) M (which the scribe saw was a mistake) is not for ou(/neka, but h(ni/ka, as in Od. 22.198.

e)*n koruf*=|h: Barnes' e)k korufh=s has been generally accepted; cf. 924, xxviii. 5. But e)k korufh=s implies e)n korufh=|, which may therefore stand.

The birth of Athena from the head of Zeus is Homeric (Il. 5.875, 880). Homer, it is true, does not mention the head, but Il. 5.880 e)pei\ au)to\s e)gei/nao almost certainly refers to the myth. It is quite in the Homeric manner to pass over in silence the most irrational and grotesque part of the myth. See Lang ii. p. 242 f., Farnell i. p. 280 f. Cf. further on xxvii. (Introd.).

311=Il. 8.5 , *t 101. qe/ainai: in Homer only in this phrase; cf. Il. 8.20 , q 341. Callimachus, however, uses the word without qeo/s; cf. 29.

Compare the similar passage Od. 8.308 f. w(s e)me\ xwlo\n e)o/nta . . . ai)e\n a)tima/zei. The writer, as Gemoll observes, had a reminiscence of the passage in *q. So h)pedano/s (316) is taken from Il. 8.311.

*prw=tos: apparently for pro/teros; cf. Il. 4.67 a)/rcwsi pro/teroi. Baumeister compares Il. 13.502 , *s 92, but in neither case is the exact force of prw=tos certain (see Leaf ). e)*pei/ must be elliptical “(as he should not do) since I am his wife.” See L. and S. s.v. Il. 2.4.

r(ikno/s: not Homeric; cf. Apoll. 1.669 , *b 198. The lameness of Hephaestus is accounted for by viii. 414 Modern mythologists of the older school have accepted the explanation (e.g. Preller-Robert i. p. 175). It seems more reasonable to suppose that, as the trade of the smith was particularly suited to the lame, the divine smith was himself imagined to be lame. The Norse Völundur and the Teutonic Wieland were lame.

o(\n te/kon au)t/h: an emphatic amplification of pai=s e)mo/s, “my very own child.” There are two traditions as to the parentage of Hephaestus: according to 927 Hera was his sole parent, having borne him to avenge herself for the birth of Athena. Matthiae assumed that the hymn followed this version, and translated au)th/ “alone.” But Franke replied that in this case Hera would have already been even with Zeus, without the birth of the monster. Clearly the hymn adopts the other version, that Hephaestus was the son of Zeus, as well as of Hera (Il. 14.338); he speaks of two parents also in Od. 8.312, a passage probably in the poet's mind (cf. n. on 312 ). On the birth of Hephaestus see Usener 1901 p. 180 f.

After this line a lacuna, as Demetrius saw, seems required. It could indeed be avoided, by placing a full stop at au)th/, and taking r(i/y) as an asyndeton; the abruptness might be thought to suit Hera's rage (cf. 227). But the style would be so extremely harsh that this view is unlikely. The words o(\n te/kon au)th/ are not to be touched, and to read de/ for a)na/ in 318 (with the correction of *g followed by Abel) is to give up the problem. In xv. p. 278 a line was suggested ai)=sxos e)moi\ kai\ o)/neidos e)n ou)ranw=|, o(/n te kai\ au)th/, it being there assumed that the line was lost through assonance; but of course such lacunae may be due to other causes.

With regard to the fall of Hephaestus there are again two versions, both Homeric: in Il. 1.590 he is thrown from heaven by Zeus; in Il. 14.395 this is done by Hera, in disgust at his lameness. (So Paus.i. 20. 3, ed. Westermann p. 372.) The latter account is followed by the hymn; cf. also on 319.

In Il. 18.395 Hephaestus is saved by Eurynome and Thetis. *nhr=hos quga/thr: cf. 244. This line is repeated by 33 (h)=lqe de/).

xari/ssasqai: the aorist is more appropriate than the present; the fact that the double s hardly occurs in this word is scarcely an objection, since aorists in -ss- are common (e.g. fra/ssasqai 415), and there is authority for e)xari/ssato in an inscr. ap. Preger 126. 3 (fifth cent.).

Cf. Od. 13.293 sxe/tlie, poikilomh=ta. mhti/seai: it is difficult to see why mh/seai has been generally preferred by editors. mhti/seai is supported by 325, 345, and is Homeric; mh/seai may be a graphical corruption, MH(TI)CEAI, and e)/ti was added by , perhaps from Od. 11.474. There is no objection to mh/seai in itself; cf. oracl. ap. Hendess 14. 4 ti/ nu mh/seai w)= mega/le *zeu=

Editors, after Demetrius, have read h)=n a)/r), as third person; “even if I had borne her, she would have been called thy daughter.” The sense is excellent, but there are two serious objections: (1) ken or a)/n would be required, (2) the MSS. are unanimous in reading h)= (with variations of accent). This can hardly be the Attic 1st person; we must rather read h)=a/ r() e)n with Matthiae. Cf. Hartel i. 73. If Hermann's objection to r() is valid (r() does not seem to be used after a vowel which can be elided), it would be possible to write h)=) a)/r. “I was called, at all events, yours in heaven,” i.e. “I had at least the of your wife, (although I have been neglected).” keklh=sqai here seems to be emphatic, not merely an equivalent of ei)=nai as it is in Il. 4.60=Il. 18.365 ou(/neka sh\ para/koitis ke/klhmai, which, however, may have been the origin of the present passage. sh/ may be said of a wife as well as of a daughter, although a)/loxos or a similar word is usual; cf. Il. 3.138, 148, 79.

325 was omitted in M, possibly on account of its resemblance to 326. This is perhaps enough to decide in favour of M's reading of that line kai\ nu=n me/n toi, between which and kai\ nu=n toi ga\r there is little to choose. Cf. Il. 22.358 fra/zeo nu=n mh/ toi/ ti qew=n mh/nima ge/nwmai.

ou)=sa: the form occurs in xix. 32 (w)/n), xxix. 10 (w)/n), but both hymns are no doubt later. In 106 the reading is uncertain. Here Hermann is perhaps right in correcting thlo/q' e)ou=sa, cf. Il. 8.285 , *f 154 etc. See Agar in xxviii. (1901) p. 78. A difficulty has been found in the line: according to the text, Hera threatens to be “far from Zeus,” but to mingle with the other gods (mete/ssomai). Yet she departs from the gods 331, and spends a year in her temples. In the seclusion of his own temple a deity was thought to be withdrawn from all intercourse with fellow-gods; cf. 304, where Demeter stays for a year in her temple maka/rwn a)po/nosfin a(pa/ntwn. Hence Gemoll reads kote/ssomai; other emendations are less satisfactory. However, mete/ssomai may very well be sound; Hera certainly has some relations with the other gods, for she leaves Zeus to invoke Gaia, Uranos, and the Titans; and a)po\ sei=o is the only emphatic part of her threat. In any case, if there is strictly a contradiction in 330 and 347, it may be due to the author's carelessness.

a)*po/nosfi: a)po\ no/sfi is preferred by many editors for Homer; see La Roche i. p. 88.

xwome/n*h *per: Barnes, followed by recent editors, emended per to kh=r, as per is commonly joined to participles in an adversative or concessive force. But the original sense of per must have been “very”=dh/; cf. the Latin per-, and peri/. As Leaf on Il. 1.131 remarks, the sense of “though” properly belongs to the participle itself, not to per; see also van Leeuwen p. 586. For the use in strengthening a participle cf. Il. 23.79 geino/meno/n per “at my very birth,” Od. 17.13 , r 47 (where schol. H notes to\ pe/r a)nti\ tou= dh/), and perhaps Od. 1.314. Similarly per strengthens an adjective, as Il. 24.504 e)leeino/tero/s per, or an adverb, as Il. 1.416 mi/nunqa/ per “quite a short time.” The editors have been misled by the fact that the use is un-

xeiri\ kataprh*nei==Il. 16.792 , n 164. The Homeric formula explains the position of de/ (Hermann). e)/lase xqo/na: to call the attention of the gods below: the action shews that her prayer is really addressed to Earth and the Titans, although she calls upon all the powers of Nature, including Heaven. For this manner of invoking chthonian deities or ghosts cf. Il. 9.568 , *c 272 f., Aesch. 674 f., 1293 f., Plat. 423A, Plutarch 774 B, ii. 1. 10, Diog. Laert.vii. 26, vii. 117, Coluth.47 f., Cic. ii. 25. 60, Livy vii. 6. 4, Aesch. 54 f., Val. Flacc. vii. 312, Macrob. iii. 9. 12; Sittl p. 190 f., Rohde p. 111, 693, Headlam in xvi. 53.

For modern times cf. Lang ; “the action was practised by the Zulus in divination, and, curiously, by a Highlander of the last century, appealing to the dead Lovat” (p. 121).

moi: the dative is defended by Il. 5.115 , *k 278, *w 335, Theognis 4 and 13, Solon 13. 2, Hom. xxi. 1.So a)kou/ein with dat. Il. 16.515. The dat. expresses the idea of “turning a favourable ear to,” and is used in prayer to a god. § 143 n. 3.

*tit=hne/s te qeoi/: the addition of qeoi/ is common (in Il. 14.279 oi(\ *tith=nes kale/ontai follows qeou\s tou\s u(potartari/ous): cf. 424, 630, 648, 668, 729.

toi\ . . *naieta/ontes: toi/ is of course a relative pronoun. Matthiae explains the construction intended as toi\ . . . naieta/ontes a)/ndras te qeou/s te e)fu/sate. Ilgen's naieta/ousin is quite impossible. Peppmüller with greater probability assumes a lacuna, suggesting the Hesiodean line h(/at' e)p' e)sxati/h| mega/lhs e)n pei/rasi gai/hs, which follows u(po\ xqoni\ naieta/ontes in 622. But we may regard the sentence as an example of the analytic conjugation with ei)=nai (for which see Kühner-Gerth i. § 353 n. 3), with the auxiliary ei)si/n omitted; for this latter use cf. Hes. 357, 302, 568, 1000, Eur. 517, 194, 208.

tw=n e)\c a)/ndres te qeoi/ te: cf. Hes. 107w(s o(mo/qen gega/asi qeoi\ qnhtoi/ t' a)/nqrwpoi, where, however, the Titans are not mentioned; in Pind. vi. 1e(\n a)ndrw=n e(\n qew=n ge/nos, e)k mia=s de\ pne/omen matro\s a)mfo/teroi, the mother is Earth, who bare the Titans. Cf. also xxxvii. 1 f. *tith=nes, *gai/hs te kai\ *ou)ranou= a)glaa\ te/kna,

au)toi/: the emphatic pronoun may be resumptive, after the parenthesis; or it may mark a contrast between the gods of Olympus, whom Hera neglects, and the chthonian powers. Gemoll's au)tou= nu=n gives a very doubtful meaning to au)tou= in Homer (in Il. 15.349 it is local not temporal). Peppmüller's au)ti/ka would not have been corrupted to au)toi/.

e)/stw: Hermann's ei)/h is perfect in sense, but e)/stw is nearer to e)stin in M, which has certainly kept the original in o(/son, and may have done so, approximately, in e)stin. For the confusion cf. Il. 10.41 e)/stai e)sti ei)/h, *l 366 e)sti ei)/h h)=.

i(/mase: a vivid word, stronger than e)/lase in 333. Cf. Il. 2.782 gai=an i(ma/ssh|, *i 568 gai=an polufo/rbhn xersi\n a)loi/a, 857 au)ta\r e)pei\ dh/ min da/mase plhgh=|sin i(ma/ssas.

kin/hqh: Typhaon is in some mysterious way the child of Earth, though actually borne by Hera. In other legends, similar monsters are only “nursed” by Hera, in her jealousy; and it is possible that there was an older myth of an earth-born Typhaon, nursed by Hera (see on 306), unless the whole of this myth is the invention of the poet.

fere/sbios; un-Homeric, but five times in the hymns, and in 693. It is quoted as Homeric (par' *(omh/rw|) by Apollodorus ap. schol. Genevens. Il. 21.341; see Preface p. l.

i)dou=sa: M's reading allows the digamma; in 255, however, M agrees with the other MSS. in neglecting it (e)sidou=sa). For similar alterations, due to a desire of scribes to avoid (supposed) hiatus, see xv. p. 279, and (from papyri) Il. 23.198 w)ke/a d' *)=iris for w)=ka de\ *)=iris, *z 493 pa=sin, e)moi\ de\ ma/lista toi\ *)ili/w| for pa=si, ma/lista d' e)moi\ toi\ *)ili/w| (as Epict. iii. 22. 108).

telesfo/ron ei)s e)*niauto/n: see on xx. 6.

Baumeister, Gemoll, Abel eject the verse, which Hermann also suspected. But ei)s qw=kon may very well depend on e)fezome/nh; the preposition takes the place of the regular dative with e)fe/zesqai owing to the idea of motion, “coming to sit.” Possibly we should take h)/luqe with ei)s qw=kon, and fraze/sketo with w(s to\ pa/ros per (removing the comma). The objection to this, as Hermann noted, is that w(s to\ pa/ros per is properly used without a verb; but cf. Od. 19.340 kei/w d' w(s to\ pa/ros per a)u+/pnous nu/ktas i)/auon.

*polulli/stoisi: cf. 28. The similarity between the two passages is striking; te/rpeto oi<*>=s i)eroi=si 348= de/gmenos i(era\ kala/ 29.

=Od. 11.294 f., Od. 14.293 f., where the MSS. give mh=nes, a nu/ktes is less effective, of the passing of a year, and introduces the unessential contrast of light and dark. Cf. 58 a)ll' o(/te dh/ r() e)niauto\s e)/hn peri\ d' e)/trapon w(=rai,

Cf. 295 f. h( d' e)/tek' a)/llo pe/lwron a)mh/xanon ou)de\ e)oiko\s

The assonance at the end of 351, 352 did not trouble the author of this hymn; cf. 230, 231 and 537, 538.

kakw=|; i.e. to the dra/kaina, who acts as the foster-mother.

Nothing more is said of Typhaon. If lines 305-355 had been original in their present context, we should have expected an account of his fate; instead of this, the poem returns to the dragoness, by a very abrupt transition (355-356).

fe/reske/ min: “would carry him off.” The use of fe/rein with h)=mar is more metaphorical than in the older epic, where the kh=res literally carry off a doomed man; cf. Il. 2.302 , *i 411, c 207.

On the indicative after pri/n, of which this line is the earliest instance, see Sturm, Schanz's ii. 47.

e)*nop/h: the noise of the writhing dragoness (cf. kulindome/nh . . . e(li/sseto). The word is used of various inarticulate noises, as well as of the human voice; see L. and

lei=pe de\ qumo/n: suspicion of the text is quite unwarranted. Various emendations are mentioned by Gemoll. In Homer qumo/s would have been the subject, but the text is justified by Pind. iii. 180(quoted by Matthiae) to/cois a)po\ yuxa\n lipw/n; Verg. iii. 140

foino/n: in Homer only Il. 16.159 parh/i+on ai(/mati foino/n, “blood-red.” So probably here; “she left her soul, breathing it forth blood-red.” The rhythm shews that foino/n is to be taken closely with a)popnei/ous). The soul is thought to pass out with the blood from the wound; Ilgen well compares Verg. xi. 349 Others translate “murderous,” in which sense foino/s is used in late epic: Nicand. 140 Ther. 675; so dafoino/s in 250. Ruhnken took foino/n to be a subst., as in Nicand. 187, “breathing forth blood.” But the object of a)popnei/ousa is almost certainly qumo/n, cf. Il. 4.524=Il. 13.654 qumo\n a)popnei/wn.

e)*phu/cato: usually altered to e)peu/cato, as, according to Moeris p. 175, the augment in this word is

e)*ntauqoi= *nu=n: u(bristikw=s, to a conquered foe; cf. Il. 21.122 , s 105, u 262. So e)ntau=qa nu=n in Attic; 82, 149, 1001, 724.

zwoi=si: the phrase zwo\s broto/s occurs in Od. 23.187, so that zwoi=si may stand here as an amplification of brotoi=si. Ilgen's correction zw/ousa has been generally accepted.

dushlege/): cf. Il. 20.154 (po/lemos), Od. 22.325 (qa/nato/n ge dushlege/a, as here); 652, 506; on the derivation see Leaf on Il. 20.154 (probably from a)/lgos with e developed from the liquid, and h due to the ictus).

*tufweu/s: this form for *tufa/wn is in itself no proof of different authorship (see on 306); but it may be noted that the author of the fragment 305-352 uses only the form *tufa/wn. M's *tufwneu\s is a mixture of *tufweu/s and *tufw/n, and as Baumeister notes is not justified by the mistaken or corrupt gloss of Hesych. *tufwnei= ( *tufwei=).

*xi/maira: daughter of Typhaon and Echidna in 306, 319. Gemoll suggests that the dra/kaina may here be identified with Echidna, Chimaera being thus the daughter of Typhoeus and the dra/kaina. Possibly Chimaera is simply mentioned as a similar monster, who might be expected to help the dragon.

*)hle/ktwr *(uperi/wn=Il. 19.398 (h)le/ktwr alone, Il. 6.513). The phrase is evidently very ancient, h)le/ktwr being an archaic title of the sun. Curtius' etymology (cf. Sansk.arkas, the sun) may stand; h)/lektron is certainly cognate, In Emped. 263 h)le/ktwr=fire, as an element.

i(ero\n me/nos is a necessary correction, being the Homeric phrase; the corrupt i(/meron is difficult to explain, but cf. (ii.) ch. 10 i(erei/as with v.l. ap. schol. *(imerai/as.

*puqw/: for this etymology see Paus.x. 6. 5(quoted on 300). Later, the word was connected with pu^qe/sqai; cf. 603 *puqw=d' i)w\n

*pu/qion kale/ousin: this appears to be unmetrical; in Pind. xiv. 16*pu/qion corresponds to ko/lpoisi in the antistrophe; Ahrens reads *puqw=|on, but in any case the syllabic correspondence is unnecessary (see the metrical analysis in Christ ). The simplest correction would be *pu/qeion (which form is however doubtful, and is hardly supported by de/lfeios 496 as the latter is probably corrupt); so Schulze p. 254 (accented *puqei=on). In x. 17 th\n e)pi\ *puqei/ou r(u/eo nautili/hn, *puqei/ou is apparently a place; cf. Suid. *puqei=on: to\ mantiko/n, 696 *pu/qeia kai\ *puqai=os: o)/noma e(orth=s *)agame/mnonos tw=| *)apo/llwni. Schneidewin suggests *puqw=|on, a form attested by Byz.Steph. , like *lhtw=|os, *sapfw=|os. *puqai=os has little authority ( 1877 of a stream, and in ). But *pu/qios is the regular and official title, prevailing in literature and inscriptions (see PaulyWissowa 65 f.), and seems most suitable here; Danielsson p. 58 n. 4 defends *pu/qion with z Hermann prefers *pu/qion a)gkale/ousin.

kei=qi au)tou=, “on that very spot.” Baumeister compares Od. 10.271 su\ me/n' au)tou= tw=|d' e)ni\ xw/rw|, a passage which justifies au)tou= following kei=qi. Cf. also 169 and note.

me/nos ktl.= Hes. 414.

kai\ to/t) ktl. Apollo realised the nymph's treachery after he had seen and killed the dragon. The “deceit” of course lay in her advice to choose Pytho. She presumably knew that this was the home of the dragon, and hoped that the monster would overcome Apollo, and relieve her of a rival, of whom she was jealous (275 f., 381).

*prore/ein: the transitive use, though rare, seems established by Apoll. 3.225 h( d' a)/r' u(/dwr prore/eske, 1137. Barnes' proxe/ein is supported by 241, Il. 21.219; the two words are variants in Il. 21.366.

*pe/tr|hsi *proxut*=|hsin: not governed by e)pi/, but a dative of circumstance: “pushed a crag over, with a shower of stones.” Such a shower would naturally follow the dislodgement of a mass of earth or rock from an overhanging cliff. See xvii. p. 250 (after Matthiae). Ruhnken's emendation petrai/ais proxo/h|sin, “pushed a crag against the waters which fell from the rock,” is not to be adopted, although far better than Gemoll's r(o/on for r(i/on. There is a reminiscence of this passage in Callim. 133 f. a)lla/ oi( *)/arhs paggai/ou proqe/lumna karh/ata me/llen a)ei/ras e)mbale/ein di/nh|sin a)pokru/yein de\ r(e/eqra.

If (as Frazer on Paus.ix. 33. 1 supposes) Telphusa is to be identified with a spring which now issues from the foot of Mt. Telphusius (see on 244), a landslip would be probable enough, as the overhanging cliff, now called Petra, is very steep. The words a)*pe/kruyen de\ r(e/eqra are not to be pressed; the spring was not annihilated, but only “spoilt” (h)/|sxune 387) by the landslip.

e)fra/zeto: for the quantity of the first syllable see on 256.

o)rgi/onas: the form and accent are uncertain. The Attic nom. is o)rgew/n; Antimachus 2 has an acc. o)rgi/wnas. The dat. o)rgeiw=ni in Hermesianax ap. Athen. 597 D is simply a correction (o)rgeiw=ni no/mw| Hermann for orgiwnanemwi). See W. Headlam in Nov. 1901, p. 403, where the word is discussed at length; it is there suggested that o)rgeiw/n or o)rgi/wn is a metrical extension of o)rgew/n (cf. a)ndrw/n a)ndrew/n a)ndreiw/n). Headlam also argues that the proper accent of these words is paroxytone in the nominative; we might thus adopt the form and accent o)rgei/onas. Schulze p. 255 also requires this, explaining o)rgei/onas as=*o)rgh/onas= Attic o)rgew=nas; so Fick xvi. p. 27. Gemoll also is inclined to reject o)rgi/onas.

a)/ra o(rmai/nwn: Schneidewin inserts o(/ g), to avoid the hiatus, which may be tolerated in this place.

The remark of the scribe of M i)/sws lei/pei sti/xos ei)=s was no doubt due to the corruption h)maqo/hn. It was rightly crossed out by the later hand, which corrected to nh=a qoh/n.

*kr=htes a)*po\ *knwsou=: the writer expressly localises the original home of the cult of Apollo delfi/nios in Crete. There was a temple of the god at Cnossus ( ii. 2554, Il. 3.98) as delfi/nios. The cult is also testified by Cnossian inscriptions at Delos, where the form of the title is delfi/dios ( iii. 293, iv. 355). There was a Cretan month Delphinius ( iii. 293, ii. 2448), and a Delphinion at Drerus in Crete ( 1856, 393). See Preller-Robert i. p. 257 n. 4, Pauly-Wissowa “Apollon” 47, Wide p. 87 f. For the supposed Cretan origin of the cult see on 495.

394-6. The transposition of these lines, with the futures r(e/cousi, a)ggele/ousi (first made by Matthiae), to follow 390 would be plausible but that 393 is left incomplete, which involves further violence. Moreover the present a)gge/llousi is well established by M and , and the change of r(e/cousi to r(e/zousi is graphically almost imperceptible, and constant in MSS. of the The lines may therefore stand as a parenthesis. Gemoll's parallel 23, 24 is in point: the function of the Cretans as priests of Apollo is mentioned by anticipation.

*foi/bou *)apo/llwnos xrusao/rou =Il. 5.509. For the form xrusao/rou see on 123. The sword as an attribute of Apollo is unusual, at least in later times; hence arose the theory, which cannot be accepted, that the a)/or may be the sword-belt or even the lyre of Apollo (see schol. A on Il. 15.256). Apollo carries the sword in his contest with Tityos and in scenes from the gigantomachy; e.g. on the vase of Aristophanes and Erginus ( i. 5); other references in Pauly-Wissowa “Apollon” 111. In early literature and archaic art the attributes of the various gods were less stereotyped than was afterwards the case. Even Demeter has the sword; cf. n. on 4.

e)k da/fn*hs: so Callim. 94 a)po\ da/fnhs, perhaps a reminiscence. The precise allusion in e)k da/fnhs may be doubted; the tripods (see on 443) are perhaps meant: cf. schol. on 39 oi( tri/podes da/fnh| h)=san e)stemme/noi. Ilgen, with more probability, sees a reference to the laurel-tree which appears to have grown in the temple; cf. 213 *puqikh\n sei/sas da/fnhn and schol. fasi\n w(s plhsi/on tou= tri/podos da/fnh i(/stato h(\n h( *puqi/a, h(ni/ka e)xrhsmw/|dei, e)/seien. So the paean of Aristonous , xlwro/tomon da/fnan sei/wn, where the adjective implies that a cut branch was shaken. The laurel was closely connected with the Pythian cult; the first legendary temple was built of laurel ( Paus.x. 5. 5); there were branches at the entrance ( Eur. 80Eur. Ion, 103) and laurel-trees in the te/menos ( Eur. 76). The priestess of Apollo chewed laurel before delivering the oracles (Lucian 1, Tzetzes on Lycophr. 6), and fumigated herself with burning laurel before descending into the cavern (Plutarch EI 2). Frazer on Paus.x. 5. 5 gives parallels for this fumigation. On the laurel see further Pauly-Wissowa “Apollon” 110, Preller-Robert i. pp. 285, 291, Murr pp. 92 f., Mannhardt p. 296.

*gua/lwn u(/po *parn*hsoi=o= 499 (gua/lois); similarly *parnassou= gua/lwn in the paean of Aristonous.

*puloigene/as: Fick's correction may be accepted; in Il. 2.54 pulhgene/os and puloigene/os are variants.

The Leprean Pylos is meant, as appears from 424.

delfi=ni e)oikw/s: stories of animals guiding people to a new town or country are very common; see Frazer's exhaustive note on Paus.x. 6. 2.For Apollo's connexion with the dolphin see on 495.

402, 403. The difficulty in these two lines is so great that Gemoll may be pardoned for giving up the passage as hopeless. We have first to decide between ou)/ tis . . . e)pefra/sato of M and and o(/s tis . . . e)pifra/ssaito of other MSS. The objection to the reading of M is that it is hard to understand how the sailors could have failed to see the dolphin, which lay on the deck; in fact lines 415 f. distinctly state the contrary. This seems to dispose of Matthiae's e)pefra/sat' ou)d' e)no/hse, apart from the graphical difficulty of that emendation. We must therefore accept o(/s tis e)pifra/ssaito noh=sai, which can mean “whoever thought to observe the dolphin.” e)pifra/zesqai takes an infinitive, Od. 5.183 e)pefra/sqhs a)goreu=sai. With this reading it would be just possible to dispense with the theory of a lacuna; we might understand “whoever observed him, him he threw down, and shook the ship.” The dolphin would upset any one who approached him. But pa/ntos' a)nassei/aske will hardly bear this interpretation. The verb seems to mean “shake up” or “shake to and fro,” and the object must be the ship or the dou=ra. Hermann's lacuna may therefore be accepted, the sense being “whoever saw the dolphin [tried to throw it overboard, but the monster] made [the ship] rock all ways”; e.g. we may supply a verse like e)kba/llein e)/qelen delfi=n), o( de\ nh=a me/lainan.

a)*nassei/aske is an anomalous form, but may be defended by Il. 8.272 kru/ptaske, *o 23 r(i/ptaskon, q 374 r(i/ptaske.

405, 406. The sailors were at first too much afraid to the ship, as they afterwards attempted to do (414). Hence e)/luon is right in both lines. The repetition of the verb, to which Baumeister objects, is not more offensive than that of nh=a, nho/s. Baumeister's e)/lkon would give a wrong sense, “hoist sail,” cf. Od. 2.426 , o 291; the sails were already set. e(/lkein could not mean “change sail,” as he explains.

lai=fos: not Homeric in this sense; cf. Alcaeus 18. 7, for early poetry.

katest/hsanto, “fixed it,” sc. lai=fos. No precise parallel to this use occurs in Homer; but cf. Soph. 710kate/sthsan di/frous, “they stationed the chariots.” So Od. 12.402 i(sto\n sthsa/menoi, “fixing the mast.”

e)/pleon: for the quantity of the first syllable see § 370. We are not to suppose a synizesis, with Hermann.

e)/peige: Ruhnken's correction, which is very slight, must be accepted, as the verb is constant in this connexion; Od. 12.167 (see note on 411), Soph. 1443, Il. 4.1769. The exx. given of e)gei/rein in xvii. 250 refer to quasi-animate or material objects.

a)liste/fanon: Matthiae's correction *(/elos t' e)/falon, from Il. 2.584, is brilliant, and has been generally adopted; but it is hard to suppose a rare and poetical word, like a(liste/fanon, either the result of a corruption or the invention of a scribe. Moreover *(/elos is at the head of the Laconian gulf, and it is difficult to see why the *no/tos carried the ship first N. and then S. again to Taenarum instead of crossing the mouth of the gulf from point to point. This latter argument cannot, however, be pressed; for (1) the hymn-writer is careless on points of geographical accuracy (see 239 f., 419 f., 425), and (2) the ship might be said to pass Helos, even if it kept a fairly straight course from Malea to Taenarum.

With the manuscript reading, ptoli/eqron would refer to Taenarum: “first they went by Malea, and then past the Laconian land they arrived at the seagirt town and fields of the sun.” Paus.iii. 25. 9 mentions a town once called Taenarum, in his own day *kainh/polis, forty stades from the cape; so Byz. Steph. *tai/naros . . . a)f' ou)= kalei=tai h( po/lis kai\ h( a)/kra kai\ o( limh/n. The hymn-writer may either have identified the cape and town, or may refer to the town only. The epithet a(liste/fanos is true of the Taenarian peninsula; cf. Pind. i. 18a(lierke/es o)/xqai, of Cumae, between two seas. The nearly identical a(listefh/s seems to have been common in hymnal literature; cf. 145, 186, 1208.

In favour of Matthiae's emendation, it should be noted that the hymn-writer is evidently familiar with the passage in B; cf. on 422, 423.

teryimbro/tou *)heli/oio=Od. 12.269, 274. In Homer the epithet occurs only in m, a part of the no doubt familiar to the author; see n. on 408 (e)/peige) and below, 412.

412, 413. Groddeck quite unreasonably ejects these verses. There is no other record of the sacred flocks at Taenarum, but there were cults of Helios in various parts of Laconia, e.g. at Taleton (Taygetus) where horses were sacrificed, Paus.iii. 20. 4.Other reff. in Wide p. 215 f. Herodotus (ix. 93) mentions sacred flocks of Apollo at Apollonia in Epirus. In any case, the author had in mind the herds and flocks of the Sun in Thrinacria, Od. 12.128 f. The subject is discussed by O. Müller pp. 224, 368; H. D. Müller ii. 338; v. Wilamowitz p. 168; Tümpel i.; N. F. ii. 124 (quoted by Wide); PrellerRobert i.^{2} p. 430.

The meaning of the flocks or herds of the Sun has exercised commentators from the time of Eustathius, who gives Aristotle's explanation that they are an allegory of the lunar year (see Roscher p. 43 f.). Modern “solar” mythologists see a reference to physical phenomena—the clouds, or rays of the sun; see reff. in Preller-Robert i. p. 394, n. 1. That there is a physical basis to the idea of divine flocks, at least in the case of Helios, is very probable. The cattle of Apollo may also be “solar”; but it should be remembered that Apollo was the protector of all cattle, and, as *no/mios, he would naturally have his own peculiar herds. See further on 71.

For the harbour, where the Cretans wished to land, see Frazer on Paus.iii. p. 396, Weil i. p. 160 f.

dape/doisi: only here, apparently, of a ship's deck. The plural (which does not occur in Homer) probably expresses the two decks, fore and aft (i)/kria).

*polui+/xquon: not in Homer, for i)xquo/eis. a)mfi/s: there is great difficulty in supposing that au)=qis (Pierson; au)=tis Hermann), one of the commonest words in Homer, could have been corrupted into the comparatively rare a)mfi/s. For the latter word the sense “apart,” “away” (Od. 22.57 , w 218, Apoll. 3.1070, ap. Herod.i. 85) is well established. There seems, however, to be no certain example of its use with a verb of motion, “to dart away”; but cf. 748 a)mfi\s i)ou=sai (paraphr. xwrizo/menai) with

This passage, together with the enumeration of Nestor 's possessions in the Catalogue (Il. 2.591-602) and the description of Telemachus' return-journey from Pylos to Ithaca (Od. 15.295-300) is the earliest authority for the geography of the W. coast of the Peloponnese. (Cf. also Il. 7.133 -5, *l 711 f., Pherecydes 87.) Much of Strabo's seventh book (especially from 337 onwards) is taken up with identifying the Homeric sites. Strabo travelled through this country from N. to S. , Pausanias (ch. v.), who is less occupied with Homer, in the reverse direction. Many of the sites are uncertain, and one name, *)argufe/h, occurs only in the hymn.

The writer had little sense of relative position; Pylos, Cruni, and Chalcis were certainly S. of the Alpheus, but he mentions them after Thryon, and Dyme, though N. of Elis, appears before it.

e)/xousa, “holding on.” For this use cf. Od. 3.182 au)ta\r e)gw/ ge *pu/lond' e)/xon, where nh=a is the implied object; there is, however, no difficulty in making the ship itself the subject. Baumeister's e(kou=sa is misplaced.

o(do/n: cogn. acc. with h)/i+e, as in 233.

*)ar/hn*hn: from Il. 2.591, cf. Il. 11.722; for the place see Frazer on Paus. vol. iii. p. 481. Strabo 346 identifies it with *sa/mos or *samiko/n.

*)argufe/h does not occur in Il. 2.591 f. and is unknown. Ilgen wished to substitute *)amfige/neian (ib. 593), but the example of *au)toka/nh (see on 35) forbids alteration. On the etymology see Fick xxv. p. 123.

423=Il. 2.592 . *qru/on: cf. Strabo 349 kalei=tai de\ nu=n *)epita/lion th=s *makisti/as xwri/on. It is certainly identical with the *qruo/essa po/lis of Il. 11.711.

The singular mistake e)u+kti/menon for e)u+/ktiton is found in several MSS. of Il. 2.592, Q. Smyrn. xii. 91, and in all copies of the hymns, except M.

For *ai)=pu see Frazer on Paus. vol. iii. p. 476, who identifies it with the later *ai)/pion ( Herod.iv. 148); cf. also Strabo 349.

*pu/lon: the difficulty of identifying the Homeric Pylos is well-known; references are given by Leaf on Il. 2.591. It seems probable that in the present passage and in B the Triphylian Pylos is meant, as that place is near the Alpheus; cf. 398 e)s *pu/lon h)maqo/enta e)p' *)alfeiou= po/ron i(=con. Leaf objects that the epithet h)maqo/eis implies a situation on the sea-shore, whereas the Triphylian town was on a hill. The town, however, was not far from the sea. Strabo 344 explains the epithet by the nature of the coast below the Triphylian Pylos: qinw/dhs de\ kai\ steno/s e)stin o( th=s qala/sshs ai)gialo/s, w(/st' ou)k a)\n a)pognoi/h tis e)nteu=qen h)maqo/enta w)noma/sqai to\n *pu/lon. On the quicksands at Samicum see Paus.v. 5. 7, and 6. 3 dia\ xwri/ou ta\ plei/ona u(po/yammou, and for the actual condition of the coast Frazer vol. iii. p. 473 and 481. The whole of Triphylia may have been called Pylos from the chief town; see Strabo 339, and cf. Il. 5.545 *)alfeiou= o(/s t' eu)ru\ r(e/ei *puli/wn dia\ gai/hs.

Strabo in two places (350, 447), speaking of the return journey of Telemachus from Pylos, quotes a line ba\n de\ para\ *krounou\s kai\ *xalki/da kallire/eqron (in 447 petrh/essan). This line is not in any MS. of the , where it should naturally come before Od. 15.296 or (see Monro ) after 297. Strabo throughout ignores the hymns, and says that *du/mh is not in Homer (Strabo 341). There is therefore the less reason to suppose that he is quoting this hymn; in view of the recent additions in papyri, he probably read the line in a copy of the Cf. Preface p. liv.

For *krounou/s and *xalki/da see Strabo 343, 351, where he calls them o)xetoi/ rather than rivers (like the Iardanus of Il. 7.135 which he styles a pota/mion 342). They were small streams (Chalcis was also a katoiki/a) in the district of Macistia S. of the mouth of the Alpheus, and seem to have been obliterated by the lagoon which now stretches from the Alpheus past Macistus, part of which (that formed by the Anigrus at Arene) is mentioned by Strabo 347, Frazer vol. iii. p. 478.

*du/mh*n: the Achaean Dyme is mentioned out of its proper place. The ship would of course pass it after Elis. The author again disregards the proper sequence of landmarks; cf. on 239 f.

426, 427. In the these lines stand in the reverse order; in 427 the Homeric MSS. have h( de\ instead of eu)=te, and e)peigome/nh for a)gallome/nh.

*)epeioi/: the old name for the inhabitants of Elis; Il. 2.619 , *l 688 (but in Il. 11.671 *)hlei/oisi), etc. Cf. Strabo 340 u(/steron a)nti\ *)epeiw=n *)hlei=oi e)klh/qhsan. The change of name has been thought to be due to the Dorian and Aetolian invasion.

eu)=te: for the asyndeton see on 115.

*fera/s: in Od. 15.297 Aristarchus and Strabo (350) read *fea/s; nearly all the MSS. read *fera/s, as here. Monro accepts *fea/s, identifying the place with the *feia/ of Il. 7.135 (where, however, Didymus after Pherecydes read *fhra=s, schol. A ), Thuc.ii. 25.Pheia is N. of the prominent headland Ichthys (Katákolo), and would be a natural landmark. It is, however, S. of Elis; so that, by adopting the reading of Aristarchus, we should be charging the author with another geographical inaccuracy. Gemoll wisely retains *fera/s, as there may very well have been a place of that name in W. Greece, as well as in Thessaly (Il. 2.710 , d 798). Byz. Steph. s.v. mentions a Pherae in Aetolia; or more probably the hymn-writer may have meant the Achaean Pharae ( Paus.vii. 22, Strabo 388) which is not much east of Dyme, and not further from the sea than Elis. It is in fact the last place (as he does not mention Patrae) before Rhium, where he seems to have made the ko/lpos a)pei/rwn begin. The quantity varies in this placename; cf. Il. 2.711 oi(\ de\ *fera\s e)ne/monto with 763 *fhrhtia/dao.

kai/ marks the apodosis, with eu)=te, as in Od. 13.79. Reading *fera/s, we need not question the possibility of Ithaca being in sight; it is visible from Patrae (Frazer vol. iv. p. 144), and therefore from the coast of Pharae (if that place is intended). Even if *fea\s is read, the statement will still hold good, in spite of Baumeister's objections; according to Frazer vol. iii. p. 475 Cefalonia is visible from the coast near Lepreum, and even from a hill above Cyparissia, much farther south (ib. p. 463).

429=Od. 1.246 , i 24, p 123. Neither Dulichion nor Same can be identified; for ancient and modern theories see M. and R. on Od. 1.246.

*pareni/sato: the aor. of ni/ssomai does not occur in Homer; but the imperf. pareni/sseto is far less appropriate.

e)*pi\ *kri/shs: as the whole Corinthian gulf is meant (see below), e)pi/ must here be “in the direction of,” not (as Ilgen translates) “in the neighbourhood of.” For the latter meaning cf. Od. 3.171 nh/sou e)pi\ *yuri/hs “close by” Psyria. Herodotus vii. 115 has ko/lpon to\n e)pi\ *posidhi+/ou the bay at (“of”) Posideion, but this is not conclusive for the hymns. For e)pi/=“towards” cf. Il. 3.5 , *e 700, *l 546, *y 374. The text is satisfactorily defended by Peppmüller, against Schneidewin, who reads ta/x' e)fai/neto, connecting e)pi/ with the verb. But *kri/shs cannot go with ko/lpos; the epithet a)pei/rwn would suit the Corinthian gulf, but not the bay of Crisa; nor could the latter be said to “separate Peloponnesus.” For kate/faineto cf. Apoll. 4.1231, Theocr. vii. 10.

434-435 are adapted from Od. 15.293 , 294. a)*nu/seie: with u(/dwr; cf. Od. 4.356 o(/sson nhu=s h)/nusen, 337 polu\n dia\ xw=ron a)nu/ssas.

e)s lime/n): for the repetition of e)s cf. 58-59; so Il. 11.479 -480, *x 503-504, *w 614-615. The harbour of Crisa was Cirrha, which may well have been in existence and have been known by that name to the hymnwriter, although he calls it simply the “harbour.” Cirrha was destroyed with Crisa, after the First Sacred War, but (unlike Crisa) was subsequently rebuilt. For the two places, which were confused by later writers, see Frazer on Paus.x. 37. 6.

e)xri/myato: no example occurs in Homer or Hesiod of a short vowel before xr in the same word; La Roche i. p. 10.

441, 442. The passage is certainly imitated from Il. 4.75 f., where Athene descends to earth like a meteorite; the exact form which she assumed is doubtful (see Leaf ). In Il. 4.77 tou= de/ te pollai\ a)po\ spinqh=res i(/entai, the present tense shews that the sparks are only mentioned as attending the meteor; it does not follow that Athene was wrapped in fire. Here, however, the imperfects pwtw=nto and i(=ken prove that fire actually streamed from the god; ei)do/menos implies a complete metamorphosis as in 449, 494.

dia\ tripo/dwn e)riti/mwn: there is perhaps a reminiscence of this in 1016i)/axen e)c a)du/toio dia\ tripo/dwn e)riti/mwn; see Preface p. liii, and n. on 114. The plural seems to prove that the oracular tripod is not meant: Apollo passes through the collection of tripods in the nho/s to the a)/duton. Votive tripods were also placed in the open air before the nho/s; cf. Bacchyl.iii. 18tripo/dwn staqe/ntwn pa/roiqe naou=. In the the voice of Apollo or the Pythia comes the tripods to the inquirers in the temple; the same explanation may serve for the paean of Aristonous e)/nq' a)po\ tripo/dwn qeo

*pifaucko/menos ta\ a(\ k=hla=Il. 12.280 (of a snowstorm sent by Zeus). The shafts of light are the “weapons” of Apollo, just as the snowflakes are the weapons of Zeus. 708 the kh=la of Zeus are thunder, lightning, and the thunderbolt. The manifestation of light is appropriate to the sun-god, but is also a mark of other divinities (see on 189).

me/ga *ga\r de/os e)/mbal' e(ka/stw|: for this reading (of M) cf. Il. 11.11 me/ga sqe/nos e)/mbal' e(ka/stw|. There is no reason to prefer the variant ei(=len e(/kaston, which appears to be an independent reading.

a)=lto *pe/tesqai: the inf. is not found with this verb in Homer; but cf. 389. Windisch's w)=rto is needless. For the simile see on 186.

449=Il. 16.716 (ei)sa/menos).

Compare vii. 4.

452-455=Od. 3.71 -74, i 252-255.

kata\ *pr=hcin, “on business,” for “trading”; cf. prhkth=res “traders,” “factors,” Od. 8.162, and e)pi\ prh=cin plei=n l. 397.

a)la/lhsqe, “rove,” suits mayidi/ws better than kata\ prh=cin, for, as M. and R. (on Od. 3.73) remark, “roving” cannot properly be applied to a voyage “on business.” For the question as to whether strangers were pirates cf. Thuc.i. 5.

*(=hsqon tetiho/tes: the use of the dual for the plural seems quite established for this hymn; cf. 487 ka/qeton lu/sante, 501 i(/khsqon. Zenodotus, with Eratosthenes and Crates (schol. A on Il. 24.282) recognised this use in Homer (e.g. Il. 1.567 , *e 487, *q 74, *o 346), while Aristarchus denied its possibility, arguing that in the text of Zenodotus such dual forms had their proper force, or that the readings were incorrect. Some modern scholars, following Buttmann, have sided with Zenodotus; but general opinion agrees with Aristarchus. The false readings in Homer probably arose, as Monro ( vol. ii. App. p. 438) explains, from the fact that the dual number disappeared from the koinh\ dia/lektos. Hence dual forms in Homer came to be considered as “poetic licences,” mere equivalents of the plural. Late poets, e.g. Aratus 968, 1023, Apollonius 3.206 (see below 487) and perhaps Il. 1.384, and the author of the iv. 8, imitated the use; so perhaps vi.12. As the duals in the three passages of this hymn cannot be emended without great violence, we must assume that the writer, like Aratus and others, regarded the dual as an archaic variety of the plural.

461=Il. 11.89 (si/tou te).

to\n kai/: kai/ of course qualifies the whole sentence, “also,” as in 525, Il. 9.195 , d 59 etc.

*krhtw=n a)*go/s: later accounts give a name to the leader (Castalius, according to Tzetzes on Lycophr. 208; Icadius, Serv. on Verg. iii. 332).

e)*pei\ ou) me\n *ga/r ti: the collocation of e)pei/ and ga/r is remarkable; as Baumeister notes, there is a combination of ou) me\n ga/r ti (Od. 1.78 etc.) and e)pei\ ou) me/n ti (Od. 5.364 etc.).

Cf. Od. 7.210 . ou) de/mas ou)de\ fu/hn: perhaps “neither in form (general appearance) nor in stature,” but the distinction between de/mas and fuh/ is not very evident; see Leaf on Il. 1.115.

After this line several editors assume a lacuna; A. Matthiae supplies i(/lhq): ei) de/ tis e)ssi\ kataqnhtw=n a)nqrw/pwn, objecting to the words qeoi\ de/ toi o)/lbia doi=en in their present context, as the Cretans took the stranger for a god. If the speaker really believed that he was addressing a god, it would be a sufficient defence of the text to point out, with Gemoll, that the Homeric phrase qeoi\ de/ toi ktl. has been transferred from its appropriate context to a less suitable place. But lines 464, 465 are merely complimentary; Apollo is now disguised as a young man of noble appearance (449), and the Cretans do not know that he is a god, or that he has any connexion with the previous miracles. For the nobility of the gods, even in their disguises, see 159, 81 f.

466-472. This passage is almost a cento from the : 466, 467=Od. 24.402, 403; 468=Od. 13.233 ti/s gh=, ti/s dh=mos, ti/nes a)ne/res e)ggega/asin preceded by kai/ moi tou=t' ktl.; 471=Od. 1.182 (kath/luqon h)d' e(ta/roisi); 472=Od. 9.261 (oi)/kade). Baumeister objects to 472, which, however, seems quite in place. Their no/stos should have been “by another way and other paths.” They had already passed Pylos, their destination (cf. 398, 424), and were now going away from, instead of towards, their home.

a)mfine/mesqe: imperfect (cf. to\ pri/n); Cobet's a)mfene/mesqe is easy; in Il. 2.521, 634 there is authority for the augment.

tetime/non: Hermann is not justified in emending this to tetime/noi on the ground of the repetition of the idea in 483 ti/mion, which indeed seems rather to confirm the accusative here. With tetime/noi there would also be a repetition in 485 timh/sesqe.

tim/hsesqe: Homer does not distinguish a passive future from the middle; see Leaf on Il. 5.653 , *k 365. So ei)rh/setai *y 795.

e)*gw/: Gemoll follows Matthiae in writing e)gw/n, on the ground that there is no “living” digamma in the hymn. Even on this assumption, the later poets certainly tolerated the hiatus which often resulted after the loss of a digamma. On the question of a living digamma see Preface p. lxix f.

For the dual see on 456. The alterations here proposed to get rid of the dual are kaqe/men lu=sai de/ (Cobet) and ka/qete lu=sai/ te (Ilgen). Both are too violent. Apollonius seems to have read the dual here, as in Il. 3.206 kateilu/sante boei/ais he almost certainly imitates the usage from this passage. Kühner ( ii. p. 64) defends the dual by the forced interpretation that the sailors are divided into two groups, sitting at the oars on either side of the ship.

a)*n' e)*p): the addition of a)n) seems required, as the hiatus e)pi\ h)pei/rou is scarcely tolerable. As Agar notes, the similarity of a)n) to the termination of qoh/n would easily account for its loss. If a)na/ followed e)pi/ (as Baumeister suggested) the loss would be difficult to explain.

e)/ntea: not in Homer for the “tackle” of a ship (o(/pla).

*pu=r e)*pikai/ontes: the addition of d) (Ilgen, followed by recent edd.) is made very probable by 509; if de/ is absent, the participles must be taken with poih/sate, i.e. the fire is kindled and the sacrifice is offered while the altar is being built, which, Ilgen says, is absurd. However, the tense of the present participles need not be pressed; in strict logic they are hardly more applicable to what follows them than what precedes.

delfini/w|: the cult of Apollo delfi/nios is certainly old, but its original home is uncertain. The hymn points to a Cretan starting-place, and many scholars have accepted its authority, as the Cnossian cult of Apollo *delfi/nios (locally *delfi/dios) is established by inscriptions (see on 393). “Mycenean” remains have been found at Delphi; and these have been thought to support the theory of a Cretan origin, as such remains are common in Crete (Homolle xviii. p. 195; for Mycenean buildings in Aegina in connexion with the traditional Cretan origin of Aphaea see Bosanquet xxi. p. 347). Even if the particular cult of Apollo *delfi/nios were proved to be Cretan, it would by no means follow that the worship of Apollo at Delphi was introduced by Cretans; they may have found the god, and have merely added a title. However, it seems improbable that Apollo *delfi/nios was originally Cretan; A. Mommsen ( i.) believes that the cult was Chalcidian; and this view has won favour (see v. Wilamowitz in xxi. p. 105, Maass xxiii. p. 71, Preller-Robert i. p. 257 n. 4, Frazer on Paus.x. 5. 5).

We may assume that there is no historical truth in the Cretan theory; as Verrall (p. 11) remarks, the probabilities of migration are all the other way. There were Dorian settlers both at Delphi and in Crete, and the origin of rites or customs, common to both places, would naturally be assigned to Crete, the home of a very old civilization. Probably the Dorian paean, which was well-known as a form of Cretan art, suggested the story of Cretans at Pytho (see 518; cf. Pauly-Wissowa 2542).

o( bwmo/s: Pausanias does not mention any altar, and there appear to be no remains on the site. In literature the only reference seems to be Plutarch 984 A (=c. 36) kai\ mh\n *)arte/mido/s ge *diktu/nnhs *delfini/ou t' *)apo/llwnos i(era\ kai\ bwmoi\ para\ polloi=sin ei)si\n *(ellh/nwn: o(\n d' au)to\s e(autw=| to/pon e)cai/reton o( qeo\s pepoi/htai . . . *krhtw=n a)pogo/nous oi)kou=ntas h(gemo/ni delfi=ni xrhsame/nous: ou) ga\r o( qeo\s proenh/xeto tou= sto/lou metabalw\n to\ ei)=dos, w(s oi( muqogra/foi le/gousin, a)lla\ delfi=na pe/myas toi=s a)ndra/sin i)qu/nonta to\n plou=n kath/gagen ei)s *ki/rran. He then tells a story of two persons in the time of Ptolemy Soter, who were driven by a storm off Malea, e)n decia=| *pelopo/nnhson e)/xontes (i.e. the same route as the Cretans), and were led by a dolphin to Cirra, where they offered an a)nabath/rion (presumably on the bwmo/s). Plutarch's muqogra/foi may be writers who borrowed from the hymn, or perhaps may refer loosely to the hymn itself.

For the altar on the seashore cf. Apoll. 2.659, where the Argonauts erect a bwmo\s e)pa/ktios on the island where Apollo appeared.

delfi/nios: de/lfeios is an unknown word, the form of which is hardly supported by a Thessalian inscr. tes belfaio=ta es delfaio ( xxi. p. 249); it may be explained as due to the metrical difficulty in delfi/nios, just as in Nicand. 238qami_no/s has become qameio/s. With regard to delfi/nios the editors raise two objections: (1) that it is unmetrical, (2) that it is unsuitable to the context, and cannot be paired with e)po/yios. There are two possible solutions of the first difficulty. We may assume delfi^/nios, in spite of the preceding delfi_ni/w|: adjectives formed from nouns with gen. in -i=nos vary in quantity; *)eleusi^/nios is short, as in 266, Soph. 1120; cf. 105 *)eleusi^ni/dao, while *salami_/nios *traxi_/nios appear to be always long (see Schulze p. 11). The doubtful quantity of delfi_^/nios is not therefore impossible; the Doric form is presumably delfi^/dios, and, although this can hardly be substituted, it may help to account for delfi^/nios. More probably, however, the i preserves its length, as in 495, and there is a synizesis of -io-, which is not very uncommon; cf. Il. 2.811 po/li_o_s (as in ix. 569. 4) and other exx. in Christ p. 29. In 495 delfini/w| is no doubt quadrisyllabic, as the synizesis forming the quantity - - would be very harsh in the fourth foot, before a pause; but the variation in the two lines is not worse than qeo/s, qe^ou/s in the same line of Euripides ( 1280).

(2) delfi/nios and e)po/yios are not incompatible in sense: the latter is usually translated by “conspicuous,” but it may rather be active, the “over-seer,” a title transferred from Apollo himself to his altar, like delfi/nios. Cf. proo/yios as a title of Apollo Paus.i. 32. 2, e)po/pths of the Sun 4699. The wording of the passage suggests that the altar is to have the same name or names as the god. A harbour of Oropus was also called delfi/nios (o( i(ero\s limh\n o(\n kalou=si delfi/nion Strabo 403, see Lolling in x. p. 350 f.), which is a further argument for applying the adj. to the altar on the shore.

On Apollo Delphinius see PrellerRobert , Pauly-Wissowa art. “Apollon” 5 and 47, art. “Delphinios” 2513 f. There can be little doubt that the title is here rightly connected with the dolphin. Apollo, as the patron of mariners and colonization, travelled over many seas in the form of a dolphin; cf. ii. 35. As *delfi/nios he reached Pytho, which drew its later name Delphi from the title. Dolphins playing in front of a vessel are a familiar sight in the Mediterranean, as in ancient times; cf. ix. 83. 1 nho\s e)peigome/nhs w)ku\n dro/mon a)mfexo/reuon

Cf. Od. 24.489. The commoner formulaic line (po/sios kai\ e)dh/tuos) occurs at 513.

i)*hpai/ho*)n: for the word see on 272. The paean formed the germ of the later Pythian games; before the First Sacred War it was sung at a competition of cithara-players every eighth year; Strabo 421, Paus.x. 7. 2, schol. on , Censorinus 18, Mommsen p. 153 f.

Compare Il. 1.433 f., a passage which appears to have been abbreviated by the writer of the hymn. 504=Il. 1.434; 505=Il. 1.437. In A the ship is moored, not drawn on to land, as described in 506, for which cf. Il. 1.485 f. (a different occasion).

507=Il. 1.486 (with u(po/ instead of *para/). e(/rmata, “shores” (probably large stones) to keep the ship upright; cf. Il. 2.154. Hes. 624nh=a d' e)p' h)pei/rou e)ru/sai puka/sai te li/qoisi

On the variants of this line see p. xix. a)gato/n, which long was printed, does not exist, and was evidently a correction of the singular lacuna in

kala\ kai\ u(/yi biba/s=202.

r(/hssontes, “beating time,” the verb being perhaps connected with a)-ra/ss-w, not with r(h<*>gnumi. Cf. Il. 18.571 toi\ de\ r(h/ssontes a(marth=| . . . e(/ponto (where see Leaf), and is borrowed by Apollonius (Il. 1.539) who uses it with an object, pe/don r(h/sswsi po/dessin. On the derivation see Siebourg in 57. 2 (1902), who compares r(a/ssw.

oi_=oi/ te *krhtw=n *pai/hones: the paean was not exclusively Dorian in the earliest times; it was sung by the Achaeans to Apollo (Il. 1.472 f.) and as a general triumphal hymn (Il. 22.391). But in early post-Homeric times it was specially Dorian (Crete, Sparta, Delphi) and connected with the cult of Apollo; see Smyth p. xxxvii.

a)/kmhtoi: the form is found in Nicand. 737.Cobet needlessly read a)kmh=tes (the Homeric form).

e)/mellen may be retained, the subject being Apollo, who, like his temple (479, 483), would be “honoured.” The editors read e)/mellon (Pierson), and tetime/noi, comparing 485.

The reading of a)/duton za/qeon is unexceptionable and perhaps the better, but the vulg. au)tou= da/pedon is not impossible; cf. Preger 89 nu=n de/ me *lhtoi+/dou qei=on e)/xei da/pedon; au)tou=, however, is rather awkward.

524=Od. 20.9 (tou=). w)ri/neto may refer to mingled feelings of joy and fear (Baumeister); perhaps it rather expresses the doubts of the Cretans.

bio/mesqa: there is no variant in the MSS. on this word. In Il. 22.431 several families of MSS. have bi/omai, the vulgate bei/omai. Wolf altered it to beo/mesqa but Schulze 246 n. retains the iota, as if the vowel had been assimilated to bio/w. Fick on Od. 16.852 also argues for bi/omai in Homer, on the ground that the form bei/omai (Il. 22.431) merely represents bi_omai, with ictus, and was afterwards transliterated into be/omai. Aristarchus' preference is uncertain; see Ludwich on Il. 22.431. See Solmsen p. 91, 92.