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	<author>Flavius Josephus</author>
	<editor role="translator">William Whiston, A.M.</editor>
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<div1 type="Book" n="1" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book I</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND
THIRTY-THREE YEARS.
FROM THE CREATION TO THE DEATH OF ISAAC.</note>
<milestone n="pr." unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Preface<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
preface of Josephus is excellent in its kind, and highly worthy the
repeated perusal of the reader, before he set about the perusal of the
work itself.</note></note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>Those who undertake to write histories, do not, I perceive, take
that trouble on one and the same account, but for many reasons, and those
such as are very different one from another. For some of them apply themselves
to this part of learning to show their skill in composition, and that they
may therein acquire a reputation for speaking finely: others of them there
are, who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned
in them, and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond
their own abilities in the performance: but others there are, who, of necessity
and by force, are driven to write history, because they are concerned in
the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing,
for the advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced
to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce
them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance
of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. Now of these
several reasons for writing history, I must profess the two last were my
own reasons also; for since I was myself interested in that war which we
Jews had with the Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what
conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it, because I saw
that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="5" unit="section" /><p>Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear
to all the Greeks <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That
is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.</note>
worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the
constitution of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures.
And indeed I did formerly intend, when I wrote of the war, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote his Seven Books of the
Jewish War long before he wrote these his Antiquities. Those books of the
War were published about A.D. <date value="75" authname="75">75</date>, and these Antiquities, A. D. <date value="93" authname="93">93</date>, about
eighteen years later.</note>
to explain who the Jews originally were, - what fortunes they had been
subject to, - and by what legislature they had been instructed in piety,
and the exercise of other virtues, - what wars also they had made in remote
ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last with the Romans:
but because this work would take up a great compass, I separated it into
a set treatise by itself, with a beginning of its own, and its own conclusion;
but in process of time, as usually happens to such as undertake great things,
I grew weary and went on slowly, it being a large subject, and a difficult
thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language.
However, some persons there were who desired to know our history, and so
exhorted me to go on with it; and, above all the rest, Epaphroditus, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Epaphroditus was certainly alive in the third year of Trajan, A.D.
<date value="100" authname="100">100</date>. See the note on the First Book Against Apion, sect. 1. Who he was
we do not know; for as to Epaphroditus, the freedman of <placeName key="tgn,2538429" authname="tgn,2538429">Nero</placeName>, and afterwards
Domitian's secretary, who was put to death by Domitian in the 14th or 15th
year of his reign, he could not be alive in the third of Trajan.</note>
a man who is a lover of all kind of learning, but is principally delighted
with the knowledge of history, and this on account of his having been himself
concerned in great affairs, and many turns of fortune, and having shown
a wonderful rigor of an excellent nature, and an immovable virtuous resolution
in them all. I yielded to this man's persuasions, who always excites such
as have abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to join their endeavors
with his. I was also ashamed myself to permit any laziness of disposition
to have a greater influence upon me, than the delight of taking pains in
such studies as were very useful: I thereupon stirred up myself, and went
on with my work more cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I had others
which I greatly reflected on; and these were, that our forefathers were
willing to communicate such things to others; and that some of the Greeks
took considerable pains to know the affairs of our nation.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="10" unit="section" /><p>I found, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a king who
was extraordinarily diligent in what concerned learning, and the collection
of books; that he was also peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation
of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained,
into the Greek tongue. Now Eleazar the high priest, one not inferior to
any other of that dignity among us, did not envy the forenamed king the
participation of that advantage, which otherwise he would for certain have
denied him, but that he knew the custom of our nation was, to hinder nothing
of what we esteemed ourselves from being communicated to others. Accordingly,
I thought it became me both to imitate the generosity of our high priest,
and to suppose there might even now be many lovers of learning like the
king; for he did not obtain all our writings at that time; but those who
were sent to <placeName key="tgn,7002256" authname="tgn,7002256">Alexandria</placeName> as interpreters, gave him only the books of the
law, while there were a vast number of other matters in our sacred books.
They, indeed, contain in them the history of five thousand years; in which
time happened many strange accidents, many chances of war, and great actions
of the commanders, and mutations of the form of our government. Upon the
whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from
it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the
reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow
his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws: and that so far
as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was
practical before becomes impracticable <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here plainly alludes to the famous Greek proverb, If God be with
us, every thing that is impossible becomes possible.</note>
and whatsoever they set about as a good thing, is converted into an incurable
calamity. And now I exhort all those that peruse these books, to apply
their minds to God; and to examine the mind of our legislator, whether
he hath not understood his nature in a manner worthy of him; and hath not
ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power, and hath not
preserved his writings from those indecent fables which others have framed,
although, by the great distance of time when he lived, he might have securely
forged such lies; for he lived two thousand years ago; at which vast distance
of ages the poets themselves have not been so hardy as to fix even the
generations of their gods, much less the actions of their men, or their
own laws. As I proceed, therefore, I shall accurately describe what is
contained in our records, in the order of time that belongs to them; for
I have already promised so to do throughout this undertaking; and this
without adding any thing to what is therein contained, or taking away any
thing therefrom.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="18" unit="section" /><p>But because almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of
Moses, our legislator, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concerning him beforehand,
though I shall do it briefly; I mean, because otherwise those that read
my book may wonder how it comes to pass, that my discourse, which promises
an account of laws and historical facts, contains so much of philosophy.
The reader is therefore to know, that Moses deemed it exceeding necessary,
that he who would conduct his own life well, and give laws to others, in
the first place should consider the Divine nature; and, upon the contemplation
of God's operations, should thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so
far as it is possible for human nature to do, and to endeavor to follow
after it: neither could the legislator himself have a right mind without
such a contemplation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the promotion
of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless they be taught first of all, that
God is the Father and Lord of all things, and sees all things, and that
thence he bestows a happy life upon those that follow him; but plunges
such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. Now
when Moses was desirous to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did
not begin the establishment of his laws after the same manner that other
legislators did; I mean, upon contracts and other rights between one man
and another, but by raising their minds upwards to regard God, and his
creation of the world; and by persuading them, that we men are the most
excellent of the creatures of God upon earth. Now when once he had brought
them to submit to religion, he easily persuaded them to submit in all other
things: for as to other legislators, they followed fables, and by their
discourses transferred the most reproachful of human vices unto the gods,
and afforded wicked men the most plausible excuses for their crimes; but
as for our legislator, when he had once demonstrated that God was possessed
of perfect virtue, he supposed that men also ought to strive after the
participation of it; and on those who did not so think, and so believe,
he inflicted the severest punishments. I exhort, therefore, my readers
to examine this whole undertaking in that view; for thereby it will appear
to them, that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the majesty
of God, or to his love to mankind; for all things have here a reference
to the nature of the universe; while our legislator speaks some things
wisely, but enigmatically, and others under a decent allegory, but still
explains such things as required a direct explication plainly and expressly.
However, those that have a mind to know the reasons of every thing, may
find here a very curious philosophical theory, which I now indeed shall
wave the explication of; but if God afford me time for it, I will set about
writing it <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As to this intended work of Josephus concerning the reasons of many of
the Jewish laws, and what philosophical or allegorical sense they would
bear, the loss of which work is by some of the learned not much regretted,
I am inclinable, in part, to Fabricius's opinion, ap. Havercamp, p. 63,
61, That "we need not doubt but that, among some vain and frigid conjectures
derived from Jewish imaginations, Josephus would have taught us a greater
number of excellent and useful things, which perhaps nobody, neither among
the Jews, nor among the Christians, can now inform us of; so that I would
give a great deal to find it still extant."</note>
after I have finished the present work. I shall now betake myself to the
history before me, after I have first mentioned what Moses says of the
creation of the world, which I find described in the sacred books after
the manner following.</p>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE CONSTITUTION OF THE WORLD AND THE DISPOSITION OF THE
ELEMENTS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="27" unit="section" /><p>In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. But when the
earth did not come into sight, but was covered with thick darkness, and
a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded that there should be light:
and when that was made, he considered the whole mass, and separated the
light and the darkness; and the name he gave to one was <soCalled>Night</soCalled>, and
the other he called <soCalled>Day</soCalled>: and he named the beginning of light, and
the time of rest, <soCalled>The Evening</soCalled> and <soCalled>The Morning</soCalled>, and this
was indeed the first day. But Moses said it was one day; the cause of which
I am able to give even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons
for all things in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its exposition
till that time. After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over
the whole world, and separated it from the other parts, and he determined
it should stand by itself. He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round
it, and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted
it for giving moisture and rain, and for affording the advantage of dews.
On the third day he appointed the dry land to appear, with the sea itself
round about it; and on the very same day he made the plants and the seeds
to spring out of the earth. On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with
the sun, the moon, and the other stars, and appointed them their
motions and courses, that the vicissitudes of the seasons might
be clearly signified. And on the fifth day he produced the living creatures,
both those that swim, and those that fly; the former in the sea, the latter
in the air: he also sorted them as to society and mixture, for procreation,
and that their kinds might increase and multiply. On the sixth day he created
the four-footed beasts, and made them male and female: on the same day
he also formed man. Accordingly Moses says, That in just six days the world,
and all that is therein, was made. And that the seventh day was a rest,
and a release from the labor of such operations; whence it is that we Celebrate
a rest from our labors on that day, and call it the Sabbath, which word
denotes <gloss>rest</gloss> in the Hebrew tongue.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="34" unit="section" /><p>Moreover, Moses, after the seventh day was over <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since
Josephus, in his Preface, sect. 4, says that Moses wrote some things enigmatically,
some allegorically, and the rest in plain words, since in his account of
the first chapter of Genesis, and the first three verses of the second,
he gives us no hints of any mystery at all; but when he here comes to ver.
4, etc. he says that Moses, after the seventh day was over, began to talk
philosophically; it is not very improbable that he understood the rest
of the second and the third chapters in some enigmatical, or allegorical,
or philosophical sense. The change of the name of God just at this place,
from Elohim to Jehovah Elohim, from God to Lord God, in the Hebrew, Samaritan,
and Septuagint, does also not a little favor some such change in the narration
or construction.</note>
begins to talk philosophically; and concerning the formation of man, says
thus: That God took dust from the ground, and formed man, and inserted
in him a spirit and a soul.<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We
may observe here, that Josephus supposed man to be compounded of spirit,
soul, and body, with <placeName key="tgn,7013947" authname="tgn,7013947">St. Paul</placeName>, 1 Thessalonians 5:23, and the rest of the
ancients: he elsewhere says also, that the blood of animals was forbidden
to be eaten, as having in it soul and spirit, Antiq. B. III. ch. 11. sect.
2.</note>
This man was called Adam, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies <gloss>one that
is red</gloss>, because he was formed out of red earth, compounded together;
for of that kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living
creatures, when he had made them, according to their kinds, both male and
female, to Adam, who gave them those names by which they are still called.
But when he saw that Adam had no female companion, no society, for there
was no such created, and that he wondered at the other animals which were
male and female, he laid him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and
out of it formed the woman; whereupon Adam knew her when she was brought
to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman
is called in the Hebrew tongue <gloss><placeName key="tgn,1125004" authname="tgn,1125004">Issa</placeName></gloss>; but the name of this woman
was Eve, which signifies <gloss>the mother of all living.</gloss></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="37" unit="section" /><p>Moses says further, that God planted a paradise in the east, flourishing
with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the tree of life, and
another of knowledge, whereby was to be known what was good and evil; and
that when he brought Adam and his wife into this garden, he commanded ;hem
to take care of the plants. Now the garden was watered by one river, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whence
this strange notion came, which yet is not peculiar to Joseph,, but, as
Dr. Hudson says here, is derived from older authors, as if four of the
greatest rivers in the world, running two of them at vast distances from
the other two, by some means or other watered paradise, is hard to say.
Only since Josephus has already appeared to allegorize this history, and
take notice that these four names had a particular signification; Phison
for Ganges, a multitude; Phrath for <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName>, either a dispersion or a
flower; Diglath for <placeName key="tgn,1130850" authname="tgn,1130850">Tigris</placeName>, what is swift, with narrowness; and Geon for
<placeName key="tgn,1127805" authname="tgn,1127805">Nile</placeName>, what arises from the east,--we perhaps mistake him when we suppose
he literally means those four rivers; especially as to Geon or <placeName key="tgn,1127805" authname="tgn,1127805">Nile</placeName>, which
arises from the east, while he very well knew the literal <placeName key="tgn,1127805" authname="tgn,1127805">Nile</placeName> arises from
the south; though what further allegorical sense he had in view, is now,
I fear, impossible to be determined.</note>
which ran round about the whole earth, and was parted into four parts.
And Phison, which denotes a multitude, running into <placeName key="tgn,7000198" authname="tgn,7000198">India</placeName>, makes its exit
into the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName> also, as well
as <placeName key="tgn,1130850" authname="tgn,1130850">Tigris</placeName>, goes down into the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By
the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName> is not here meant the <placeName key="tgn,7016761" authname="tgn,7016761">Arabian Gulf</placeName>, which alone we now call
by that name, but all that South Sea, which included the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>, and the
<placeName key="tgn,7000228" authname="tgn,7000228">Persian Gulf</placeName>, as far as the <placeName key="tgn,1000116" authname="tgn,1000116">East Indies</placeName>; as Reland and Hudson here truly
note, from the old geographers.</note>
Now the name <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName>, or Phrath, denotes either a dispersion, or a flower:
by Tiris, or Diglath, is signified what is swift, with narrowness; and
Geon runs through <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and denotes what arises from the east, which the
Greeks call <placeName key="tgn,1127805" authname="tgn,1127805">Nile</placeName>.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="40" unit="section" /><p>God therefore commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all
the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of knowledge; and
foretold to them, that if they touched it, it would prove their destruction.
But while all the living creatures had one language, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Hence
it appears, that Josephus thought several, at least, of the brute animals,
particularly the serpent, could speak before the fall. And I think few
of the more perfect kinds of those animals want the organs of speech at
this day. Many inducements there are also to a notion, that the present
state they are in, is not their original state; and that their capacities
have been once much greater than we now see them, and are capable of being
restored to their former condition. But as to this most ancient, and authentic,
and probably allegorical account of that grand affair of the fall of our
first parents, I have somewhat more to say in way of conjecture, but being
only a conjecture, I omit it: only thus far, that the imputation of the
sin of our first parents to their posterity, any further than as some way
the cause or occasion of man's mortality, seems almost entirely groundless;
and that both man, and the other subordinate creatures, are hereafter to
be delivered from the curse then brought upon them, and at last to be delivered
from that bondage of corruption, Romans 8:19-22.</note>
at that time the serpent, which then lived together with Adam and his wife,
shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily,
and in obedience to the commands of God; and imagining, that when they
disobeyed them, they would fall into calamities, he persuaded the woman,
out of a malicious intention, to taste of the tree of knowledge, telling
them, that in that tree was the knowledge of good and evil; which knowledge,
when they should obtain, they would lead a happy life; nay, a life not
inferior to that of a god: by which means he overcame the woman, and persuaded
her to despise the command of God. Now when she had tasted of that tree,
and was pleased with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make use of it also.
Upon this they perceived that they were become naked to one another; and
being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they invented somewhat to cover them;
for the tree sharpened their understanding; and they covered themselves
with fig-leaves; and tying these before them, out of modesty, they thought
they were happier than they were before, as they had discovered what they
were in want of. But when God came into the garden, Adam, who was wont
before to come and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behavior,
went out of the way. This behavior surprised God; and he asked what was
the cause of this his procedure; and why he, that before delighted in that
conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid it. When he made no reply,
as conscious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God, God
said, "I had before determined about you both, how you might lead
a happy life, without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul; and
that all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should
grow up by my providence, of their own accord, without your own labor and
pains-taking; which state of labor and pains-taking would soon bring on
old age, and death would not be at any remote distance: but now thou hast
abused this my good-will, and hast disobeyed my commands; for thy silence
is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil conscience." However,
Adam excused his sin, and entreated God not to be angry at him, and laid
the blame of what was done upon his wife; and said that he was deceived
by her, and thence became an offender; while she again accused the serpent.
But God allotted him punishment, because he weakly submitted to the counsel
of his wife; and said the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits
of its own accord, but that when it should be harassed by their labor,
it should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth others.
He also made Eve liable to the inconveniency of breeding, and the sharp
pains of bringing forth children; and this because she persuaded Adam with
the same arguments wherewith the serpent had persuaded her, and had thereby
brought him into a calamitous condition. He also deprived the serpent of
speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides
this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men;
and suggested to them, that they should direct their strokes against his
head, that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs towards
men, and it being easiest to take vengeance on him, that way. And when
he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all
along, and dragging himself upon the ground. And when God had appointed
these penalties for them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the garden into
another place.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE POSTERITY OF ADAM, AND THE TEN GENERATIONS
FROM HIM TO THE DELUGE,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="52" unit="section" /><p>ADAM and Eve had two sons: the elder of them was named <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName>; which
name, when it is interpreted, signifies <gloss>a possession</gloss>: the younger
was Abel, which signifies <gloss>sorrow</gloss>. They had also daughters. Now the
two brethren were pleased with different courses of life: for Abel, the
younger, was a lover of righteousness; and believing that God was present
at all his actions, he excelled in virtue; and his employment was that
of a shepherd. But <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName> was not only very wicked in other respects, but
was wholly intent upon getting; and he first contrived to plough the ground.
He slew his brother on the occasion following : - They had resolved to
sacrifice to God. Now <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName> brought the fruits of the earth, and of his
husbandry; but Abel brought milk, and the first-fruits of his flocks: but
God was more delighted with the latter oblation, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">St.
John's account of the reason why God accepted the sacrifice of Abel, and
rejected that of <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName>; as also why <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName> slew Abel, on account of that his
acceptance with God, is much better than this of Josephus: I mean, because
"<placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName> was of the evil one, and slew his brother. And wherefore slew
he him? Because his own works were evil, and his brother's righteous,"
1 John 3:12. Josephus's reason seems to be no better than a pharisaical
notion or tradition.</note>
when he was honored with what grew naturally of its own accord, than he
was with what was the invention of a covetous man, and gotten by forcing
the ground; whence it was that <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName> was very angry that Abel was preferred
by God before him; and he slew his brother, and hid his dead body, thinking
to escape discovery. But God, knowing what had been done, came to <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName>,
and asked him what was become of his brother, because he had not seen him
of many days; whereas he used to observe them conversing together at other
times. But <placeName key="tgn,1122392" authname="tgn,1122392">Cain</placeName> was in doubt with himself, and knew not what answer to
give to God. At first he said that he was himself at a loss about his brother's
disappearing; but when he was provoked by God, who pressed him vehemently,
as resolving to know what the matter was, he replied, he was not his brother's
guardian or keeper, nor was he an observer of what he did. But, in return,
God convicted Cain, as having been the murderer of his brother; and said,
"I wonder at thee, that thou knowest not what is become of a man whom
thou thyself hast destroyed." God therefore did not inflict the punishment
[of death] upon him, on account of his offering sacrifice, and thereby
making supplication to him not to be extreme in his wrath to him; but he
made him accursed, and threatened his posterity in the seventh generation.
He also cast him, together with his wife, out of that land. And when he
was afraid that in wandering about he should fall among Wild beasts, and
by that means perish, God bid him not to entertain such a melancholy suspicion,
and to go over all the earth without fear of what mischief he might suffer
from wild beasts; and setting a mark upon him, that he might be known,
he commanded him to depart.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>And when Cain had traveled over many countries, he, with his wife,
built a city, named Nod, which is a place so called, and there he settled
his abode; where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his
punishment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness; for he
only aimed to procure every thing that was for his own bodily pleasure,
though it obliged him to be injurious to his neighbors. He augmented his
household substance with much wealth, by rapine and violence; he excited
his acquaintance to procure pleasures and spoils by robbery, and became
a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also introduced a change
in that way of simplicity wherein men lived before; and was the author
of measures and weights. And whereas they lived innocently and generously
while they knew nothing of such arts, he changed the world into cunning
craftiness. He first of all set boundaries about lands: he built a city,
and fortified it with walls, and he compelled his family to come together
to it; and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son Enoch.
Now Jared was the son of Enoch; whose son was Malaliel; whose son was Mathusela;
whose son was Lamech; who had seventy-seven children by two wives, <placeName key="tgn,7000299" authname="tgn,7000299">Silla</placeName>
and Ada. Of those children by Ada, one was Jabal: he erected tents, and
loved the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother
with him, exercised himself in music; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">From
this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel, the trumpet of jobel or jubilee;
that large and loud musical instrument, used in proclaiming the liberty
at the year of jubilee.</note>
and invented the psaltery and the harp. But Tubal, one of his children
by the other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and
famous in martial performances. He procured what tended to the pleasures
of the body by that method; and first of all invented the art of making
brass. Lamech was also the father of a daughter, whose name was Naamah.
And because he was so skillful in matters of divine revelation, that he
knew he was to be punished for Cain's murder of his brother, he made that
known to his wives. Nay, even while Adam was alive, it came to pass that
the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked, every one successively
dying, one after another, more wicked than the former. They were intolerable
in war, and vehement in robberies; and if any one were slow to murder people,
yet was he bold in his profligate behavior, in acting unjustly, and doing
injuries for gain.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="67" unit="section" /><p>Now Adam, who was the first man, and made out of the earth, (for
our discourse must now be about him,) after Abel was slain, and Cain fled
away, on account of his murder, was solicitous for posterity, and had a
vehement desire of children, he being two hundred and thirty years old;
after which time he lived other seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed
many other children, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
number of Adam's children, as says the old tradition was thirty-three sons,
and twenty-three daughters.</note>
but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it would be tedious to name them;
I will therefore only endeavor to give an account of those that proceeded
from Seth. Now this Seth, when he was brought up, and came to those years
in which he could discern what was good, became a virtuous man; and as
he was himself of an excellent character, so did he leave children behind
him who imitated his virtues. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
number of Adam's children, as says the old tradition was thirty-three sons,
and twenty-three daughters.</note>
All these proved to be of good dispositions. They also inhabited the same
country without dissensions, and in a happy condition, without any misfortunes
falling upon them, till they died. They also were the inventors of that
peculiar sort of wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly bodies, and
their order. And that their inventions might not be lost before they were
sufficiently known, upon Adam's prediction that the world was to be destroyed
at one time by the force of fire, and at another time by the violence and
quantity of water, they made two pillars, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of Josephus's mistake here, when he took Seth the son of Adam, for Seth
or Sesostris, king of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, the erector of this pillar in the land of
Siriad, see Essay on the Old Testament, Appendix, p. 159, 160. Although
the main of this relation might be true, and Adam might foretell a conflagration
and a deluge, which all antiquity witnesses to be an ancient tradition;
nay, Seth's posterity might engrave their inventions in astronomy on two
such pillars; yet it is no way credible that they could survive the deluge,
which has buried all such pillars and edifices far under ground in the
sediment of its waters, especially since the like pillars of the Egyptian
Seth or Sesostris were extant after the flood, in the land of Siriad, and
perhaps in the days of Josephus also, as is shown in the place here referred
to.</note>
the one of brick, the other of stone: they inscribed their discoveries
on them both, that in case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the
flood, the pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those discoveries
to mankind; and also inform them that there was another pillar of brick
erected by them. Now this remains in the land of Siriad to this day.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE FLOOD; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER NOAH WAS SAVED
IN AN ARK, WITH HIS KINDRED, AND AFTERWARDS DWELT IN THE PLAIN OF SHINAR,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="72" unit="section" /><p>NOW this posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord of
the universe, and to have an entire regard to virtue, for seven generations;
but in process of time they were perverted, and forsook the practices of
their forefathers; and did neither pay those honors to God which were appointed
them, nor had they any concern to do justice towards men. But for what
degree of zeal they had formerly shown for virtue, they now showed by their
actions a double degree of wickedness, whereby they made God to be their
enemy. For many angels <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This notion, that the fallen angels were, in some sense, the fathers of
the old giants, was the constant opinion of antiquity.</note>
of God accompanied with women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers
of all that was good, on account of the confidence they had in their own
strength; for the tradition is, that these men did what resembled the acts
of those whom the Grecians call giants. But Noah was very uneasy at what
they did; and being displeased at their conduct, persuaded them to change
their dispositions and their acts for the better: but seeing they did not
yield to him, but were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid
they would kill him, together with his wife and children, and those they
had married; so he departed out of that land.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="75" unit="section" /><p>Now God loved this man for his righteousness: yet he not only condemned
those other men for their wickedness, but determined to destroy the whole
race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness;
and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they
formerly lived, but one hundred and twenty only, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here supposes that the life of these giants, for of them only
do I understand him, was now reduced to 120 years; which is confirmed by
the fragment of <placeName key="tgn,2108847" authname="tgn,2108847">Enoch</placeName>, sect. 10, in Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 268. For as
to the rest of mankind, Josephus himself confesses their lives were much
longer than 120 years, for many generations after the flood, as we shall
see presently; and he says they were gradually shortened till the days
of Moses, and then fixed [for some time] at 120, ch. 6. sect. 5. Nor indeed
need we suppose that either Enoch or Josephus meant to interpret these
120 years for the life of men before the flood, to be different from the
120 years of God's patience [perhaps while the ark was preparing] till
the deluge; which I take to be the meaning of God when he threatened this
wicked world, that if they so long continued impenitent, their days should
be no more than 120 years.</note>
he turned the dry land into sea; and thus were all these men destroyed:
but <placeName key="tgn,2007071" authname="tgn,2007071">Noah</placeName> alone was saved; for God suggested to him the following contrivance
and way of escape : - That he should make an ark of four stories high,
three hundred cubits <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A cubit is about 21 English inches.</note>
long, fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly he entered
into that ark, and his wife, and sons, and their wives, and put into it
not only other provisions, to support their wants there, but also sent
in with the rest all sorts of living creatures, the male and his female,
for the preservation of their kinds; and others of them by sevens. Now
this ark had firm walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross beams, so
that it could not be any way drowned or overborne by the violence of the
water. And thus was <placeName key="tgn,2007071" authname="tgn,2007071">Noah</placeName>, with his family, preserved. Now he was the tenth
from Adam, as being the son of Lamech, whose father was Mathusela; he was
the son of <placeName key="tgn,2108847" authname="tgn,2108847">Enoch</placeName>, the son of <placeName key="tgn,2115999" authname="tgn,2115999">Jared</placeName>; and <placeName key="tgn,2115999" authname="tgn,2115999">Jared</placeName> was the son of Malaleel,
who, with many of his sisters, were the children of Cainan, the son of
<placeName key="tgn,2027749" authname="tgn,2027749">Enos</placeName>. Now <placeName key="tgn,2027749" authname="tgn,2027749">Enos</placeName> was the son of <placeName key="tgn,2107587" authname="tgn,2107587">Seth</placeName>, the son of Adam.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="80" unit="section" /><p>This calamity happened in the six hundredth year of <placeName key="tgn,2056765" authname="tgn,2056765">Noah</placeName>'s government,
[age,] in the second month, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here truly determines, that the year that the Flood began, our
Hebrew and Samaritan, and perhaps Josephus's own copy, more rightly placed
it on the 17th day, instead of the 27th, as here; for Josephus agrees with
them, as to the distance of 150 days to the 17th day of the 7th month,
as Genesis 7. ult. with 8:3.</note>
called by the Macedonians <foreign lang="xgreek">Dius</foreign>, but by the Hebrews <foreign lang="xhebrew">Marchesuan</foreign>:
for so did they order their year in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. But <placeName key="tgn,2525806" authname="tgn,2525806">Moses</placeName> appointed that
· <emph>Nisan</emph>, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the
first month for their festivals, because he brought them out of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> in
that month: so that this month began the year as to all the solemnities
they observed to the honor of God, although he preserved the original order
of the months as to selling and buying, and other ordinary affairs. Now
he says that this flood began on the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of
the forementioned month; and this was two thousand six hundred and fifty-six
[one thousand six hundred and fifty-six] years from Adam, the first man;
and the time is written down in our sacred books, those who then lived
having noted down, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here takes notice, that these ancient genealogies were first set
down by those that then lived, and from them were transmitted down to posterity;
which I suppose to be the true account of that matter. For there is no
reason to imagine that men were not taught to read and write soon after
they were taught to speak; and perhaps all by the Messiah himself, who,
under the Father, was the Creator or Governor of mankind, and who frequently
in those early days appeared to them.</note>
with great accuracy, both the births and deaths of illustrious men.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="83" unit="section" /><p>For indeed Seth was born when Adam was in his two hundred and thirtieth
year, who lived :nine hundred and thirty years. Seth begat <placeName key="tgn,7002318" authname="tgn,7002318">Enos</placeName> in his
two hundred and fifth year; who, when he had lived nine hundred and twelve
years, delivered the government to Cainan his son, whom he had in his hundred
and ninetieth year. He lived nine hundred and five years. Cainan, when
he had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his son Malaleel, who was
born in his hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having lived eight
hundred and ninety-five years, died, leaving his son Jared, whom he begat
when he was in his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He lived nine hundred
and sixty-two years; and then his son Enoch succeeded him, who was born
when his father was one hundred and sixty-two years old. Now he, when he
had lived three hundred and sixty-five years, departed and went to God;
whence it is that they have not written down his death. Now Mathusela,
the son of Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hundred and sixty-five
years old, had Lamech for his son when he was one hundred and eighty-seven
years of age; to whom he delivered the government, when he had retained
it nine hundred and sixty-nine years. Now Lamech, when he had governed
seven hundred and seventy-seven years, appointed Noah, his son, to
be ruler of the people, who was born to Lamech when he was one hundred
and eighty-two years old, and retained the government nine hundred and
fifty years. These years collected together make up the sum before set
down. But let no one inquire into the deaths of these men; for they extended
their lives along together with their children and grandchildren; but let
him have regard to their births only.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="89" unit="section" /><p>When God gave the signal, and it began to rain, the water poured
down forty entire days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than the earth;
which was the reason why there was no greater number preserved, since they
had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased, the water did but just begin
to abate after one hundred and fifty days, (that is, on the seventeenth
day of the seventh month,) it then ceasing to subside for a little while.
After this, the ark rested on the top of a certain mountain in <placeName key="tgn,7006651" authname="tgn,7006651">Armenia</placeName>;
which, when <placeName key="tgn,2542496" authname="tgn,2542496">Noah</placeName> understood, he opened it; and seeing a small piece of
land about it, he continued quiet, and conceived some cheerful hopes of
deliverance. But a few days afterward, when the water was decreased to
a greater degree, he sent out a raven, as desirous to learn whether any
other part of the earth were left dry by the water, and whether he might
go out of the ark with safety; but the raven, finding all the land still
overflowed, returned to <placeName key="tgn,2007071" authname="tgn,2007071">Noah</placeName> again. And after seven days he sent out a
dove, to know the state of the ground; which came back to him covered with
mud, and bringing an olive branch: hereby Noah learned that the earth was
become clear of the flood. So after he had staid seven more days, he sent
the living creatures out of the ark; and both he and his family went out,
when he also sacrificed to God, and feasted with his companions. However,
the Armenians call this place, (GREEK) <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This (GREEK), or Place of Descent, is the proper rendering of the Armenian
name of this very city. It is called in Ptolemy Naxuana, and by Moses Chorenensis,
the Armenian historian, Idsheuan; but at the place itself Nachidsheuan,
which signifies The first place of descent, and is a lasting monument of
the preservation of Noah in the ark, upon the top of that mountain, at
whose foot it was built, as the first city or town after the flood. See
Antiq. B. XX. ch. 2. sect. 3; and Moses Chorenensis, who also says elsewhere,
that another town was related by tradition to have been called Seron, or,
The Place of Dispersion, on account of the dispersion of Xisuthrus's or
Noah's sons, from thence first made. Whether any remains of this ark be
still preserved, as the people of the country suppose, I cannot certainly
tell. <placeName key="tgn,2520908" authname="tgn,2520908">Mons</placeName>. Tournefort had, not very long since, a mind to see the place
himself, but met with too great dangers and difficulties to venture through
them.</note>
<emph>The Place of Descent;</emph> for the ark being saved in that place, its
remains are shown there by the inhabitants to this day.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="93" unit="section" /><p>Now all the writers of barbarian histories make mention of this flood,
and of this ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean. For when he is describing
the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus: "It is said there
is still some part of this ship in <placeName key="tgn,1023711" authname="tgn,1023711">Armenia</placeName>, at the mountain of the Cordyaeans;
and that some people carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they take away,
and use chiefly as amulets for the averting of mischiefs." Hieronymus
the Egyptian also, who wrote the Phoenician Antiquities, and Mnaseas, and
a great many more, make mention of the same. Nay, <placeName key="tgn,2012948" authname="tgn,2012948">Nicolaus</placeName> of <placeName key="tgn,7002261" authname="tgn,7002261">Damascus</placeName>,
in his ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation about them; where
he speaks thus: <emph>"</emph>There is a great mountain in <placeName key="tgn,1023711" authname="tgn,1023711">Armenia</placeName>,
over Minyas, called <placeName key="tgn,1086444" authname="tgn,1086444">Baris</placeName>, upon which it is reported that many who fled
at the time of the Deluge were saved; and that one who was carried in an
ark came on shore upon the top of it; and that the remains of the timber
were a great while preserved. This might be the man about whom Moses the
legislator of the Jews wrote."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="96" unit="section" /><p>But as for <placeName key="tgn,2542496" authname="tgn,2542496">Noah</placeName>, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy
mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he offered burnt-offerings,
and besought God that nature might hereafter go on in its former orderly
course, and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by
which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction: but
that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare the
remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from
so severe a calamity; for that otherwise these last must be more miserable
than the first, and that they must be condemned to a worse condition than
the others, unless they be suffered to escape entirely; that is, if they
be reserved for another deluge; while they must be afflicted with the terror
and sight of the first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a second.
He also entreated God to accept of his sacrifice, and to grant that the
earth might never again undergo the like effects of 'his wrath; that men
might be permitted to go on cheerfully in cultivating the same; to build
cities, and live happily in them; and that they might not be deprived of
any of those good things which they enjoyed before the Flood; but might
attain to the like length of days, and old age, which the ancient people
had arrived at before.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>When <placeName key="tgn,2542496" authname="tgn,2542496">Noah</placeName> had made these supplications, God, who loved the man for
his righteousness, granted entire success to his prayers, and said, that
it was not he who brought the destruction on a polluted world, but that
they underwent that vengeance on account of their own wickedness; and that
he had not brought men into the world if he had himself determined to destroy
them, it being an instance of greater wisdom not to have granted them life
at all, than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction; "But
the injuries," said he, "they offered to my holiness and virtue,
forced me to bring this punishment upon them. But I will leave off for
the time to come to require such punishments, the effects of so great wrath,
for their future wicked actions, and especially on account of thy prayers.
But if I shall at any time send tempests of rain, in an extraordinary manner,
be not affrighted at the largeness of the showers; for the water shall
no more overspread the earth. However, I require you to abstain from shedding
the blood of men, and to keep yourselves pure from murder; and to punish
those that commit any such thing. I permit you to make use of all the other
living creatures at your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you; for
I have made you lords of them all, both of those that walk on the land,
and those that swim in the waters, and of those that fly in the regions
of the air on high, excepting their blood, for therein is the life. But
I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger by my bow [whereby
is meant the rainbow, for they determined that the rainbow was the bow
of God]. And when God had said and promised thus, he went away.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="104" unit="section" /><p>Now when Noah had lived three hundred and fifty years after the Flood,
and that all that time happily, he died, having lived the number of nine
hundred and fifty years. But let no one, upon comparing the lives of the
ancients with our lives, and with the few years which we now live, think
that what we have said of them is false; or make the shortness of our lives
at present an argument, that neither did they attain to so long a duration
of life, for those ancients were beloved of God, and [lately] made by God
himself; and because their food was then fitter for the prolongation of
life, might well live so great a number of years: and besides, God afforded
them a longer time of life on account of their virtue, and the good use
they made of it in astronomical and geometrical discoveries, which would
not have afforded the time of foretelling [the periods of the stars] unless
they had lived six hundred years; for the great year is completed in that
interval. Now I have for witnesses to what I have said, all those that
have written Antiquities, both among the Greeks and barbarians; for even
Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and Berosus, who collected the
Chaldean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hestieus, and, besides these, Hieronymus
the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoenician History, agree to what
I here say: Hesiod also, and Hecatseus, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and,
besides these, Ephorus and <placeName key="tgn,2012948" authname="tgn,2012948">Nicolaus</placeName> relate that the ancients lived a thousand
years. But as to these matters, let every one look upon them as he thinks
fit.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE TOWER OF BABYLON, AND THE CONFUSION OF TONGUES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="109" unit="section" /><p>Now the sons of <placeName key="tgn,2056765" authname="tgn,2056765">Noah</placeName> were three, - <placeName key="tgn,2658251" authname="tgn,2658251">Shem</placeName>, Japhet, and Ham, born one
hundred years before the Deluge. These first of all descended from the
mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation there; and persuaded
others who were greatly afraid of the lower grounds on account of the flood,
and so were very loath to come down from the higher places, to venture
to follow their examples. Now the plain in which they first dwelt was called
Shinar. God also commanded them to send colonies abroad, for the thorough
peopling of the earth, that they might not raise seditions among themselves,
but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after
a plentiful manner. But they were so ill instructed that they did not obey
God; for which reason they fell into calamities, and were made sensible,
by experience, of what sin they had been guilty: for when they flourished
with a numerous youth, God admonished them again to send out colonies;
but they, imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not derived from the
favor of God, but supposing that their own power was the proper cause of
the plentiful condition they were in, did not obey him. Nay, they added
to this their disobedience to the Divine will, the suspicion that they
were therefore ordered to send out separate colonies, that, being divided
asunder, they might the more easily be Oppressed.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="113" unit="section" /><p>Now it was Nimrod who excited them to such an affront and contempt
of God. He was the grandson of Ham, the son of <placeName key="tgn,2007071" authname="tgn,2007071">Noah</placeName>, a bold man, and of
great strength of hand. He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God, as
if it was through his means they were happy, but to believe that it was
their own courage which procured that happiness. He also gradually changed
the government into tyranny, seeing no other way of turning men from the
fear of God, but to bring them into a constant dependence on his power.
He also said he would be revenged on God, if he should have a mind to drown
the world again; for that he would build a tower too high for the waters
to be able to reach! and that he would avenge himself on God for destroying
their forefathers !</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="115" unit="section" /><p>Now the multitude were very ready to follow the determination of
<placeName key="tgn,2106329" authname="tgn,2106329">Nimrod</placeName>, and to esteem it a piece of cowardice to submit to God; and they
built a tower, neither sparing any pains, nor being in any degree negligent
about the work: and, by reason of the multitude of hands employed in it,
it grew very high, sooner than any one could expect; but the thickness
of it was so great, and it was so strongly built, that thereby its great
height seemed, upon the view, to be less than it really was. It was built
of burnt brick, cemented together with mortar, made of bitumen, that it
might not be liable to admit water. When God saw that they acted so madly,
he did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since they were not grown wiser
by the destruction of the former sinners; but he caused a tumult among
them, by producing in them divers languages, and causing that, through
the multitude of those languages, they should not be able to understand
one another. The place wherein they built the tower is now called <emph><placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylon</placeName>,
</emph>because of the confusion of that language which they readily understood
before; for the Hebrews mean by the word <emph>Babel</emph>, confusion. The <placeName key="tgn,2662097" authname="tgn,2662097">Sibyl</placeName>
also makes mention of this tower, and of the confusion of the language,
when she says thus: "When all men were of one language, some of them
built a high tower, as if they would thereby ascend up to heaven, but the
gods sent storms of wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his
peculiar language; and for this reason it was that the city was called
<emph><placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylon</placeName>."</emph> But as to the plan of Shinar, in the country of <placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylonia</placeName>,
Hestiaeus mentions it, when he says thus: "Such of the priests as
were saved, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enyalius, and came to Shinar
of <placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylonia</placeName>."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">AFTER WHAT MANNER THE POSTERITY OF NOAH SENT OUT COLONIES,
AND INHABITED THE WHOLE EARTH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>AFTER this they were dispersed abroad, on account of their languages,
and went out by colonies every where; and each colony took possession of
that land which they light upon, and unto which God led them; so that the
whole continent was filled with them, both the inland and the maritime
countries. There were some also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited
the islands: and some of those nations do still retain the denominations
which were given them by their first founders; but some have lost them
also, and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that they might
be the more intelligible to the inhabitants. And they were the Greeks who
became the authors of such mutations. For when in after-ages they grew
potent, they claimed to themselves the glory of antiquity; giving names
to the nations that sounded well (in Greek) that they might be better understood
among themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them,
as if they were a people derived from themselves.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW EVERY NATION WAS DENOMINATED FROM THEIR FIRST
INHABITANTS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="122" unit="section" /><p>Now they were the grandchildren of Noah, in honor of whom names were
imposed on the nations by those that first seized upon them. Japhet, the
son of Noah, had seven sons: they inhabited so, that, beginning at the
mountains Taurus and Amanus, they proceeded along <placeName key="tgn,1000004" authname="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName>, as far as the river
Tansis, and along <placeName key="tgn,1000003" authname="tgn,1000003">Europe</placeName> to <placeName key="tgn,7002813" authname="tgn,7002813">Cadiz</placeName>; and settling themselves on the lands
which they light upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the
nations by their own names. For Gomer founded those whom the Greeks now
call Galatians, [Galls,] but were then called Gomerites. Magog founded
those that from him were named Magogites, but who are by the Greeks called
Scythians. Now as to <placeName key="tgn,1054611" authname="tgn,1054611">Javan</placeName> and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came
the Madeans, who are called Medes, by the Greeks; but from Javan, <placeName key="tgn,6002765" authname="tgn,6002765">Ionia</placeName>,
and all the Grecians, are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites, who are
now called Iberes; and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch; now they are
Cappadocians. There is also a mark of their ancient denomination still
to be shown; for there is even now among them a city called <placeName key="perseus,Mazaca" authname="perseus,Mazaca">Mazaca</placeName>, which
may inform those that are able to understand, that so was the entire nation
once called. Thiras also called those whom he ruled over Thirasians; but
the Greeks changed the name into Thracians. And so many were the countries
that had the children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of the three sons
of Gomer, Aschanax founded the Aschanaxians, who are now called by the
Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found the Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians;
and Thrugramma the Thrugrammeans, who, as the Greeks resolved, were named
Phrygians. Of the three sons of <placeName key="tgn,1054611" authname="tgn,1054611">Javan</placeName> also, the son of Japhet, Elisa gave
name to the Eliseans, who were his subjects; they are now the Aeolians.
Tharsus to the Tharsians, for so was <placeName key="tgn,7002470" authname="tgn,7002470">Cilicia</placeName> of old called; the sign of
which is this, that the noblest city they have, and a metropolis also,
is <placeName key="perseus,Tarsus" authname="perseus,Tarsus">Tarsus</placeName>, the <emph>tau</emph> being by change put for the <emph>theta</emph>. Cethimus
possessed the island Cethima: it is now called <placeName key="tgn,1000112" authname="tgn,1000112">Cyprus</placeName>; and from that it
is that all islands, and the greatest part of the sea-coasts, are named
Cethim by the Hebrews: and one city there is in <placeName key="tgn,1000112" authname="tgn,1000112">Cyprus</placeName> that has been able
to preserve its denomination; it has been called Citius by those who use
the language of the Greeks, and has not, by the use of that dialect, escaped
the name of Cethim. And so many nations have the children and grandchildren
of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premised somewhat, which perhaps the
Greeks do not know, I will return and explain what I have omitted; for
such names are pronounced here after the manner of the Greeks, to please
my readers; for our own country language does not so pronounce them: but
the names in all cases are of one and the same ending; for the name we
here pronounce Noeas, is there Noah, and in every case retains the same
termination.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="130" unit="section" /><p>The children of Ham possessed the land from <placeName key="tgn,1000140" authname="tgn,1000140">Syria</placeName> and Amanus, and
the mountains of Libanus; seizing upon all that was on its sea-coasts,
and as far as the ocean, and keeping it as their own. Some indeed of its
names are utterly vanished away; others of them being changed, and another
sound given them, are hardly to be discovered; yet a few there are which
have kept their denominations entire. For of the four sons of Ham, time
has not at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, over whom he
reigned, are even at this day, both by themselves and by all men in <placeName key="tgn,1000004" authname="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName>,
called Chusites. The memory also of the Mesraites is preserved in their
name; for all we who inhabit this country [of <placeName key="tgn,7001407" authname="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>] called Egypt Mestre,
and the Egyptians Mestreans. Phut also was the founder of <placeName key="tgn,1000172" authname="tgn,1000172">Libya</placeName>, and called
the inhabitants Phutites, from himself: there is also a river in the country
of Moors which bears that name; whence it is that we may see the greatest
part of the Grecian historiographers mention that river and the adjoining
country by the apellation of Phut: but the name it has now has been by
change given it from one of the sons of Mesraim, who was called Lybyos.
We will inform you presently what has been the occasion why it has been
called <placeName key="tgn,7001242" authname="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName> also. <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country
now called <placeName key="tgn,7001407" authname="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>, and called it from his own name <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>. The children
of these [four] were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans; Evilas, who
founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli; Sabathes founded the Sabathens,
they are now called by the Greeks Astaborans; Sabactas settled the Sabactens;
and Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he had two sons, the one of whom, Judadas,
settled the Judadeans, a nation of the western Ethiopians, and left them
his name; as did Sabas to the Sabeans: but Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid
and tyrannized at <placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylon</placeName>, as we have already informed you. Now all the
children of Mesraim, being eight in number, possessed the country from
<placeName key="tgn,7001390" authname="tgn,7001390">Gaza</placeName> to <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, though it retained the name of one only, the Philistim;
for the Greeks call part of that country <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Palestine</placeName>. As for the rest, Ludieim,
and Enemim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in <placeName key="tgn,1000172" authname="tgn,1000172">Libya</placeName>, and called the country
from himself, Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cephthorim, we know
nothing of them besides their names; for the Ethiopic war <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">One observation ought not here to be neglected, with regard to that Ethiopic
war which Moses, as general of the Egyptians, put an end to, Antiq. B.
II. ch. 10., and about which our late writers seem very much unconcerned;
viz. that it was a war of that consequence, as to occasion the removal
or destruction of six or seven nations of the posterity of Mitzraim, with
their cities; which Josephus would not have said, if he had not had ancient
records to justify those his assertions, though those records be now all
lost.</note>
which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those cities were
overthrown. The sons of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName> were these: Sidonius, who also built a city
of the same name; it is called by the Greeks Sidon;
<placeName key="perseus,Amathus" authname="perseus,Amathus">Amathus</placeName> inhabited in Amathine, which is even now called Amathe by the
inhabitants, although the Macedonians named it <placeName key="tgn,7002276" authname="tgn,7002276">Epiphania</placeName>, from one of his
posterity: Arudeus possessed the island <placeName key="tgn,7016538" authname="tgn,7016538">Aradus</placeName>: <placeName key="tgn,1061784" authname="tgn,1061784">Arucas</placeName> possessed Arce,
which is in Libanus. But for the seven others, [Eueus,] Chetteus, Jebuseus,
Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus, Sineus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred
books but their names, for the Hebrews overthrew their cities; and their
calamities came upon them on the occasion following.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="140" unit="section" /><p>Noah, when, after the deluge, the earth was resettled in its former
condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines,
and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season,
and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and feasted, and,
being drunk, he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When
his youngest son saw this, he came laughing, and showed him to his brethren;
but they covered their father's nakedness. And when Noah was made sensible
of what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but
for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but
cursed his prosperity: and when the rest of them escaped that curse, God
inflicted it on the children of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>. But as to these matters, we shall
speak more hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="143" unit="section" /><p>Shem, the third son of Noah, had five sons, who inhabited the land
that began at <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName>, and reached to the <placeName key="tgn,7016682" authname="tgn,7016682">Indian Ocean</placeName>. For <placeName key="tgn,7002147" authname="tgn,7002147">Elam</placeName> left
behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the Persians. <placeName key="tgn,6000442" authname="tgn,6000442">Ashur</placeName> lived at
the city Nineve; and named his subjects Assyrians, who became the most
fortunate nation, beyond others. Arphaxad named the Arphaxadites, who are
now called Chaldeans. Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians;
as Laud founded the Laudites, which are now called Lydians. Of the four
sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and <placeName key="tgn,7002261" authname="tgn,7002261">Damascus</placeName>: this country lies between
<placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Palestine</placeName> and Celesyria. Ul founded <placeName key="tgn,7006651" authname="tgn,7006651">Armenia</placeName>; and Gather the Bactrians;
and <placeName key="tgn,1127093" authname="tgn,1127093">Mesa</placeName> the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini. <placeName key="tgn,7016567" authname="tgn,7016567">Sala</placeName> was the son
of Arphaxad; and his son was Heber, from whom they originally called the
Jews Hebrews. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That the Jews were called Hebrews from this their progenitor Heber, our
author Josephus here rightly affirms; and not from <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> the Hebrew, or
passenger over <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName>, as many of the moderns suppose. Shem is also
called the father of all the children of Heber, or of all the Hebrews,
in a history long before <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> passed over <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName>, Genesis 10:21, though
it must be confessed that, Genesis 14:13, where the original says they
told <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> the Hebrew, the Septuagint renders it the passenger, (GREEK):
but this is spoken only of <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> himself, who had then lately passed over
<placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName>, and is another signification of the Hebrew word, taken as an
appellative, and not as a proper name.</note>
Heber begat Joetan and Phaleg: he was called Phaleg, because he was born
at the dispersion of the nations to their several countries; for Phaleg
among the Hebrews signifies <emph>division</emph>. Now Joctan, one of the sons
of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram,
Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, <placeName key="tgn,7014573" authname="tgn,7014573">Ophir</placeName>, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited
from Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of <placeName key="tgn,2097781" authname="tgn,2097781">Asia</placeName> adjoining to it.
And this shall suffice concerning the sons of <placeName key="tgn,2658251" authname="tgn,2658251">Shem</placeName>.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="148" unit="section" /><p>I will now treat of the Hebrews. The son of Phaleg, whose father
Was Heber, was Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was born <placeName key="tgn,2113168" authname="tgn,2113168">Nahor</placeName>; his
son was Terah, who was the father of Abraham, who accordingly was the tenth
from <placeName key="tgn,2542496" authname="tgn,2542496">Noah</placeName>, and was born in the two hundred and ninety-second year after
the deluge; for Terah begat <placeName key="tgn,2102223" authname="tgn,2102223">Abram</placeName> in his seventieth year. <placeName key="tgn,2113168" authname="tgn,2113168">Nahor</placeName> begat <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName>
when he was one hundred and twenty years old; <placeName key="tgn,2113168" authname="tgn,2113168">Nahor</placeName> was born to Serug in
his hundred and thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one hundred and
thirty; at the same age also Phaleg had Ragau; <placeName key="tgn,2062230" authname="tgn,2062230">Heber</placeName> begat Phaleg in his
hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being begotten by <placeName key="tgn,7016567" authname="tgn,7016567">Sala</placeName> when
he was a hundred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad had for his son at
the hundred and thirty-fifth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem,
and born twelve years after the deluge. Now <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> had two brethren, Nahor
and <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName>: of these <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName> left a son, Lot; as also <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName> and Milcha his
daughters; and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of the Chaldeans, called
Ur; and his monument is shown to this day. These married their nieces.
Nabor married Milcha, and <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> married <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>. Now Terah hating Chaldea,
on account of his mourning for Ilaran, they all removed to <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName> of <placeName key="tgn,7001554" authname="tgn,7001554">Mesopotamia</placeName>,
where Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived to be two hundred and
five years old; for the life of man was already, by degrees, diminished,
and became shorter than before, till the birth of Moses; after whom the
term of human life was one hundred and twenty years, God determining it
to the length that Moses happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by
Milcha; Uz and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel.
These were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for <placeName key="tgn,1062540" authname="tgn,1062540">Teba</placeName>, and Gaam, and Tachas,
and Maaca, were born of Reuma his concubine: but Bethuel had a daughter,
Rebecca, and a son, Laban.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ABRAM OUR FOREFATHER WENT OUT OF THE LAND OF THE CHALDEANS,
AND LIVED IN THE LAND THEN CALLED CANAAN BUT NOW JUDEA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>Now <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>, having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName>'s
son, and his wife <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>'s brother; and he left the land of Chaldea when
he was seventy-five years old, and at the command of God went into <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>,
and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person
of great sagacity, both for understanding all things and persuading his
hearers, and not mistaken in his opinions; for which reason he began to
have higher notions of virtue than others had, and he determined to renew
and to change the opinion all men happened then to have concerning God;
for he was the first that ventured to publish this notion, That there was
but one God, the Creator of the universe; and that, as to other [gods],
if they contributed any thing to the happiness of men, that each of them
afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power.
This his opinion was derived from the irregular phenomena that were visible
both at land and sea, as well as those that happen to the sun<emph>,
</emph>and moon, and all the heavenly bodies, thus: - "If [said he] these
bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take care of their
own regular motions; but since they do not preserve such regularity, they
make it plain, that in so far as they co-operate to our advantage, they
do it not of their own abilities, but as they are subservient to Him that
commands them, to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honor and thanksgiving."
For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans, and other people of <placeName key="tgn,7001554" authname="tgn,7001554">Mesopotamia</placeName>,
raised a tumult against him, he thought fit to leave that country; and
at the command and by the assistance of God, he came and lived in the land
of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>. And when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed
a sacrifice to God.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="158" unit="section" /><p>Berosus mentions our father <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> without naming him, when he says
thus: "In the tenth generation after the Flood, there was among
the Chaldeans a man righteous and great, and skillful in the celestial
science." But Hecatseus does more than barely mention him; for he
composed, and left behind him, a book concerning him. And Nicolaus of <placeName key="tgn,7002261" authname="tgn,7002261">Damascus</placeName>,
in the fourth book of his History, says thus: "<placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> reigned at <placeName key="tgn,7002261" authname="tgn,7002261">Damascus</placeName>,
being a foreigner, who came with an army out of the land above <placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylon</placeName>,
called the land of the Chaldeans: but, after a long time, he got him up,
and removed from that country also, with his people, and went into the
land then called the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, but now the land of <placeName key="tgn,7001407" authname="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>, and this
when his posterity were become a multitude; as to which posterity of his<emph>,
</emph>we relate their history in another work. Now the name of <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> is even
still famous in the country of <placeName key="tgn,7002261" authname="tgn,7002261">Damascus</placeName>; and there is shown a village named
from him, <emph>The Habitation of <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>."</emph></p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT WHEN THERE WAS A FAMINE IN CANAAN, ABRAM WENT THENCE
INTO EGYPT; AND AFTER HE HAD CONTINUED THERE A WHILE HE RETURNED BACK AGAIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="161" unit="section" /><p>NOW, after this, when a famine had invaded the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, and
<placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> had discovered that the Egyptians were in a flourishing condition,
he was disposed to go down to them, both to partake of the plenty they
enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their priests, and to know what they
said concerning the gods; designing either to follow them, if they had
better notions than he, or to convert them into a better way, if his own
notions proved the truest. Now, seeing he was to take <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName> with him, and
was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest the
king should kill him on occasion of his wife's great beauty, he contrived
this device : - he pretended to be her brother, and directed her in a dissembling
way to pretend the same, for he said it would be for their benefit. Now,
as soon as he came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, it happened to <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> as he supposed it would;
for the fame of his wife's beauty was greatly talked of; for which reason
Pharaoh, the king of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, would not be satisfied with what was reported
of her, but would needs see her himself, and was preparing to enjoy her;
but God put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by sending upon him a distemper,
and a sedition against his government. And when he inquired of the priests
how he might be freed from these calamities, they told him that this his
miserable condition was derived from the wrath of God, upon account of
his inclinations to abuse the stranger's wife. He then, out of fear, asked
Sarai who she was, and who it was that she brought along with her. And
when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>, that supposing
the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on
her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited
by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money, and gave
him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians;
from which conversation his virtue and his reputation became more conspicuous
than they had been before.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="166" unit="section" /><p>For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different customs,
and despised one another's sacred and accustomed rites, and were very angry
one with another on that account, <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> conferred with each of them, and,
confuting the reasonings they made use of, every one for their own practices,
demonstrated that such reasonings were vain and void of truth: whereupon
he was admired by them in those conferences as a very wise man, and one
of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he undertook; and
this not only in understanding it, but in persuading other men also to
assent to him. He communicated to them arithmetic, and delivered to them
the science of astronomy; for before <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> they were unacquainted
with those parts of learning; for that science came from the Chaldeans
into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and from thence to the Greeks also.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="169" unit="section" /><p>As soon as <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> was come back into <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, he parted the land between
him and Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavior of their shepherds,
concerning the pastures wherein they should feed their flocks. However,
he gave Lot his option, or leave, to choose which lands he would take;
and he took himself what the other left, which were the lower grounds at
the foot of the mountains; and he himself dwelt in <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>, which is a city
seven years more ancient than <placeName key="tgn,7001016" authname="tgn,7001016">Tunis</placeName> of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. But Lot possessed the land
of the plain, and the river <placeName key="tgn,1125225" authname="tgn,1125225">Jordan</placeName>, not far from the city of <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName>, which
was then a fine city, but is now destroyed, by the will and wrath of God,
the cause of which I shall show in its proper place hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SODOMITES BY THE ASSYRIAN WALL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="171" unit="section" /><p>AT this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over <placeName key="tgn,1000004" authname="tgn,1000004">Asia</placeName>, the people
of <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName> were in a flourishing condition, both as to riches and the number
of their youth. There were five kings that managed the affairs of this
county: Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and Sumobor, with the king of <placeName key="tgn,4012542" authname="tgn,4012542">Bela</placeName>; and
each king led on his own troops: and the Assyrians made war upon them;
and, dividing their army into four parts, fought against them. Now every
part of the army had its own commander; and when the battle was joined,
the Assyrians were conquerors, and imposed a tribute on the kings of the
Sodomites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years; and so long they
continued to pay their tribute: but on the thirteenth year they rebelled,
and then the army of the Assyrians came upon them, under their commanders
Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and Tidal. These kings had laid waste all
<placeName key="tgn,1000140" authname="tgn,1000140">Syria</placeName>, and overthrown the offspring of the giants. And when they were come
over against <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName>, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Slime
Pits, for at that time there were pits in that place; but now, upon the
destruction of the city of <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName>, that vale became the Lake Asphaltites,
as it is called. However, concerning this lake we shall speak more presently.
Now when the Sodomites joined battle with the Assyrians, and the fight
was very obstinate, many of them were killed, and the rest were carried
captive; among which captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ABRAM FOUGHT WITH THE ASSYRIANS, AND OVERCAME THEM, AND
SAVED THE SODOMITE PRISONERS, AND TOOK FROM THE ASSYRIANS THE PREY THEY
HAD GOTTEN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="176" unit="section" /><p>WHEN, <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> heard of their calamity, he was at once afraid for Lot
his kinsman, and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and neighbors; and thinking
it proper to afford them assistance, he did not delay it, but marched hastily,
and the fifth night fell upon the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the
name of the other spring of <placeName key="tgn,1125225" authname="tgn,1125225">Jordan</placeName>; and before they could arm themselves,
he slew some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any
harm; and others, who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk they
could not fight, ran away. <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> pursued after them, till, on the second
day, he drove them in a body unto Hoba, a place belonging to <placeName key="tgn,7002261" authname="tgn,7002261">Damascus</placeName>;
and thereby demonstrated that victory does not depend on multitude and
the number of hands, but the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome
the most numerous bodies of men, while he got the victory over so great
an army with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and
three of his friends: but all those that fled returned home ingloriously.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>So <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>, when he had saved the captive Sodomites, who had been taken
by the Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, returned home in peace. Now
the king of <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName> met him at a certain place, which they called The King's
Dale, where Melchisedec, king of the city <placeName key="tgn,1063559" authname="tgn,1063559">Salem</placeName>, received him. That name
signifies, <emph>the righteous king</emph>: and such he was, without dispute,
insomuch that, on this account, he was made the priest of God: however,
they afterward called <placeName key="tgn,1063559" authname="tgn,1063559">Salem</placeName> <emph><placeName key="tgn,7001371" authname="tgn,7001371">Jerusalem</placeName></emph>. Now this Melchisedec supplied
<placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>'s army in an hospitable manner, and gave them provisions in abundance;
and as they were feasting, he began to praise him, and to bless God for
subduing his enemies under him. And when <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> gave him the tenth part
of his prey, he accepted of the gift: but the king of <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName> desired <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>
to take the prey, but entreated that he might have those men restored to
him whom <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> had saved from the Assyrians, because they belonged to him.
But <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> would not do so; nor would make any other advantage of that prey
than what his servants had eaten; but still insisted that he should afford
a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battle. The first of
them was called Eschol, and then Enner, and Mambre.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="183" unit="section" /><p>And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not however lose
the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glorious actions.
He answered, And what advantage will it be to me to have such rewards,
when I have none to enjoy them after me? - for he was hitherto childless.
And God promised that he should have a son, and that his posterity should
be very numerous; insomuch that their number should be like the stars.
When he heard that, he offered a sacrifice to God, as he commanded him.
The manner of the sacrifice was this : - He took an heifer of three years
old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram in like manner of three
years old, and a turtle-dove, and a pigeon <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is worth noting here, that God required no other sacrifices under the
law of Moses, than what were taken from these five kinds of animals which
he here required of <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>. Nor did the Jews feed upon any other domestic
animals than the three here named, as Reland observes on Antiq. B. IV.
ch. 4. sect. 4.</note>
and as he was enjoined, he divided the three former, but the birds he did
not divide. After which, before he built his altar, where the birds of
prey flew about, as desirous of blood, a Divine voice came to him, declaring
that their neighbors would be grievous to his posterity, when they should
be in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, for four hundred years; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As to this affliction of <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>'s posterity for 400 years, see Antiq. B.
II. ch. 9. sect. 1.</note>
during which time they should be afflicted, but afterwards should overcome
their enemies, should conquer the Canaanites in war, and possess themselves
of their land, and of their cities.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="186" unit="section" /><p>Now <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> dwelt near the oak called Ogyges,--the place belongs to
<placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, not far from the city of <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>. But being uneasy at his wife's
barrenness, he entreated God to grant that he might have male issue; and
God required of him to be of good courage, and said that he would add to
all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since
he led him out of <placeName key="tgn,7001554" authname="tgn,7001554">Mesopotamia</placeName>, the gift of children. Accordingly <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>,
at God's command, brought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of
Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her; and when this handmaid
was with child, she triumphed, and ventured to affront <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>, as if the
dominion were to come to a son to be born of her. But when <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> resigned
her into the hand of <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>, to punish her, she contrived to fly away, as
not able to bear the instances of <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>'s severity to her; and she entreated
God to have compassion on her. Now a Divine Angel met her, as she was going
forward in the wilderness, and bid her return to her master and mistress,
for if she would submit to that wise advice, she would live better hereafter;
for that the reason of her being in such a miserable case was this, that
she had been ungrateful and arrogant towards her mistress. He also told
her, that if she disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should
perish; but if she would return back, she should become the mother of a
son who should reign over that country. These admonitions she obeyed, and
returned to her master and mistress, and obtained forgiveness. A
little while afterwards, she bare Ismael; which may be interpreted <emph>Heard
of God</emph>, because God had heard his mother's prayer.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="191" unit="section" /><p>The forementioned son was born to <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> when he was eighty-six years
old: but when he was ninety-nine, God appeared to him, and promised him
that he Should have a son by <placeName key="tgn,7010277" authname="tgn,7010277">Sarai</placeName>, and commanded that his name should
be Isaac; and showed him, that from this son should spring great nations
and kings, and that they should obtain all the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName> by war, from
<placeName key="tgn,7002861" authname="tgn,7002861">Sidon</placeName> to <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. But he charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed
with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin,
and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born: the
reason of which circumcision I will explain in another place. And <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName>
inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he should live or not, God signified
to him that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of
great nations. <placeName key="tgn,1028256" authname="tgn,1028256">Abram</placeName> therefore gave thanks to God for these blessings;
and then he, and all his family, and his son Ismael, were circumcised immediately;
the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety-nine.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW GOD OVERTHREW THE NATION OF THE SODOMITES, OUT OF HIS
WRATH AGAINST THEM FOR THEIR SINS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their riches
and great wealth; they became unjust towards men, and impious towards God,
insomuch that they did not call to mind the advantages they received from
him: they hated strangers, and abused themselves with Sodomitical practices.
God was therefore much displeased at them, and determined to punish them
for their pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their country,
until there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of it.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="196" unit="section" /><p>When God had thus resolved concerning the Sodomites, Abraham, as
he sat by the oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw three angels;
and thinking them to be strangers, he rose up, and saluted them, and desired
they would accept of an entertainment, and abide with him; to which, when
they agreed, he ordered cakes of meal to be made presently; and when he
had slain a calf, he roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under
the oak. Now they made a show of eating; and besides, they asked him about
his wife Sarah, where she was; and when he said she was within, they said
they would come again hereafter, and find her become a mother. Upon which
the woman laughed, and said that it was impossible she should bear children,
since she was ninety years of age, and her husband was a hundred. Then
they concealed themselves no longer, but declared that they were angels
of God; and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child, and
two of the overthrow of <placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName>.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="199" unit="section" /><p>When Abraham heard this, he was grieved for the Sodomites; and he
rose up, and besought God for them, and entreated him that he would not
destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had replied that there
was no good man among the Sodomites; for if there were but ten such man
among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held
his peace. And the angels came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot entreated
them to accept of a lodging with him; for he was a very generous and hospitable
man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when
the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beautiful countenances, and this
to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot,
they resolved themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by force and violence;
and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing immodest
to the strangers, but to have regard to their lodging in his house; and
promised that if their inclinations could not be governed, he would expose
his daughters to their lust, instead of these strangers; neither thus were
they made ashamed.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="202" unit="section" /><p>But God was much displeased at their impudent behavior, so that he
both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodomites to universal
destruction. But Lot, upon God's informing him of the future destruction
of the Sodomites, went away, taking with him his wife and daughters, who
were two, and still virgins; for those that were betrothed <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These sons-in-law to Lot, as they are called, Genesis 19:12-14, might be
so styled, because they were betrothed to Lot's daughters, though not yet
married to them. See the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 1.</note>
to them were above the thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot's words were
trifling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire,
with its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like burning,
as I formerly said when I wrote the Jewish War. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the War, B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 4.</note>
But Lot's wife continually turning back to view the city as she went from
it, and being too nicely inquisitive what would become of it, although
God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This pillar of salt was, we see here, standing in the days of Josephus,
and he had seen it. That it was standing then is also attested by Clement
of <placeName key="perseus,Rome" authname="perseus,Rome">Rome</placeName>, contemporary with Josephus; as also that it was so in the next
century, is attested by Irenaeus, with the addition of an hypothesis, how
it came to last so long, with all its members entire.—Whether the account
that some modern travelers give be true, that it is still standing, I do
not know. Its remote situation, at the most southern point of the Sea of
<placeName key="tgn,7016893" authname="tgn,7016893">Sodom</placeName>, in the wild and dangerous deserts of <placeName key="tgn,1012700" authname="tgn,1012700">Arabia</placeName>, makes it exceeding
difficult for inquisitive travelers to examine the place; and for common
reports of country people, at a distance, they are not very satisfactory.
In the mean time, I have no opinion of Le Clerc's dissertation or hypothesis
about this question, which can only be determined by eye-witnesses. When
Christian princes, so called, lay aside their foolish and unchristian wars
and quarrels, and send a body of fit persons to travel over the east, and
bring us faithful accounts of all ancient monuments, and procure us copies
of all ancient records, at present lost among us, we may hope for full
satisfaction in such inquiries; but hardly before.</note>
for I have seen it, and it remains at this day. Now he and his daughters
fled to a certain small place, encompassed with the fire, and settled in
it: it is to this day called <emph><placeName key="tgn,4012542" authname="tgn,4012542">Zoar</placeName></emph>, for that is the word which the
Hebrews use for a small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life,
on account of his having no company, and his want of provisions.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>But his daughters, thinking that all mankind were destroyed, approached
to their father, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I see no proper wicked intention in these daughters of Lot, when in a case
which appeared to them of unavoidable necessity, they procured themselves
to be with child by their father. Without such an unavoidable necessity,
incest is a horrid crime; but whether in such a case of necessity, as they
apprehended this to be, according to Josephus, it was any such crime, I
am not satisfied. In the mean time, their making their father drunk, and
their solicitous concealment of what they did from him, shows that they
despaired of persuading him to an action which, at the best, could not
but be very suspicious and shocking to so good a man.</note>
though taking care not to be perceived. This they did, that human kind
might not utterly fail: and they bare sons; the son of the elder was named
Moab, Which denotes one derived from his father; the younger bare Ammon,
which name denotes one derived from a kinsman. The former of whom was the
father of the Moabites, which is even still a great nation; the latter
was the father of the Ammonites; and both of them are inhabitants of Celesyria.
And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING ABIMELECH; AND CONCERNING ISMAEL THE SON OF ABRAHAM;
AND CONCERNING THE ARABIANS, WHO WERE HIS POSTERITY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="207" unit="section" /><p>ABRAHAM now removed to <placeName key="tgn,6002231" authname="tgn,6002231">Gerar</placeName> of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Palestine</placeName>, leading Sarah along with
him, under the notion of his sister, using the like dissimulation that
he had used before, and this out of fear: for he was afraid of Abimelech,
the king of that country, who did also himself fall in love with Sarah,
and was disposed to corrupt her; but he was restrained from satisfying
his lust by a dangerous distemper which befell him from God. Now when his
physicians despaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a dream, warning
him not to abuse the stranger's wife; and when he recovered, he told his
friends that God had inflicted that disease upon him, by way of punishment,
for his injury to the stranger; and in order to preserve the chastity of
his wife, for that she did not accompany him as his sister, but as his
legitimate wife; and that God had promised to be gracious to him for the
time to come, if this person be once secure of his wife's chastity. When
he had said this, by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abraham, and
bid him not to be concerned about his wife, or fear the corruption of her
chastity; for that God took care of him, and that it was by his providence
that he received his wife again, without her suffering any abuse. And he
appealed to God, and to his wife's conscience; and said that he had not
any inclination at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was his wife;
but since, said he, thou leddest her about as thy sister, I was guilty
of no offense. He also entreated him to be at peace with him, and to make
God propitious to him; and that if he thought fit to continue with him,
he should have what he wanted in abundance; but that if he designed to
go away, he should be honorably conducted, and have whatsoever supply he
wanted when he came thither. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him that
his pretense of kindred to his wife was no lie, because she was his brother's
daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his travels abroad,
without this sort of dissimulation; and that he was not the cause of his
distemper, but was only solicitous for his own safety: he said also, that
he was ready to stay with him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him land and
money; and they coventanted to live together without guile, and took an
oath at a certain well called <placeName key="tgn,7001378" authname="tgn,7001378">Beersheba</placeName>, which may be interpreted, <emph>The
Well of the Oath</emph>: and so it is named by the people of the country unto
this day.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>Now in a little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had foretold
to him, whom he named Isaac, which signifies <emph>Laughter</emph>. And indeed
they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is well worth observation, that Josephus here calls that principal Angel,
who appeared to Abraham and foretold the birth of Isaac, directly God;
which language of Josephus here, prepares us to believe those other expressions
of his, that Jesus was a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man, Antiq.
B. XVIII. ch. 3. sect. 3, and of God the Word, in his homily concerning
Hades, may be both genuine. Nor is the other expression of Divine Angel,
used presently, and before, also of any other signification.</note>
said that she should bear a son, she not expecting such a thing, as being
past the age of child-bearing, for she was ninety years old, and Abraham
a hundred; so that this son was born to them both in the last year of each
of those decimal numbers. And they circumcised him upon the eighth day
and from that time the Jews continue the custom of circumcising their sons
within that number of days. But as for the Arabians, they circumcise after
the thirteenth year, because Ismael, the founder of their nation, who was
born to Abraham of the concubine, was circumcised at that age; concerning
whom I will presently give a particular account, with great exactness.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her own
handmaid Hagar, with an affection not inferior to that of her own son,
for he was brought up in order to succeed in the government; but when she
herself had borne Isaac, she was not willing that Ismael should be brought
up with him, as being too old for him, and able to do him injuries when
their father should be dead; she therefore persuaded Abraham to send him
and his mother to some distant country. Now, at the first, he did not agree
to what Sarah was so zealous for, and thought it an instance of the greatest
barbarity, to send away a young child <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here calls Ismael a young child or infant, though he was about
13 years of age; as Judas calls himself and his brethren young men, when
he was 47, and had two children, Antiq. B. II. ch. 6. sect. 8, and they
were of much the same age; as is a damsel of 12 years old called a little
child, Mark 5:39-42, five several times. Herod is also said by Josephus
to be a very young man at 25. See the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 9. sect
2, and of the War, B. I. ch. 10. And Aristobulus is styled a very little
child at 16 years of age, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 2. sect. 6, 7. Domitian also
is called by him a very young child, when he went on his German expedition
at about 18 years of age, of the War, B. VII. ch. 4. sect. 2. <placeName key="tgn,7011371" authname="tgn,7011371">Samson</placeName>'s
wife, and <placeName key="tgn,2634583" authname="tgn,2634583">Ruth</placeName>, when they were widows, are called children, Antiq. B. V.
ch. 8. sect. 6, and ch. 9. sect. 2 3.</note>
and a woman unprovided of necessaries; but at length he agreed to it, because
God was pleased with what Sarah had determined: so he delivered Ismael
to his mother, as not yet able to go by himself; and commanded her to take
a bottle of water, and a loaf of bread, and so to depart, and to take Necessity
for her guide. But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she found
herself in an evil case; and when the water was almost spent, she laid
the young child, who was ready to expire, under a fig-tree, and went on
further, that so he might die while she was absent. But a Divine Angel
came to her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and bid her take care,
and bring up the child, because she should be very happy by the preservation
of Ismael. She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised
her, and, meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got clear of the
distresses she had been in.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="220" unit="section" /><p>When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian,
from whence the mother was herself derived originally. Of this wife were
born to Ismael twelve sons; Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos,
Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Cadmas. These inhabited all the
country from <placeName key="tgn,1123842" authname="tgn,1123842">Euphrates</placeName> to the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>, and called it Nabatene. They are
an Arabian nation, and name their tribes from these, both because of their
own virtue, and because of the dignity of Abraham their father.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING ISAAC THE LEGITIMATE SON OF ABRAHAM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="222" unit="section" /><p>Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Note, that both here and Hebrews 11:17, Isaac is called Abraham's only
begotten son, though he at the same time had another son, Ismael. The Septuagint
expresses the true meaning, by rendering the text the beloved son.</note>
and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favor of God. The child
also endeared himself to his parents still more, by the exercise of every
virtue, and adhering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the
worship of God. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect,
that, when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure
condition; which accordingly he obtained by the will of God: who being
desirous to make an experiment of Abraham's religious disposition towards
himself, appeared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed
on him; how he had made him superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac,
who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from him;
and he said that he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation.
Accordingly he commanded him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to
build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it for that this
would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred
what was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="225" unit="section" /><p>Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing,
but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since
all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness
he bestows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his
own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from
every one of his servants, otherwise he should have been hindered from
his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants,
and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went
away to the mountain. Now the two servants went along with him two days;
but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants
that were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone with
him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David
afterwards built the temple. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here is a plain error in the copies which say that king David afterwards
built the temple on this Mount Moriah, while it was certainly no other
than king Solomon who built that temple, as indeed Procopius cites it from
Josephus. For it was for certain David, and not Solomon, who built the
first altar there, as we learn, 2 Samuel 24:18, etc.; 1 Chronicles 21:22,
etc.; and Antiq. B. VII. ch. 13. sect. 4.</note>
Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting
the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years
old. And as he was building the altar, he asked his father what he was
about to offer, since there was no animal there for an oblation : - to
which it was answered, "That God would provide himself an oblation,
he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have
not, and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too
much trust therein; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious
at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an oblation."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood,
and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, "O son, I
poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son;
when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute
to thy support for which I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein
I thought myself happier than to see thee grown up to man's estate, and
that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; but since
it was by God's will that I became thy father, and it is now his will that
I relinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind;
for I resign thee up to God who has thought fit now to require this testimony
of honor to himself, on account of the favors he hath conferred on me,
in being to me a supporter and defender. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt
now die, not in any common way of going out of the world, but sent to God,
the Father of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of
a sacrifice. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this world
neither by disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe way, by which
death usually comes upon men, but so that he will receive thy soul with
prayers and holy offices of religion, and will place thee near to himself,
and thou wilt there be to me a succorer and supporter in my old age; on
which account I principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure
me God for my Comforter instead of thyself."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="232" unit="section" /><p>Now Isaac was of such a generous disposition as became the son of
such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said, "That
he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination
of God and of his father, and should not resign himself up readily to both
their pleasures; since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed,
even if his father alone had so resolved." So he went immediately
to the altar to be sacrificed. And the deed had been done if God had not
opposed it; for he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him
to slay his son; and said, "It was not out of a desire of human blood
that he was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should
be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try the temper
of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. Since therefore
he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the surprising readiness
he showed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings
upon him; and that he would not be wanting in all sort of concern about
him, and in bestowing other children upon him; and that his son should
live to a very great age; that he should live a happy life, and
bequeath a large principality to his children, who should be good and legitimate."
He foretold also, that his family should increase into many nations <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It seems both here, and in God's parallel blessing to Jacob, ch. 19. sect.
1, that Josephus had yet no notion of the hidden meaning of that most important
and most eminent promise, "In thy seed shall all the families of the
earth be blessed. He saith not, and of seeds, as of many, but as of one;
and to thy seed, which is Christ," Galatians 3:16. Nor is it any wonder,
he being, I think, as yet not a Christian. And had he been a Christian,
yet since he was, to be sure, till the latter part of his life, no more
than an Ebionite Christian, who, above all the apostles, rejected and despised
<placeName key="tgn,7013947" authname="tgn,7013947">St. Paul</placeName>, it would be no great wonder if he did not now follow his interpretation.
In the mean time, we have in effect <placeName key="tgn,7013947" authname="tgn,7013947">St. Paul</placeName>'s exposition in the Testament
of <placeName key="tgn,2615530" authname="tgn,2615530">Reuben</placeName>, sect. 6, in Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 302, who charges his sons
"to worship the seed of Judah, who should die for them in visible
and invisible wars; and should be among them an eternal king." Nor
is that observation of a learned foreigner of my acquaintance to be despised,
who takes notice, that as seeds in the plural, must signify posterity,
so seed in the singular may signify either posterity, or a single person;
and that in this promise of all nations being happy in the seed of Abraham,
or Isaac, or Jacob, etc. it is always used in the singular. To which I
shall add, that it is sometimes, as it were, paraphrased by the son of
Abraham, the son of David, etc., which is capable of no such ambiguity.</note>
and that those patriarchs should leave behind them an everlasting name;
that they should obtain the possession of the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, and be envied
by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did
not appear before, for the sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac receiving each
other unexpectedly, and having obtained the promises of such great blessings,
embraced one another; and when they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah,
and lived happily together, God affording them his assistance in all things
they desired.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING SARAH ABRAHAM'S WIFE; AND HOW SHE ENDED
HER DAYS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="237" unit="section" /><p>NOW Sarah died a little while after, having lived one hundred and twenty-seven
years. They buried her in <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>; the Canaanites publicly allowing them
a burying-place; which piece of ground Abraham bought for four hundred
shekels, of Ephron, an inhabitant of <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>. And both Abraham and his descendants
built themselves sepulchers in that place.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE NATION OF THE TROGLODYTES WERE DERIVED FROM ABRAHAM
BY KETURAH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="238" unit="section" /><p>ABRAHAM after this married Keturah, by whom six sons were born to him,
men of courage, and of sagacious minds: Zambran, and Jazar, and <placeName key="tgn,1026910" authname="tgn,1026910">Madan</placeName>,
and Madian, and Josabak, and <placeName key="tgn,1027538" authname="tgn,1027538">Sous</placeName>. Now the sons of <placeName key="tgn,1027538" authname="tgn,1027538">Sous</placeName> were Sabathan and
Dadan. The sons of Dadan were Latusim, and <placeName key="tgn,6000442" authname="tgn,6000442">Assur</placeName>, and Luom. The sons of
Madiau were Ephas, and Ophren, and Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for
all these sons and grandsons, Abraham contrived to settle them in colonies;
and they took possession of Troglodytis, and the country of <placeName key="tgn,1012700" authname="tgn,1012700">Arabia</placeName> the
Happy, as far as it reaches to the Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren,
that he made war against <placeName key="tgn,1000172" authname="tgn,1000172">Libya</placeName>, and took it, and that his grandchildren,
when they inhabited it, called it (from his name) <placeName key="tgn,7001242" authname="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName>. And indeed Alexander
Polyhistor gives his attestation to what I here say; who speaks thus: "Cleodemus
the prophet, who was also called Malchus, who wrote a History of the Jews,
in agreement with the History of Moses, their legislator, relates, that
there were many sons born to Abraham by Keturah: nay, he names three of
them, Apher, and Surim, and Japhran. That from Surim was the land of Assyria
denominated; and that from the other two (Apher and Japbran) the country
of <placeName key="tgn,7001242" authname="tgn,7001242">Africa</placeName> took its name, because these men were auxiliaries to Hercules,
when he fought against <placeName key="tgn,1000172" authname="tgn,1000172">Libya</placeName> and Antaeus; and that Hercules married Aphra's
daughter, and of her he begat a son, Diodorus; and that Sophon was his
son, from whom that barbarous people called Sophacians were denominated."</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ISAAC TOOK REBEKA TO WIFE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="242" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Abraham, the father of Isaac, had resolved to take Rebeka,
who was grand-daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to his son Isaac,
who was then about forty years old, he sent the ancientest of his servants
to betroth her, after he had obliged him to give him the strongest assurances
of his fidelity; which assurances were given after the manner following
: - They put each other's hands under each other's thighs; then they called
upon God as the witness of what was to be done. He also sent such presents
to those that were there as were in esteem, on account that that they either
rarely or never were seen in that country, The servant got thither not
under a considerable time; for it requires much time to pass through Meopotamia,
in which it is tedious traveling, both in the winter for the depth of the
clay, and in summer for want of water; and, besides this, for the robberies
there committed, which are not to be avoided by travelers but by caution
beforehand. However, the servant came to <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName>; and when he was in the
suburbs, he met a considerable number of maidens going to the water; he
therefore prayed to God that Rebeka might be found among them, or her whom
Abraham sent him as his servant to espouse to his son, in case his will
were that this marriage should be consummated, and that she might be made
known to him by the sign, That while others denied him water to drink,
she might give it him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="246" unit="section" /><p>With this intention he went to the well, and desired the maidens
to give him some water to drink: but while the others refused, on pretense
that they wanted it all at home, and could spare none for him, one only
of the company rebuked them for their peevish behavior towards the stranger;
and said, What is there that you will ever communicate to anybody, who
have not so much as given the man some water? She then offered him water
in an obliging manner. And now he began to hope that his grand affair would
succeed; but desiring still to know the truth, he commended her for her
generosity and good nature, that she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency
of water to those that wanted it, though it cost her some pains to draw
it; and asked who were her parents, and wished them joy of such a daughter.
"And mayst thou be espoused," said he, "to their satisfaction,
into the family of an agreeable husband, and bring him legitimate children."
Nor did she disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told him her family.
"They," says she, "call me Rebeka; my father was Bethuel,
but he is dead; and Laban is my brother; and, together with my mother,
takes care of all our family affairs, and is the guardian of my virginity."
When the servant heard this, he was very glad at what had happened, and
at what was told him, as perceiving that God had thus plainly directed
his journey; and producing his bracelets, and some other ornaments which
it was esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave them to the damsel,
by way of acknowledgment, and as a reward for her kindness in giving him
water to drink; saying, it was but just that she should have them, because
she was so much more obliging than any of the rest. She desired also that
he would come and lodge with them, since the approach of the night gave
him not time to proceed farther. And producing his precious ornaments for
women, he said he desired to trust them to none more safely than to such
as she had shown herself to be; and that he believed he might guess at
the humanity of her mother and brother, that they would not be displeased,
from the virtue he found in her; for he would not be burdensome, but would
pay the hire for his entertainment, and spend his own money. To which she
replied, that he guessed right as to the humanity of her parents; but complained
that he should think them so parsimonious as to take money, for that he
should have all on free cost. But she said she would first inform her brother
Laban, and, if he gave her leave, she would conduct him in.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="252" unit="section" /><p>As soon then as this was over, she introduced the stranger; and for
the camels, the servants of Laban brought them in, and took care of them;
and he was himself brought in to supper by Laban. And, after supper, he
says to him, and to the mother of the damsel, addressing himself to her,
"Abraham is the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours; for Nahor, the
grandfather of these children, was the brother of Abraham, by both father
and mother; upon which account he hath sent me to you, being desirous to
take this damsel for his son to wife. He is his legitimate son, and is
brought up as his only heir. He could indeed have had the most happy of
all the women in that country for him, but he would not have his son marry
any of them; but, out of regard to his own relations, he desired him to
match here, whose affection and inclination I would not have you despise;
for it was by the good pleasure of God that other accidents fell out in
my journey, and that thereby I lighted upon your daughter and your house;
for when I was near to the city, I saw a great many maidens coming to a
well, and I prayed that I might meet with this damsel, which has come to
pass accordingly. Do you therefore confirm that marriage, whose espousals
have been already made by a Divine appearance; and show the respect you
have for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much solicitude, in giving your
consent to the marriage of this damsel." Upon this they understood
it to be the will of God, and greatly approved of the offer, and sent their
daughter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac married her, the inheritance
being now come to him; for the children by Keturah were gone to their own
remote habitations.</p>
<milestone n="17" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ABRAHAM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="256" unit="section" /><p>A LITTLE while after this Abraham died. He was a man of incomparable
virtue, and honored by God in a manner agreeable to his piety towards him.
The whole time of his life was one hundred seventy and five years, and
he was buried in <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>, with his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Ismael.</p>
<milestone n="18" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE SONS OF ISAAC, ESAU AND JACOB; OF THEIR NATIVITY
AND EDUCATION.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="257" unit="section" /><p>NOW Isaac's wife proved with child, after the death of Abraham; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The birth of Jacob and Esau is here said to be after Abraham's death: it
should have been after Sarah's death. The order of the narration in Genesis,
not always exactly according to the order of time, seems to have led Josephus
into this error, as Dr. Bernard observes here.</note>
and when her belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was very anxious, and inquired
of God; who answered, that Rebeka should bear twins; and that two nations
should take the names of those sons; and that he who appeared the second
should excel the elder. Accordingly she, in a little time, as God had foretold,
bare twins; the elder of whom, from his head to his feet, was very rough
and hairy; but the younger took hold of his heel as they were in the birth.
Now the father loved the elder, who was called Esau, a name agreeable to
his roughness, for the Hebrews call such a hairy roughness [Esau, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">For Seir in Josephus, the coherence requires that we read Esau or Seir,
which signify the same thing.</note>
or] Seir; but Jacob the younger was best beloved by his mother.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>When there was a famine in the land, Isaac resolved to go into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>,
the land there being good; but he went to <placeName key="tgn,6002231" authname="tgn,6002231">Gerar</placeName>, as God commanded him.
Here Abimelech the king received him, because Abraham had formerly lived
with him, and had been his friend. And as in the beginning he treated him
exceeding kindly, so he was hindered from continuing in the same disposition
to the end, by his envy at him; for when he saw that God was with Isaac,
and took such great care of him, he drove him away from him. But Isaac,
when he saw how envy had changed the temper of Abimelech retired to a place
called the Valley, not far from <placeName key="tgn,6002231" authname="tgn,6002231">Gerar</placeName>: and as he was digging a well, the
shepherds fell upon him, and began to fight, in order to hinder the work;
and because he did not desire to contend, the shepherds seemed to get the
him, so he still retired, and dug another and when certain other shepherds
of Abimelech began to offer him violence, he left that also, still retired,
thus purchasing security to himself a rational and prudent conduct. At
length the gave him leave to dig a well without disturbance. He named this
well Rehoboth, which denotes <emph>a large space;</emph> but of the former wells,
one was called Escon, which denotes <emph>strife</emph>, the other Sitenna, name
signifies <emph>enmity.</emph></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>It was now that Isaac's affairs increased, and in a flourishing condition;
and this his great riches. But Abimelech, thinking in opposition to him,
while their living made them suspicious of each other, and retiring showing
a secret enmity also, he was
afraid that his former friendship with Isaac would not secure him, if
Isaac should endeavor the injuries he had formerly offered him; he therefore
renewed his friendship with him, Philoc, one of his generals. And when
he had obtained every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac's good nature,
who preferred the earlier friendship Abimelech had shown to himself and
his father to his later wrath against him, he returned home.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="265" unit="section" /><p>Now when Esau, one of the sons of Isaac, whom the father principally
loved, was now come to the age of forty years, he married Adah, the daughter
of Helon, and Aholibamah, the daughter of Esebeon; which Helon and Esebeon
were great lords among the Canaanites: thereby taking upon himself the
authority, and pretending to have dominion over his own marriages, without
so much as asking the advice of his father; for had Isaac been the arbitrator,
he had not given him leave to marry thus, for he was not pleased with contracting
any alliance with the people of that country; but not caring to be uneasy
to his son by commanding him to put away these wives, he resolved to be
silent.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="267" unit="section" /><p>But when he was old, and could not see at all, he called Esau to
him, and told him, that besides his blindness, and the disorder of his
eyes, his very old age hindered him from his worship of God [by sacrifice];
he bid him therefore to go out a hunting, and when he had caught as much
venison as he could, to prepare him a supper <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The supper of savory meat, as we call it, Genesis 27:4, to be caught by
hunting, was intended plainly for a festival or a sacrifice; and upon the
prayers that were frequent at sacrifices, Isaac expected, as was then usual
in such eminent cases, that a divine impulse would come upon him, in order
to the blessing of his son there present, and his foretelling his future
behavior and fortune. Whence it must be, that when Isaac had unwittingly
blessed Jacob, and was afterwards made sensible of his mistake, yet did
he not attempt to alter it, how earnestly soever his affection for Esau
might incline him to wish it might be altered, because he knew that this
blessing came not from himself, but from God, and that an alteration was
out of his power. A second afflatus then came upon him, and enabled him
to foretell Esau's future behavior and foretell Esau's future behavior
and fortune also.</note>
that after this he might make supplication to God, to be to him a supporter
and an assister during the whole time of his life; saying, that it was
uncertain when he should die, and that he was desirous, by prayers for
him, to procure, beforehand, God to be merciful to him.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="269" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, Esau went out a hunting. But Rebeka <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether Jacob or his mother Rebeka were most blameable in this imposition
upon Isaac in his old age, I cannot determine. However the blessing being
delivered as a prediction of future events, by a Divine impulse, and foretelling
things to befall to the posterity of Jacob and Esau in future ages, was
for certain providential; and according to what Rebeka knew to be the purpose
of God, when he answered her inquiry, "before the children were born,"
Genesis 25:23, "that one people should be stronger than the other
people; and the elder, Esau, should serve the younger, Jacob." Whether
Isaac knew or remembered this old oracle, delivered in our copies only
to Rebeka; or whether, if he knew and remembered it, he did not endeavor
to alter the Divine determination, out of his fondness for his elder and
worser son Esau, to the damage of his younger and better son Jacob, as
Josephus elsewhere supposes, Antiq. B. II. ch. 7. sect. 3; I cannot certainly
say. if so, this might tempt Rebeka to contrive, and Jacob to put this
imposition upon him. However, Josephus says here, that it was Isaac, and
not Rebeka, who inquired of God at first, and received the forementioned
oracle, sect. 1; which, if it be the true reading, renders Isaac's procedure
more inexcusable. Nor was it probably any thing else that so much encouraged
Esau formerly to marry two Canaanitish wives, without his parents' consent,
as Isaac's unhappy fondness for him.</note>
thinking it proper to have the supplication made for obtaining the favor
of God to Jacob, and that without the consent of Isaac, bid him kill kids
of the goats, and prepare a supper. So Jacob obeyed his mother, according
to all her instructions. Now when the supper was got ready, he took a goat's
skin, and put it about his arm, that by reason of its hairy roughness,
he might by his father be believed to be Esau; for they being twins, and
in all things else alike, differed only in this thing. This was done out
of his fear, that before his father had made his supplications, he should
be caught in his evil practice, and lest he should, on the contrary, provoke
his father to curse him. So he brought in the supper to his father. Isaac
perceivest to be Esau." So suspecting no deceit, he ate the supper,
and betook himself to his prayers and intercessions with God; and said,
"O Lord of all ages, and Creator of all substance; for it was thou
that didst propose to my father great plenty of good things, and hast vouchsafed
to bestow on me what I have; and hast promised to my posterity to be their
kind supporter, and to bestow on them still greater blessings; do thou
therefore confirm these thy promises, and do not overlook me, because of
my present weak condition, on account of which I most earnestly pray to
thee. Be gracious to this my son; and preserve him and keep him from every
thing that is evil. Give him a happy life, and the possession of as many
good things as thy power is able to bestow. Make him terrible to his enemies,
and honorable and beloved among his friends."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="274" unit="section" /><p>Thus did Isaac pray to God, thinking his prayers had been made for
Esau. He had but just finished them, when Esau came in from hunting. And
when Isaac perceived his mistake, he was silent: but Esau required that
he might be made partaker of the like blessing from his father that his
brother had partook of; but his father refused it, because all his prayers
had been spent upon Jacob: so Esau lamented the mistake. However, his father
being grieved at his weeping, said, that "he should excel in
hunting and strength of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work; and
should obtain glory for ever on those accounts, he and his posterity after
him; but still should serve his brother."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="276" unit="section" /><p>Now the mother delivered Jacob, when she was afraid that his brother
would inflict some punishment upon him because of the mistake about the
prayers of Isaac; for she persuaded her husband to take a wife for Jacob
out of <placeName key="tgn,1000118" authname="tgn,1000118">Mesopotamia</placeName>, of her own kindred, Esau having married already Basemmath,
the daughter of Ismael, without his father's consent; for Isaac did not
like the Canaanites, so that he disapproved of Esau's former marriages,
which made him take Basemmath to wife, in order to please him; and indeed
he had a great affection for her.</p>
<milestone n="19" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING JACOB'S FLIGHT INTO MESOPOTAMIA, BY REASON OF
THE FEAR HE WAS IN OF HIS BROTHER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="278" unit="section" /><p>Now Jacob was sent by his mother to <placeName key="tgn,1000118" authname="tgn,1000118">Mesopotamia</placeName>, in order to marry
Laban her brother's daughter (which marriage was permitted by Isaac, on
account of his obsequiousness to the desires of his wife); and he accordingly
journeyed through the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>; and because he hated the people of
that country, he would not lodge with any of them, but took up his lodging
in the open air, and laid his head on a heap of stones that he had gathered
together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by him:
- he seemed to see a ladder that reached from the earth unto heaven, and
persons descending upon the ladder that seemed more excellent than human;
and at last God himself stood above it, and was plainly visible to him,
who, calling him by his name, spake to him in these words: —</p>
<p>"O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good
father, and grandson of one who had obtained a great reputation for his
eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy present circumstances, but to hope
for better times, for thou shalt have great abundance of all good things,
by my assistance: for I brought Abraham hither, out of <placeName key="tgn,7001554" authname="tgn,7001554">Mesopotamia</placeName>, when
he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man, nor
will I bestow a lesser degree of happiness on thyself: be of good courage,
therefore, and under my conduct proceed on this thy journey, for the marriage
thou goest so zealously about shall be consummated. And thou shalt have
children of good characters, but their multitude shall be innumerable;
and they shall leave what they have to a still more numerous posterity,
to whom, and to whose posterity, I give the dominion of all the land, and
their posterity shall fill the entire earth and sea, so far as the sun
beholds them: but do not thou fear any danger, nor be afraid of the many
labors thou must undergo, for by my providence I will direct thee what
thou art to do in the time present, and still much more in the time to
come."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="284" unit="section" /><p>Such were the predictions which God made to Jacob; whereupon he became
very joyful at what he had seen and heard; and he poured oil on the stones,
because on them the prediction of such great benefits was made. He also
vowed a vow, that he would offer sacrifices upon them, if he lived and
returned safe; and if he came again in such a condition, he would give
the tithe of what he had gotten to God. He also judged the place to be
honorable and gave it the name of <placeName key="tgn,4001348" authname="tgn,4001348">Bethel</placeName>, which, in the Greek, is interpreted,
<emph>The House of God.</emph></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="285" unit="section" /><p>So he proceeded on his journey to <placeName key="tgn,7001554" authname="tgn,7001554">Mesopotamia</placeName>, and at length came
to <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName>; and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs, with boys grown up,
and maidens sitting about a certain well, he staid with them, as wanting
water to drink; and beginning to discourse with them, he asked them whether
they knew such a one as Laban, and whether he was still alive. Now they
all said they knew him, for he was not so inconsiderable a person as to
be unknown to any of them; and that his daughter fed her father's flock
together with them; and that indeed they wondered that she was not yet
come, for by her means thou mightest learn more exactly whatever thou desirest
to know about that family. While they were saying this the damsel came,
and the other shepherds that came down along with her. Then they showed
her Jacob, and told her that he was a stranger, who came to inquire about
her father's affairs. But she, as pleased, after the custom of children,
with Jacob's coming, asked him who he was, and whence he came to them,
and what it was he lacked that he came thither. She also wished it might
he in their power to supply the wants he came about.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="288" unit="section" /><p>But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by
that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to the damsel,
and his surprise at her beauty, which was so flourishing, as few of the
women of that age could vie with. He said then, "There is a relation
between thee and me, elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be the
daughter of Laban; for Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName> and
Nahor. Of the last of whom (Nahor) Bethuel thy grandfather was the son.
Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter
of <placeName key="tgn,7002467" authname="tgn,7002467">Haran</placeName>. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred which
we bear to one another, for my mother Rebeka was sister to Laban thy father,
both by the same father and mother; I therefore and thou are cousin-germans.
And I am now come to salute you, and to renew that affinity which is proper
between us." Upon this the damsel, at the mention of Rebeka,
as usually happens to young persons, wept, and that out of the kindness
she had for her father, and embraced Jacob, she having learned an account
of Rebeka from her father, and knew that her parents loved to hear her
named; and when she had saluted him, she said that "he brought the
most desirable and greatest pleasures to her father, with all their family,
who was always mentioning his mother, and always thinking of her, and her
alone; and that this will make thee equal in his eyes to any advantageous
circumstances whatsoever." Then she bid him go to her father, and
follow her while she conducted him to him; and not to deprive him of such
a pleasure, by staying any longer away from him.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="293" unit="section" /><p>When she had said thus, she brought him to Laban; and being owned
by his uncle, he was secure himself, as being among his friends; and he
brought a great deal of pleasure to them by his unexpected coning. But
a little while afterward, Laban told him that he could not express in words
the joy he had at his coming; but still he inquired of him the occasion
of his coming, and why he left his aged mother and father, when they wanted
to be taken care of by him; and that he would afford him all the assistance
he wanted. Then Jacob gave him an account of the whole occasion of his
journey, and told him, "that Isaac had two sons that were twins, himself
and Esau; who, because he failed of his father's prayers, which by his
mother's wisdom were put up for him, sought to kill him, as deprived of
the kingdom <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By this "deprivation of the kingdom that was to be given Esau of God,"
as the first-born, it appears that Josephus thought that a "kingdom
to be derived from God" was due to him whom Isaac should bless as
his first-born, which I take to be that kingdom which was expected under
the Messiah, who therefore was to be born of his posterity whom Isaac should
so bless. Jacob therefore by obtaining this blessing of the first-born,
became the genuine heir of that kingdom, in opposition to Esau.</note>
which was to be given him of God, and of the blessings for which their
father prayed; and that this was the occasion of his coming hither, as
his mother had commanded him to do: for we are all (says he) brethren one
to another; but our mother esteems an alliance with your family more than
she does one with the families of the country; so I look upon yourself
and God to be the supporters of my travels, and think myself safe in my
present circumstances."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="297" unit="section" /><p>Now Laban promised to treat him with great humanity, both on account
of his ancestors, and particularly for the sake of his mother, towards
whom, he said, he would show his kindness, even though she were absent,
by taking care of him; for he assured him he would make him the head shepherd
of his flock, and give him authority sufficient for that purpose; and when
he should have a mind to return to his parents, he would send him back
with presents, and this in as honorable a manner as the nearness of their
relation should require. This Jacob heard gladly; and said he would willingly,
and with pleasure, undergo any sort of pains while he tarried with him,
but desired <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> to wife, as the reward of those pains, who was not only
on other accounts esteemed by him, but also because she was the means of
his coming to him; for he said he was forced by the love of the damsel
to make this proposal. Laban was well pleased with this agreement, and
consented to give the damsel to him, as not desirous to meet with any better
son-in-law; and said he would do this, if he would stay with him some time,
for he was not willing to send his daughter to be among the Canaanites,
for he repented of the alliance he had made already by marrying his sister
there. And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay
seven years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law,
that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what
sort of a man he was. And Jacob, accepting of his terms, after the time
was over, he made the wedding-feast; and when it was night, without Jacob's
perceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed to him, who was both
elder than <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>, and of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her that
night, as being both in drink and in the dark. However, when it was day,
he knew what had been done to him; and he reproached Laban for his unfair
proceeding with him; who asked pardon for that necessity which forced him
to do what he did; for he did not give him Lea out of any ill design, but
as overcome by another greater necessity: that, notwithstanding this, nothing
should hinder him from marrying <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>; but that when he had served another
seven years, he would give him her whom he loved. Jacob submitted to this
condition, for his love to the damsel did not permit him to do otherwise;
and when another seven years were gone, he took Rachel to wife.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="303" unit="section" /><p>Now each of these had handmaids, by their father's donation. Zilpha
was handmaid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel; by no means slaves, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here we have the difference between slaves for life and servants, such
as we now hire for a time agreed upon on both sides, and dismiss again
after he time contracted for is over, which are no slaves, but free men
and free women. Accordingly, when the Apostolical Constitutions forbid
a clergyman to marry perpetual servants or slaves, B. VI. ch. 17., it is
meant only of the former sort; as we learn elsewhere from the same Constitutions,
ch. 47. Can. LXXXII. But concerning these twelve sons of Jacob, the reasons
of their several names, and the times of their several births in the intervals
here assigned, their several excellent characters, their several faults
and repentance, the several accidents of their lives, with their several
prophecies at their deaths, see the Testaments of these twelve patriarchs,
still preserved at large in the Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 294-443.</note>
but however subject to their mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at
her husband's love to her sister; and she expected she should be better
esteemed if she bare him children: so she entreated God perpetually; and
when she had borne a son, and her husband was on that account better reconciled
to her, she named her son Reubel, because <emph>God had had mercy upon her,
in giving her a son</emph>, for that is the signification of this name. After
some time she bare three more sons<emph>;</emph> <placeName key="tgn,2114245" authname="tgn,2114245">Simeon</placeName>, which
name signifies <gloss>that God had hearkened to her prayer</gloss>. Then she
bare Levi, <gloss>the confirmer of their friendship</gloss>. After him was born
<placeName key="tgn,2032421" authname="tgn,2032421">Judah</placeName>, which denotes <emph>thanksgiving</emph>. But <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>, fearing lest the
fruitfulness of her sister should make herself enjoy a lesser share of
Jacob's affections, put to bed to him her handmaid Bilha; by whom Jacob
had Dan: one may interpret that name into the Greek tongue, <emph>a divine
judgment</emph>. And after him Nephthalim, as it were, <emph>unconquerable in
stratagems</emph>, since <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> tried to conquer the fruitfulness of her sister
by this stratagem. Accordingly, Lea took the same method, and used a counter-stratagem
to that of her sister; for she put to bed to him her own handmaid. Jacob
therefore had by Zilpha a son, whose name was Gad, which may be interpreted
<emph>fortune;</emph> and after him <placeName key="tgn,2037536" authname="tgn,2037536">Asher</placeName>, which may be called <emph>a happy man,
</emph>because he added glory to Lea. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea, brought
apples of mandrakes <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I formerly explained these mandrakes, as we, with the Septuagint, and Josephus,
render the Hebrew word Dudaim, of the Syrian Maux, with Ludolphus, Antbent.
Rec. Part I. p. 420; but have since seen such a very probable account in
M. S. of my learned friend Mr. Samuel Barker, of what we still call mandrakes,
and their description by the ancient naturalists and physicians, as inclines
me to think these here mentioned were really mandrakes, and no other.</note>
to his mother. When <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> saw them, she desired that she would give her
the apples, for she longed to eat them; but when she refused, and bid her
be content that she had deprived her of the benevolence she ought to have
had from her husband, <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>, in order to mitigate her sister's anger,
said she would yield her husband to her; and he should lie with her that
evening. She accepted of the favor, and Jacob slept with Lea, by the favor
of <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>. She bare then these sons: Issachar, denoting <emph>one born by
hire</emph>: and Zabulon, <emph>one born as a pledge of benevolence towards
her;</emph> and a daughter, <placeName key="tgn,7017535" authname="tgn,7017535">Dina</placeName>. After some time <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> had a son, named
Joseph, which signified <emph>there should be another added to him.</emph></p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="309" unit="section" /><p>Now Jacob fed the flocks of <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> his father-in-law all this time,
being twenty years, after which he desired leave of his father-in-law to
take his wives and go home; but when his father-in-law would not give him
leave, he contrived to do it secretly. He made trial therefore of the disposition
of his wives what they thought of this journey; - when they appeared glad,
and approved of it. <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> took along with her the images of the gods,
which, according to their laws, they used to worship in their own country,
and ran away together with her sister. The children also of them both,
and the handmaids, and what possessions they had, went along with them.
Jacob also drove away half the cattle, without letting <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> know of it
beforehand But the reason why <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> took the images of the gods, although
Jacob had taught her to despise such worship of those gods, was this, That
in case they were pursued, and taken by her father, she might have recourse
to these images, in order obtain his pardon.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="312" unit="section" /><p>But <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName>, after one day's time, being acquainted with Jacob's and
his daughters' departure, was much troubled, and pursued after them, leading
a band of men with him; and on the seventh day overtook them, and found
them resting on a certain hill; and then indeed he did not meddle with
them, for it was even-tide; but God stood by him in a dream, and warned
him to receive his son-in-law and his daughters in a peaceable manner;
and not to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath to but to make a
league with Jacob. And he him, that if he despised their small number,
attacked them in a hostile manner, he would assist them. When <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> had
been thus forewarned by God, he called Jacob to him the next day, in order
to treat with him, and showed him what dream he had; in dependence whereupon
he came confidently to him, and began to accuse him, alleging that he had
entertained him when he was poor, and in want of all things, and had given
him plenty of all things which he had. "For," said he, "I
have joined my daughters to thee in marriage, and supposed that thy kindness
to me be greater than before; but thou hast had no regard to either thy
mother's relations to me, nor to the affinity now newly contracted between
us; nor to those wives whom thou hast married; nor to those children, of
whom I am the grandfather. Thou hast treated me as an enemy, driving away
my cattle, and by persuading my daughters to run away from their father;
and by carrying home those sacred paternal images which were worshipped
by my forefathers, and have been honored with the like worship which they
paid them by myself. In short, thou hast done this whilst thou art my kinsman,
and my sister's son, and the husband of my daughters, and was hospiably
treated by me, and didst eat at my table." When <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> had said this,
Jacob made his defense - That he was not the only person in whom God had
implanted the love of his native country, but that he had made it natural
to all men; and that therefore it was but reasonable that, after so long
time, he should go back to it. "But as to the prey, of whose driving
away thou accusest me, if any other person were the arbitrator, thou wouldst
be found in the wrong; for instead of those thanks I ought to have had
from thee, for both keeping thy cattle, and increasing them, how is it
that thou art unjustly angry at me because I have taken, and have with
me, a small portion of them? But then, as to thy daughters, take notice,
that it is not through any evil practices of mine that they follow me in
my return home, but from that just affection which wives naturally have
to their husbands. They follow therefore not so properly myself as their
own children." And thus far of his apology was made, in order to clear
himself of having acted unjustly. To which he added his own complaint and
accusation of <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName>; saying, "While I was thy sister's son, and thou
hadst given me thy daughters in marriage, thou hast worn me out with thy
harsh commands, and detained me twenty years under them. That indeed which
was required in order to my marrying thy daughters, hard as it was, I own
to have been tolerable; but as to those that were put upon me after those
marriages, they were worse, and such indeed as an enemy would have avoided."
For certainly <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> had used Jacob very ill; for when he saw that God was
assisting to Jacob in all that he desired, he promised him, that of the
young cattle which should be born, he should have sometimes what was of
a white color, and sometimes what should be of a black color; but when
those that came to Jacob's share proved numerous, he did not keep his faith
with him, but said he would give them to him the next year, because of
his envying him the multitude of his possessions. He promised him as before,
because he thought such an increase was not to be expected; but when it
appeared to be fact, he deceived him.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="322" unit="section" /><p>But then, as to the sacred images, he bid him search for them; and
when Laban accepted of the offer, <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>, being informed of it, put those
images into that camel's saddle on which she rode, and sat upon it; and
said, that her natural purgation hindered her rising up: so <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> left
off searching any further, not supposing that his daughter in such circumstances
would approach to those images. So he made a league with Jacob, and bound
it by oaths, that he would not bear him any malice on account of what had
happened; and Jacob made the like league, and promised to love <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName>'s
daughters. And these leagues they confirmed with oaths also, which the
made upon certain as whereon they erected a pillar, in the form of an altar:
whence that hill is called <placeName key="tgn,2349355" authname="tgn,2349355">Gilead</placeName>; and from thence they call that land
the Land of <placeName key="tgn,2349355" authname="tgn,2349355">Gilead</placeName> at this day. Now when they had feasted, after the making
of the league, <placeName key="tgn,2112544" authname="tgn,2112544">Laban</placeName> returned home.</p>
<milestone n="20" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE MEETING OF JACOB AND ESAU.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="325" unit="section" /><p>NOW as Jacob was proceeding on his journey to the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>,
angels appeared to him, and suggested to him good hope of his future condition;
and that place he named the Camp of God. And being desirous of knowing
what his brother's intentions were to him, he sent messengers, to give
him an exact account of every thing, as being afraid, on account of the
enmities between them. He charged those that were sent, to say to Esau,
"Jacob had thought it wrong to live together with him while he was
in anger against him, and so had gone out of the country; and that he now,
thinking the length of time of his absence must have made up their differences,
was returning; that he brought with him his wives, and his children, with
what possessions he had gotten; and delivered himself, with what was most
dear to him, into his hands; and should think it his greatest happiness
to partake together with his brother of what God had bestowed upon him."
So these messengers told him this message. Upon which Esau was very glad,
and met his brother with four hundred men. And Jacob, when he heard that
he was coming to meet him with such a number of men, was greatly afraid:
however, he committed his hope of deliverance to God; and considered how,
in his present circumstances, he might preserve himself and those that
were with him, and overcome his enemies if they attacked him injuriously.
He therefore distributed his company into parts; some he sent before the
rest, and the others he ordered to come close behind, that so, if the first
were overpowered when his brother attacked them, they might have those
that followed as a refuge to fly unto. And when he had put his company
in this order, he sent some of them to carry presents to his brother. The
presents were made up of cattle, and a great number of four-footed beasts,
of many kinds, such as would be very acceptable to those that received
them, on account of their rarity. Those who were sent went at certain intervals
of space asunder, that, by following thick, one after another, they might
appear to be more numerous, that Esau might remit of his anger on account
of these presents, if he were still in a passion. Instructions were also
given to those that were sent to speak gently to him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="331" unit="section" /><p>When Jacob had made these appointments all the day, and night came
on, he moved on with his company; and, as they were gone over a certain
river called Jabboc, Jacob was left behind; and meeting with an angel,
he wrestled with him, the angel beginning the struggle: but he prevailed
over the angel, who used a voice, and spake to him in words, exhorting
him to be pleased with what had happened to him, and not to suppose that
his victory was a small one, but that he had overcome a divine angel, and
to esteem the victory as a sign of great blessings that should come to
him, and that his offspring should never fall, and that no man should be
too hard for his power. He also commanded him to be called <placeName key="tgn,1000119" authname="tgn,1000119">Israel</placeName>, which
in the Hebrew tongue signifies <gloss>one that struggled with the divine angel.</gloss><note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Perhaps
this may be the proper meaning of the word <placeName key="tgn,1000119" authname="tgn,1000119">Israel</placeName>, by the present
and the old <placeName key="tgn,7001371" authname="tgn,7001371">Jerusalem</placeName> analogy of the Hebrew tongue. In the mean time, it
is certain that the Hellenists of the first century, in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> and elsewhere,
interpreted <placeName key="tgn,1000119" authname="tgn,1000119">Israel</placeName> to be a man seeing God, as is evident from the argument
fore-cited.</note>
These promises were made at the prayer of Jacob; for when he perceived
him to be the angel of God, he desired he would signify to him what should
befall him hereafter. And when the angel had said what is before related,
he disappeared; but Jacob was pleased with these things, and named the
place Phanuel, which signifies, <emph>the face of God</emph>. Now when he felt
pain, by this struggling, upon his broad sinew, he abstained from eating
that sinew himself afterward; and for his sake it is still not eaten by
us.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="335" unit="section" /><p>When Jacob understood that his brother was near, he ordered his wives
to go before, each by herself, with the handmaids, that they might see
the actions of the men as they were fighting, if Esau were so disposed.
He then went up to his brother Esau, and bowed down to him, who had no
evil design upon him, but saluted him; and asked him about the company
of the children and of the women; and desired, when he had understood all
he wanted to know about them, that he would go along with him to their
father; but Jacob pretending that the cattle were weary, Esau returned
to Seir, for there was his place of habitation, he having named the place
Roughness, from his own hairy roughness.</p>
<milestone n="21" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE VIOLATION OF DINA'S CHASTITY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="337" unit="section" /><p>HEREUPON Jacob came to the place, till this day called Tents (Succoth);
from whence he went to <placeName key="tgn,1099904" authname="tgn,1099904">Shechem</placeName>, which is a city of the Canaanites. Now
as the Shechemites were keeping a festival Dina, who was the only daughter
of Jacob, went into the city to see the finery of the women of that
country. But when <placeName key="tgn,1099904" authname="tgn,1099904">Shechem</placeName>, the son of Hamor the king, saw her, he defiled
her by violence; and being greatly in love with her, desired of his father
that he would procure the damsel to him for a wife. To which desire he
condescended, and came to Jacob, desiring him to give leave that his son
<placeName key="tgn,1099904" authname="tgn,1099904">Shechem</placeName> might, according to law, marry <placeName key="tgn,7017535" authname="tgn,7017535">Dina</placeName>. But Jacob, not knowing how
to deny the desire of one of such great dignity, and yet not thinking it
lawful to marry his daughter to a stranger, entreated him to give him leave
to have a consultation about what he desired him to do. So the king went
away, in hopes that Jacob would grant him this marriage. But Jacob informed
his sons of the defilement of their sister, and of the address of Hamor;
and desired them to give their advice what they should do. Upon fills,
the greatest part said nothing, not knowing what advice to give. But Simeon
and Levi, the brethren of the damsel by the same mother, agreed between
themselves upon the action following: It being now the time of a festival,
when the Shechemites were employed in ease and feasting, they fell upon
the watch when they were asleep, and, coming into the city, slew all the
males <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this slaughter of the Shechemites by Simeon and Levi, see Authent. Rec.
Part I. p. 309, 418, 432-439. But why Josephus has omitted the circumcision
of these Shechemites, as the occasion of their death; and of Jacob's great
grief, as in the Testament of Levi, sect. 5; I cannot tell.</note>
as also the king, and his son, with them; but spared the women. And when
they had done this without their father's consent, they brought away their
sister.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="341" unit="section" /><p>Now while Jacob was astonished at the greatness of this act, and
was severely blaming his sons for it, God stood by him, and bid him be
of good courage; but to purify his tents, and to offer those sacrifices
which he had vowed to offer when he went first into <placeName key="tgn,7001554" authname="tgn,7001554">Mesopotamia</placeName>, and saw
his vision. As he was therefore purifying his followers, he lighted upon
the gods of Laban; (for he did not before know they were stolen by Rachel;)
and he hid them in the earth, under an oak, in <placeName key="tgn,1099904" authname="tgn,1099904">Shechem</placeName>. And departing thence,
he offered sacrifice at <placeName key="tgn,4001348" authname="tgn,4001348">Bethel</placeName>, the place where he saw his dream, when
he went first into <placeName key="tgn,1000118" authname="tgn,1000118">Mesopotamia</placeName>.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="343" unit="section" /><p>And when he was gone thence, and was come over against Ephrata, he
there buried Rachel, who died in child-bed: she was the only one of Jacob's
kindred that had not the honor of burial at <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>. And when he had mourned
for her a great while, he called the son that was born of her Benjamin,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since <placeName key="tgn,1092865" authname="tgn,1092865">Benoni</placeName> signifies the son of my sorrow, and Benjamin the son of days,
or one born in the father's old age, Genesis 44:20, I suspect Josephus's
present copies to be here imperfect, and suppose that, in correspondence
to other copies, he wrote that Rachel called her son's name <placeName key="tgn,1092865" authname="tgn,1092865">Benoni</placeName>, but
his father called him Benjamin, Genesis 35:18. As for Benjamin, as commonly
explained, the son of the right hand, it makes no sense at all, and seems
to be a gross modern error only. The Samaritan always writes this name
truly Benjamin, which probably is here of the same signification, only
with the Chaldee termination in, instead of im in the Hebrew; as we pronounce
cherubin or cherubim indifferently. Accordingly, both the Testament of
Benjamin, sect. 2, p. 401, and Philo de Nominum Mutatione, p. 1059, write
the name Benjamin, but explain it not the son of the right hand, but the
son of days.</note> because
of the sorrow the mother had with him. These are all the children of Jacob,
twelve males and one female. - Of them eight were legitimate, - viz. six
of Lea, and two of Rachel; and four were of the handmaids, two of each;
all whose names have been set down already.</p>
<milestone n="22" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ISAAC DIED, AND WAS BURIED IN HEBRON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="345" unit="section" /><p>FROM thence Jacob came to <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>, a city situate among the Canaanites;
and there it was that Isaac lived: and so they lived together for a little
while; for as to Rebeka, Jacob did not find her alive. Isaac also died
not long after the coming of his son; and was buried by his sons, with
his wife, in <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>, where they had a monument belonging to them from their
forefathers. Now Isaac was a man who was beloved of God, and was vouchsafed
great instances of providence by God, after Abraham his father, and lived
to be exceeding old; for when he had lived virtuously one hundred and eighty-five
years, he then died.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="2" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book II</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ISAAC TO THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ESAU AND JACOB, ISAAC'S SONS DIVIDED THEIR HABITATION;
AND ESAU POSSESSED IDUMEA AND JACOB CANAAN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the death of Isaac, his sons divided their habitations respectively;
nor did they retain what they had before; but Esau departed from the city
of <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>, and left it to his brother, and dwelt in Seir, and ruled over
Idumea. He called the country by that name from himself, for he was named
Adom; which appellation he got on the following occasion : - One day returning
from the toil of hunting very hungry, (it was when he was a child in age,)
he lighted on his brother when he was getting ready lentile-pottage for
his dinner, which was of a very red color; on which account he the more
earnestly longed for it, and desired him to give him some of it to eat:
but he made advantage of his brother's hunger, and forced him to resign
up to him his birthright; and he, being pinched with famine, resigned it
up to him, under an oath. Whence it came, that, on account of the redness
of this pottage, he was, in way of jest, by his contemporaries, called
<emph>Adom</emph>, for the Hebrews call what is red <emph>Adom;</emph> and this was
the name given to the country; but the Greeks gave it a more agreeable
pronunciation, and named it <emph>Idumea.</emph></p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="4" unit="section" /><p>He became the father of five sons; of whom Jaus, and Jalomus, and
Coreus, were by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but of the rest, Aliphaz
was born to him by Ada, and Raguel by Basemmath: and these were the sons
of Esau. Aliphaz had five legitimate sons; Theman, Omer, Saphus, <placeName key="tgn,7007567" authname="tgn,7007567">Gotham</placeName>,
and Kanaz; for Amalek was not legitimate, but by a concubine, whose name
was Thamna. These dwelt in that part of Idumea which is called Gebalitis,
and that denominated from Amalek, Amalekitis; for Idumea was a large country,
and did then preserve the name of the whole, while in its several parts
it kept the names of its peculiar inhabitants.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JOSEPH, THE YOUNGEST OF JACOB'S SONS, WAS ENVIED BY HIS
BRETHREN, WHEN CERTAIN DREAMS HAD FORESHOWN HIS FUTURE HAPPINESS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="7" unit="section" /><p>IT happened that Jacob came to so great happiness as rarely any other
person had arrived at. He was richer than the rest of the inhabitants of
that country; and was at once envied and admired for such virtuous sons,
for they were deficient in nothing, but were of great souls, both for laboring
with their hands and enduring of toil; and shrewd also in understanding.
And God exercised such a providence over him, and such a care of his happiness,
as to bring him the greatest blessings, even out of what appeared to be
the most sorrowful condition; and to make him the cause of our forefathers'
departure out of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, him and his posterity. The occasion was this :
- When Jacob had his son Joseph born to him by Rachel, his father loved
him above the rest of his sons, both because of the beauty of his body,
and the virtues of his mind, for he excelled the rest in prudence. This
affection of his father excited the envy and the hatred of his brethren;
as did also his dreams which he saw, and related to his father, and to
them, which foretold his future happiness, it being usual with mankind
to envy their very nearest relations such their prosperity. Now the visions
which Joseph saw in his sleep were these : -</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>When they were in the middle of harvest, and Joseph was sent by his
father, with his brethren, to gather the fruits of the earth, he saw a
vision in a dream, but greatly exceeding the customary appearances that
come when we are asleep; which, when he was got up, he told his brethren,
that they might judge what it portended. He said, he saw the last night,
that his wheat-sheaf stood still in the place where he set it, but that
their sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants bow down to their masters.
But as soon as they perceived the vision foretold that he should obtain
power and great wealth, and that his power should be in opposition to them,
they gave no interpretation of it to Joseph, as if the dream were not by
them undestood: but they prayed that no part of what they suspected to
be its meaning might come to pass; and they bare a still greater hatred
to him on that account.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="13" unit="section" /><p>But God, in opposition to their envy, sent a second vision to Joseph,
which was much more wonderful than the former; for it seemed to him that
the sun took with him the moon, and the rest of the stars, and came down
to the earth, and bowed down to him. He told the vision to his father,
and that, as suspecting nothing of ill-will from his brethren, when they
were there also, and desired him to interpret what it should signify. Now
Jacob was pleased with the dream: for, considering the prediction in his
mind, and shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning, he rejoiced at the
great things thereby signified, because it declared the future happiness
of his son; and that, by the blessing of God, the time would come when
he should be honored, and thought worthy of worship by his parents and
brethren, as guessing that the moon and sun were like his mother and father;
the former, as she that gave increase and nourishment to all things; and
the latter, he that gave form and other powers to them; and that the stars
were like his brethren, since they were eleven in number, as were the stars
that receive their power from the sun and moon.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="17" unit="section" /><p>And thus did Jacob make a judgment of this vision, and that a shrewd
one also. But these interpretations caused very great grief to Joseph's
brethren; and they were affected to him hereupon as if he were a certain
stranger, that was to those good things which were signified by the dreams
and not as one that was a brother, with whom it was probable they should
be joint-partakers; and as they had been partners in the same parentage,
so should they be of the same happiness. They also resolved to kill the
lad; and having fully ratified that intention of theirs, as soon as their
collection of the fruits was over, they went to <placeName key="tgn,1099904" authname="tgn,1099904">Shechem</placeName>, which is a country
good for feeding of cattle, and for pasturage; there they fed their flocks,
without acquainting their father with their removal thither; whereupon
he had melancholy suspicions about them, as being ignorant of his sons'
condition, and receiving no messenger from the flocks that could inform
him of the true state they were in; so, because he was in great fear about
them, he sent Joseph to the flocks, to learn the circumstances his brethren
were in, and to bring him word how they did.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JOSEPH WAS THUS SOLD BY HIS BRETHREN INTO EGYPT, BY REASON
OF THEIR HATRED TO HIM; AND HOW HE THERE GREW FAMOUS AND ILLUSTRIOUS AND
HAD HIS BRETHREN UNDER HIS POWER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="20" unit="section" /><p>NOW these brethren rejoiced as soon as they saw their brother coming
to them, not indeed as at the presence of a near relation, or as at the
presence of one sent by their father, but as at the presence of an enemy,
and one that by Divine Providence was delivered into their hands; and they
already resolved to kill him, and not let slip the opportunity that lay
before them. But when Reubel, the eldest of them, saw them thus disposed,
and that they had agreed together to execute their purpose, he tried to
restrain them, showing them the heinous enterprise they were going about,
and the horrid nature of it; that this action would appear wicked in the
sight of God, and impious before men, even though they should kill one
not related to them; but much more flagitious and detestable to appear
to have slain their own brother, by which act the father must be treated
unjustly in the son's slaughter, and the mother <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We
may here observe, that in correspondence to Joseph's second dream, which
implied that his mother, who was then alive, as well as his father, should
come and bow down to him, Josephus represents her here as still alive after
she was dead, for the decorum of the dream that foretold it, as the interpretation
of the dream does also in all our copies, Genesis 37:10.</note>
also be in perplexity while she laments that her son is taken away from
her, and this not in a natural way neither. So he entreated them to have
a regard to their own consciences, and wisely to consider what mischief
would betide them upon the death of so good a child, and their youngest
brother; that they would also fear God, who was already both a spectator
and a witness of the designs they had against their brother; that he would
love them if they abstained from this act, and yielded to repentance and
amendment; but in case they proceeded to do the fact, all sorts of punishments
would overtake them from God for this murder of their brother, since they
polluted his providence, which was every where present, and which did not
overlook what was done, either in deserts or in cities; for wheresoever
a man is, there ought he to suppose that God is also. He told them further,
that their consciences would be their enemies, if they attempted to go
through so wicked an enterprise, which they can never avoid, whether it
be a good conscience; or whether it be such a one as they will have within
them when once they have killed their brother. He also added this besides
to what he had before said, that it was not a righteous thing to kill a
brother, though he had injured them; that it is a good thing to forget
the actions of such near friends, even in things wherein they might seem
to have offended; but that they were going to kill Joseph, who had been
guilty of nothing that was ill towards them, in whose case the infirmity
of his small age should rather procure him mercy, and move them to unite
together in the care of his preservation. That the cause of killing him
made the act itself much worse, while they determined to take him off out
of envy at his future prosperity, an equal share of which they would naturally
partake while he enjoyed it, since they were to him not strangers, but
the nearest relations, for they might reckon upon what God bestowed upon
Joseph as their own; and that it was fit for them to believe, that the
anger of God would for this cause be more severe upon them, if they slew
him who was judged by God to be worthy of that prosperity which was to
be hoped for; and while, by murdering him, they made it impossible for
God to bestow it upon him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="29" unit="section" /><p>Reubel said these and many other things, and used entreaties to them,
and thereby endeavored to divert them from the murder of their brother.
But when he saw that his discourse had not mollified them at all, and that
they made haste to do the fact, he advised them to alleviate the wickedness
they were going about, in the manner of taking Joseph off; for as he had
exhorted them first, when they were going to revenge themselves, to be
dissuaded from doing it; so, since the sentence for killing their brother
had prevailed, he said that they would not, however, be so grossly guilty,
if they would be persuaded to follow his present advice, which would include
what they were so eager about, but was not so very bad, but, in the distress
they were in, of a lighter nature. He begged of them, therefore, not to
kill their brother with their own hands, but to cast him into the pit that
was hard by, and so to let him die; by which they would gain so much, that
they would not defile their own hands with his blood. To this the young
men readily agreed; so Reubel took the lad and tied him to a cord, and
let him down gently into the pit, for it had no water at all in it; who,
when he had done this, went his way to seek for such pasturage as was fit
for feeding his flocks.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="32" unit="section" /><p>But Judas, being one of Jacob's sons also, seeing some Arabians,
of the posterity of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares out of the
land of <placeName key="tgn,2349356" authname="tgn,2349356">Gilead</placeName> to the Egyptians, after Rubel was gone, advised his brethren
to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him to the Arabians; for if he
should die among strangers a great way off, they should be freed
from this barbarous action. This, therefore, was resolved on; so they drew
Joseph up out of the pit, and sold him to the merchants for twenty pounds
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
Septuagint have twenty pieces of gold; the Testament of Gad thirty; the
Hebrew and Samaritan twenty of silver; and the vulgar Latin thirty. What
was the true number and true sum cannot therefore now be known.</note> He was
now seventeen years old. But Reubel, coming in the night-time to the pit,
resolved to save Joseph, without the privity of his brethren; and when,
upon his calling to him, he made no answer, he was afraid that they had
destroyed him after he was gone; of which he complained to his brethren;
but when they had told him what they had done, Reubel left off his mourning.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="35" unit="section" /><p>When Joseph's brethren had done thus to him, they considered what
they should do to escape the suspicions of their father. Now they had taken
away from Joseph the coat which he had on when he came to them at the time
they let him down into the pit; so they thought proper to tear that coat
to pieces, and to dip it into goats' blood, and then to carry it and show
it to their father, that he might believe he was destroyed by wild beasts.
And when they had so done, they came to the old man, but this not till
what had happened to his son had already come to his knowledge. Then they
said that they had not seen Joseph, nor knew what mishap had befallen him;
but that they had found his coat bloody and torn to pieces, whence they
had a suspicion that he had fallen among wild beasts, and so perished,
if that was the coat he had on when he came from home. Now Jacob had before
some better hopes that his son was only made a captive; but now he laid
aside that notion, and supposed that this coat was an evident argument
that he was dead, for he well remembered that this was the coat he had
on when he sent him to his brethren; so he hereafter lamented the lad as
now dead, and as if he had been the father of no more than one, without
taking any comfort in the rest; and so he was also affected with his misfortune
before he met with Joseph's brethren, when he also conjectured that Joseph
was destroyed by wild beasts. He sat down also clothed in sackcloth and
in heavy affliction, insomuch that he found no ease when his sons comforted
him, neither did his pains remit by length of time.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE SIGNAL CHASTITY OF JOSEPH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="39" unit="section" /><p>NOW Potiphar, an Egyptian, who was chief cook to king Pharaoh, bought
Joseph of the merchants, who sold him to him. He had him in the greatest
honor, and taught him the learning that became a free man, and gave him
leave to make use of a diet better than was allotted to slaves. He intrusted
also the care of his house to him. So he enjoyed these advantages, yet
did not he leave that virtue which he had before, upon such a change of
his condition; but he demonstrated that wisdom was able to govern the uneasy
passions of life, in such as have it in reality, and do not only put it
on for a show, under a present state of prosperity.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="41" unit="section" /><p>For when his master's wife was fallen in love with him, both on account
of his beauty of body, and his dexterous management of affairs; and supposed,
that if she should make it known to him, she could easily persuade him
to come and lie with her, and that he would look upon it as a piece of
happy fortune that his mistress should entreat him, as regarding that state
of slavery he was in, and not his moral character, which continued after
his condition was changed. So she made known her naughty inclinations,
and spake to him about lying with her. However, he rejected her entreaties,
not thinking it agreeable to religion to yield so far to her, as to do
what would tend to the affront and injury of him that purchased him, and
had vouchsafed him so great honors. He, on the contrary, exhorted her to
govern that passion; and laid before her the impossibility of her obtaining
her desires, which he thought might be conquered, if she had no hope of
succeeding; and he said, that as to himself, he would endure any thing
whatever before he would be persuaded to it; for although it was fit for
a slave, as he was, to do nothing contrary to his mistress, he might well
be excused in a case where the contradiction was to such sort of commands
only. But this opposition of Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her
still more violent in her love to him; and as she was sorely beset with
this naughty passion, so she resolved to compass her design by a second
attempt.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="45" unit="section" /><p>When, therefore, there was a public festival coming on, in which
it was the custom for women to come to the public solemnity; she pretended
to her husband that she was sick, as contriving an opportunity for solitude
and leisure, that she might entreat Joseph again. Which opportunity being
obtained, she used more kind words to him than before; and said that it
had been good for him to have yielded to her first solicitation, and to
have given her no repulse, both because of the reverence he ought to bear
to her dignity who solicited him, and because of the vehemence of her passion,
by which she was forced though she were his mistress to condescend beneath
her dignity; but that he may now, by taking more prudent advice, wipe off
the imputation of his former folly; for whether it were that he expected
the repetition of her solicitations she had now made, and that with greater
earnestness than before, for that she had pretended sickness on this very
account, and had preferred his conversation before the festival and its
solemnity; or whether he opposed her former discourses, as not believing
she could be in earnest; she now gave him sufficient security, by thus
repeating her application, that she meant not in the least by fraud to
impose upon him; and assured him, that if he complied with her affections,
he might expect the enjoyment of the advantages he already had; and if
he were submissive to her, he should have still greater advantages; but
that he must look for revenge and hatred from her, in case he rejected
her desires, and preferred the reputation of chastity before his mistress;
for that he would gain nothing by such procedure, because she would then
become his accuser, and would falsely pretend to her husband, that he had
attempted her chastity; and that Potiphar would hearken to her words rather
than to his, let his be ever so agreeable to the truth.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="50" unit="section" /><p>When the woman had said thus, and even with tears in her eyes, neither
did pity dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did fear compel him to
a compliance with her; but he opposed her solicitations, and did not yield
to her threatenings, and was afraid to do an ill thing, and chose to undergo
the sharpest punishment rather than to enjoy his present advantages, by
doing what his own conscience knew would justly deserve that he should
die for it. He also put her in mind that she was a married woman, and that
she ought to cohabit with her husband only; and desired her to suffer these
considerations to have more weight with her than the short pleasure of
lustful dalliance, which would bring her to repentance afterwards, would
cause trouble to her, and yet would not amend what had been done amiss.
He also suggested to her the fear she would be in lest they should be caught;
and that the advantage of concealment was uncertain, and that only while
the wickedness was not known [would there be any quiet for them]; but that
she might have the enjoyment of her husband's company without any danger.
And he told her, that in the company of her husband she might have great
boldness from a good conscience, both before God and before men. Nay, that
she would act better like his mistress, and make use of her authority over
him better while she persisted in her chastity, than when they were both
ashamed for what wickedness they had been guilty of; and that it is much
better to a life, well and known to have been so, than upon the hopes of
the concealment of evil practices.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="53" unit="section" /><p>Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried to restrain the violent passion
of the woman, and to reduce her affections within the rules of reason;
but she grew more ungovernable and earnest in the matter; and since she
despaired of persuading him, she laid her hands upon him, and had a mind
to force him. But as soon as Joseph had got away from her anger, leaving
also his garment with her, for he left that to her, and leaped out of her
chamber, she was greatly afraid lest he should discover her lewdness to
her husband, and greatly troubled at the affront he had offered her; so
she resolved to be beforehand with him, and to accuse Joseph falsely to
Potiphar, and by that means to revenge herself on him for his pride and
contempt of her; and she thought it a wise thing in itself, and also becoming
a woman, thus to prevent his accusation. Accordingly she sat sorrowful
and in confusion, framing herself so hypocritically and angrily, that the
sorrow, which was really for her being disappointed of her lust, might
appear to be for the attempt upon her chastity; so that when her husband
came home, and was disturbed at the sight of her and inquired what was
the cause of the disorder she was in, she began to accuse Joseph: and,
"O husband," said she, "mayst thou not live a day longer
if thou dost not punish the wicked slave who has desired to defile thy
bed; who has neither minded who he was when he came to our house, so as
to behave himself with modesty; nor has he been mindful of what favors
he had received from thy bounty (as he must be an ungrateful man indeed,
unless he, in every respect, carry himself in a manner agreeable to us):
this man, I say, laid a private design to abuse thy wife, and this at the
time of a festival, observing when thou wouldst be absent. So that it now
is clear that his modesty, as it appeared to be formerly, was only because
of the restraint he was in out of fear of thee, but that he was not really
of a good disposition. This has been occasioned by his being advanced to
honor beyond what he deserved, and what he hoped for; insomuch that he
concluded, that he who was deemed fit to be trusted with thy estate and
the government of thy family, and was preferred above thy eldest servants,
might be allowed to touch thy wife also." Thus when she had ended
her discourse, she showed him his garment, as if he then left it with her
when he attempted to force her. But Potiphar not being able to disbelieve
what his wife's tears showed, and what his wife said, and what he saw himself,
and being seduced by his love to his wife, did not set himself about the
examination of the truth; but taking it for granted that his wife was a
modest woman, and condemning Joseph as a wicked man, he threw him into
the malefactors' prison; and had a still higher opinion of his wife, and
bare her witness that she was a woman of a becoming modesty and chastity.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT THINGS BEFELL JOSEPH IN PRISON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>NOW Joseph, commending all his affairs to God, did not betake himself
to make his defense, nor to give an account of the exact circumstances
of the fact, but silently underwent the bonds and the distress he was in,
firmly believing that God, who knew the cause of his affliction, and the
truth of the fact, would be more powerful than those that inflicted the
punishments upon him : - a proof of whose providence he quickly received;
for the keeper of the prison taking notice of his care and fidelity in
the affairs he had set him about, and the dignity of his countenance, relaxed
his bonds, and thereby made his heavy calamity lighter, and more supportable
to him. He also permitted him to make use of a diet better than that of
the rest of the prisoners. Now, as his fellow prisoners, when their hard
labors were over, fell to discoursing one among another, as is usual in
such as are equal sufferers, and to inquire one of another what were the
occasions of their being condemned to a prison: among them the king's cupbearer,
and one that had been respected by him, was put in bonds, upon the king's
anger at him. This man was under the same bonds with Joseph, and grew more
familiar with him; and upon his observing that Joseph had a better understanding
than the rest had, he told him of a dream he had, and desired he would
interpret its meaning, complaining that, besides the afflictions he underwent
from the king, God did also add to him trouble from his dreams.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="64" unit="section" /><p>He therefore said, that in his sleep he saw three clusters of grapes
hanging upon three branches of a vine, large already, and ripe for gathering;
and that he squeezed them into a cup which the king held in his hand; and
when he had strained the wine, he gave it to the king to drink, and that
he received it from him with a pleasant countenance. This, he said, was
what he saw; and he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion of understanding
in such matters, he would tell him what this vision foretold. Who bid him
be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed from his bonds in three days'
time, because the king desired his service, and was about to restore him
to it again; for he let him know that God bestows the fruit of the vine
upon men for good; which wine is poured out to him, and is the pledge of
fidelity and mutual confidence among men; and puts an end to their quarrels,
takes away passion and grief out of the minds of them that use it, and
makes them cheerful. "Thou sayest that thou didst squeeze this wine
from three clusters of grapes with thine hands, and that the king received
it: know, therefore, that this vision is for thy good, and foretells a
release from thy present distress within the same number of days as the
branches had whence thou gatheredst thy grapes in thy sleep. However, remember
what prosperity I have foretold thee when thou hast found it true by experience;
and when thou art in authority, do not overlook us in this prison, wherein
thou wilt leave us when thou art gone to the place we have foretold; for
we are not in prison for any crime; but for the sake of our virtue and
sobriety are we condemned to suffer the penalty of malefactors, and because
we are not willing to injure him that has thus distressed us, though it
were for our own pleasure." The cupbearer, therefore, as was natural
to do, rejoiced to hear such an interpretation of his dream, and waited
the completion of what had been thus shown him beforehand.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="70" unit="section" /><p>But another servant there was of the king, who had been chief baker,
and was now bound in prison with the cupbearer; he also was in good hope,
upon Joseph's interpretation of the other's vision, for he had seen a dream
also; so he desired that Joseph would tell him what the visions he had
seen the night before might mean. They were these that follow: - "Methought,"
says he, "I carried three baskets upon my head; two were full of loaves,
and the third full of sweetmeats and other eatables, such as are prepared
for kings; but that the fowls came flying, and eat them all up, and had
no regard to my attempt to drive them away." And he expected a prediction
like to that of the cupbearer. But Joseph, considering and reasoning about
the dream, said to him, that he would willingly be an interpreter of good
events to him, and not of such as his dream denounced to him; but he told
him that he had only three days in all to live, for that the [three] baskets
signify, that on the third day he should be crucified, and devoured by
fowls, while he was not able to help himself. Now both these dreams had
the same several events that Joseph foretold they should have, and this
to both the parties; for on the third day before mentioned, when the king
solemnized his birth-day, he crucified the chief baker, but set the butler
free from his bonds, and restored him to his former ministration.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="74" unit="section" /><p>But God freed Joseph from his confinement, after he had endured his
bonds two years, and had received no assistance from the cupbearer, who
did not remember what he had said to him formerly; and God contrived this
method of deliverance for him. Pharaoh the king had seen in his sleep the
same evening two visions; and after them had the interpretations of them
both given him. He had forgotten the latter, but retained the dreams themselves.
Being therefore troubled at what he had seen, for it seemed to him to be
all of a melancholy nature, the next day he called together the wisest
men among the Egyptians, desiring to learn from them the interpretation
of his dreams. But when they hesitated about them, the king was so much
the more disturbed. And now it was that the memory of Joseph, and his skill
in dreams, came into the mind of the king's cupbearer, when he saw the
confusion that Pharaoh was in; so he came and mentioned Joseph to him,
as also the vision he had seen in prison, and how the event proved as he
had said; as also that the chief baker was crucified on the very same day;
and that this also happened to him according to the interpretation of Joseph.
That Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook,
as a slave; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of the
Hebrews; and said further, his father lived in great splendor. "If,
therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise him on the score of
his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy dreams signify." So the
king commanded that they should bring Joseph into his presence; and those
who received the command came and brought him with them, having taken care
of his habit, that it might be decent, as the king had enjoined them to
do.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="80" unit="section" /><p>But the king took him by the hand; and, "O young man,"
says he, "for my servant bears witness that thou art at present
the best and most skillful person I can consult with; vouchsafe me the
same favors which thou bestowedst on this servant of mine, and tell me
what events they are which the visions of my dreams foreshow; and I desire
thee to suppress nothing out of fear, nor to flatter me with lying words,
or with what may please me, although the truth should be of a melancholy
nature. For it seemed to me that, as I walked by the river, I saw kine
fat and very large, seven in number, going from the river to the marshes;
and other kine of the same number like them, met them out of the marshes,
exceeding lean and ill-favored, which ate up the fat and the large kine,
and yet were no better than before, and not less miserably pinched with
famine. After I had seen this vision, I awaked out of my sleep; and being
in disorder, and considering with myself what this appearance should be,
I fell asleep again, and saw another dream, much more wonderful than the
foregoing, which still did more affright and disturb me: - I saw seven
ears of corn growing out of one root, having their heads borne down by
the weight of the grains, and bending down with the fruit, which was now
ripe and fit for reaping; and near these I saw seven other ears of corn,
meager and weak, for want of rain, which fell to eating and consuming those
that were fit for reaping, and put me into great astonishment."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="84" unit="section" /><p>To which Joseph replied: - "This dream," said he, "O
king, although seen under two forms, signifies one and the same event of
things; for when thou sawest the fat kine, which is an animal made for
the plough and for labor, devoured by the worser kine, and the ears of
corn eaten up by the smaller ears, they foretell a famine, and want of
the fruits of the earth for the same number of years, and equal with those
when <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> was in a happy state; and this so far, that the plenty of these
years will be spent in the same number of years of scarcity, and that scarcity
of necessary provisions will be very difficult to be corrected; as a sign
whereof, the ill-favored kine, when they had devoured the better sort,
could not be satisfied. But still God foreshows what is to come upon men,
not to grieve them, but that, when they know it beforehand, they may by
prudence make the actual experience of what is foretold the more tolerable.
If thou, therefore, carefully dispose of the plentiful crops which will
come in the former years, thou wilt procure that the future calamity will
not be felt by the Egyptians."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="87" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon the king wondered at the discretion and wisdom of Joseph;
and asked him by what means he might so dispense the foregoing plentiful
crops in the happy years, as to make the miserable crops more tolerable.
Joseph then added this his advice: To spare the good crops, and not permit
the Egyptians to spend them luxuriously, but to reserve what they would
have spent in luxury beyond their necessity against the time of want. He
also exhorted him to take the corn of the husbandmen, and give them only
so much as will be sufficient for their food. Accordingly Pharaoh being
surprised at Joseph, not only for his interpretation of the dream, but
for the counsel he had given him, intrusted him with dispensing the corn;
with power to do what he thought would be for the benefit of the people
of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and for the benefit of the king, as believing that he who first
discovered this method of acting, would prove the best overseer of it.
But Joseph having this power given him by the king, with leave to make
use of his seal, and to wear purple, drove in his chariot through all the
land of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and took the corn of the husbandmen, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That
is, bought it for Pharaoh at a very low price.</note>
allotting as much to every one as would be sufficient for seed, and for
food, but without discovering to any one the reason why he did so.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JOSEPH WHEN HE WAS BECOME FAMOUS IN EGYPT, HAD HIS BRETHREN
IN SUBJECTION.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="91" unit="section" /><p>JOSEPH was now grown up to thirty years of age, and enjoyed great
honors from the king, who called him Psothom Phanech, out of regard to
his prodigious degree of wisdom; for that name denotes <emph>the revealer
of secrets</emph>. He also married a wife of very high quality; for he married
the daughter of Petephres, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
Potiphar, or, as Josephus, Petephres, who was now a priest of On, or <placeName key="tgn,7002856" authname="tgn,7002856">Heliopolis</placeName>,
is the same name in Josephus, and perhaps in Moses also, with him who is
before called head cook or captain of the guard, and to whom Joseph was
sold. See Genesis 37:36; 39:1, with 41:50. They are also affirmed to be
one and the same person in the Testament of Joseph, sect. 18, for he is
there said to have married the daughter of his master and mistress. Nor
is this a notion peculiar to that Testament, but, as Dr. Bernard confesses,
note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 4. sect. 1, common to Josephus, to the Septuagint
interpreters, and to other learned Jews of old time.</note>
one of the priests of <placeName key="tgn,7002856" authname="tgn,7002856">Heliopolis</placeName>; she was a virgin, and her name was Asenath.
By her he had children before the scarcity came on; Manasseh, the elder,
which signifies<emph> forgetful</emph>, because his present happiness made him
forget his former misfortunes; and Ephraim, the younger, which signifies
<emph>restored</emph>, because he was restored to the freedom of his forefathers.
Now after <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> had happily passed over seven years, according to Joseph's
interpretation of the dreams, the famine came upon them in the eighth year;
and because this misfortune fell upon them when they had no sense of it
beforehand, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
entire ignorance of the Egyptians of these years of famine before they
came, told us before, as well as here, ch. 5. sect. 7, by Josephus, seems
to me almost incredible. It is in no other copy that I know of.</note>
they were all sorely afflicted by it, and came running to the king's gates;
and he called upon Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being become confessedly
a savior to the whole multitude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open this
market of corn for the people of that country only, but strangers had liberty
to buy also; Joseph being willing that all men, who are naturally akin
to one another, should have assistance from those that lived in happiness.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="95" unit="section" /><p>Now Jacob also, when he understood that foreigners might come, sent
all his sons into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> to buy corn, for the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName> was grievously
afflicted with the famine; and this great misery touched the whole continent.
He only retained Benjamin, who was born to him by Rachel, and was of the
same mother with Joseph. These sons of Jacob then came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and
applied themselves to Joseph, wanting to buy corn; for nothing of this
kind was done without his approbation, since even then only was the honor
that was paid the king himself advantageous to the persons that paid it,
when they took care to honor Joseph also. Now when he well knew his brethren,
they thought nothing of him; for he was but a youth when he left them,
and was now come to an age so much greater, that the lineaments of his
face were changed, and he was not known by them: besides this, the greatness
of the dignity wherein he appeared, suffered them not so much as to suspect
it was he. He now made trial what sentiments they had about affairs of
the greatest consequence; for he refused to sell them corn, and said they
were come as spies of the king's affairs; and that they came from several
countries, and joined themselves together, and pretended that they were
of kin, it not being possible that a private man should breed up
so many sons, and those of so great beauty of countenance as they were,
such an education of so many children being not easily obtained by kings
themselves. Now this he did in order to discover what concerned his father,
and what happened to him after his own departure from him, and as desiring
to know what was become of Benjamin his brother; for he was afraid that
they had ventured on the like wicked enterprise against him that they had
done to himself, and had taken him off also.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>Now these brethren of his were under distraction and terror, and
thought that very great danger hung over them; yet not at all reflecting
upon their brother Joseph, and standing firm under the accusations laid
against them, they made their defense by Reubel, the eldest of them, who
now became their spokesman: "We come not hither," said he, "with
any unjust design, nor in order to bring any harm to the king's affairs;
we only want to be preserved, as supposing your humanity might be
a refuge for us from the miseries which our country labors under, we having
heard that you proposed to sell corn, not only to your own countrymen,
but to strangers also, and that you determined to allow that corn, in order
to preserve all that want it; but that we are brethren, and of the same
common blood, the peculiar lineaments of our faces, and those not so much
different from one another, plainly show. Our father's name is Jacob, an
Hebrew man, who had twelve of us for his sons by four wives; which twelve
of us, while we were all alive, were a happy family; but when one of our
brethren, whose name was Joseph, died, our affairs changed for the worse,
for our father could not forbear to make a long lamentation for him; and
we are in affliction, both by the calamity of the death of our brother,
and the miserable state of our aged father. We are now, therefore, come
to buy corn, having intrusted the care of our father, and the provision
for our family, to Benjamin, our youngest brother; and if thou sendest
to our house, thou mayst learn whether we are guilty of the least falsehood
in what we say."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="105" unit="section" /><p>And thus did Reubel endeavor to persuade Joseph to have a better
opinion of them. But when he had learned from them that Jacob was alive,
and that his brother was not destroyed by them, he for the present put
them in prison, as intending to examine more into their affairs when he
should be at leisure. But on the third day he brought them out, and said
to them, "Since you constantly affirm that you are not come to do
any harm to the king's affairs; that you are brethren, and the sons of
the father whom you named; you will satisfy me of the truth of what you
say, if you leave one of your company with me, who shall suffer no injury
here; and if, when ye have carried corn to your father, you will come to
me again, and bring your brother, whom you say you left there, along with
you, for this shall be by me esteemed an assurance of the truth of what
you have told me." Hereupon they were in greater grief than before;
they wept, and perpetually deplored one among another the calamity of Joseph;
and said, "They were fallen into this misery as a punishment inflicted
by God for what evil contrivances they had against him." And Reubel
was large in his reproaches of them for their too late repentance, whence
no profit arose to Joseph; and earnestly exhorted them to bear with patience
whatever they suffered, since it was done by God in way of punishment,
on his account. Thus they spake to one another, not imagining that Joseph
understood their language. A general sadness also seized on them at Reubel's
words, and a repentance for what they had done; and they condemned the
wickedness they had perpetrated, for which they judged they were justly
punished by God. Now when Joseph saw that they were in this distress, he
was so affected at it that he fell into tears, and not being willing that
they should take notice of him, he retired; and after a while came to them
again, and taking Symeon <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
reason why Symeon might be selected out of the rest for Joseph's prisoner,
is plain in the Testament of Symeon, viz. that he was one of the bitterest
of all Joseph's brethren against him, sect. 2; which appears also in part
by the Testament of Zabulon, sect. 3.</note>
in order to his being a pledge for his brethren's return, he bid them take
the corn they had bought, and go their way. He also commanded his steward
privily to put the money which they had brought with them for the purchase
of corn into their sacks, and to dismiss them therewith; who did what he
was commanded to do.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="111" unit="section" /><p>Now when Jacob's sons were come into the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, they told
their father what had happened to them in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and that they were taken
to have come thither as spies upon the king; and how they said they were
brethren, and had left their eleventh brother with their father, but were
not believed; and how they had left Symeon with the governor, until Benjamin
should go thither, and be a testimonial of the truth of what they had said:
and they begged of their father to fear nothing, but to send the lad along
with them. But Jacob was not pleased with any thing his sons had done;
and he took the detention of Symeon heinously, and thence thought it a
foolish thing to give up Benjamin also. Neither did he yield to Reubel's
persuasion, though he begged it of him, and gave leave that the grandfather
might, in way of requital, kill his own sons, in case any harm came to
Benjamin in the journey. So they were distressed, and knew not what to
do; nay, there was another accident that still disturbed them more, - the
money that was found hidden in their sacks of corn. Yet when the corn they
had brought failed them, and when the famine still afflicted them, and
necessity forced them, Jacob did <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
coherence seems to me to show that the negative particle is here wanting,
which I have supplied in brackets, and I wonder none have hitherto suspected
that it ought to be supplied.</note>
[not] still resolve to send Benjamin with his brethren, although there
was no returning into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> unless they came with what they had promised.
Now the misery growing every day worse, and his sons begging it of him,
he had no other course to take in his present circumstances. And Judas,
who was of a bold temper on other occasions, spake his mind very freely
to him: "That it did not become him to be afraid on account of his
son, nor to suspect the worst, as he did; for nothing could be done to
his son but by the appointment of God, which must also for certain come
to pass, though he were at home with him; that he ought not to condemn
them to such manifest destruction; nor deprive them of that plenty of food
they might have from Pharaoh, by his unreasonable fear about his son Benjamin,
but ought to take care of the preservation of Symeon, lest, by attempting
to hinder Benjamin's journey, Symeon should perish. He exhorted him to
trust God for him; and said he would either bring his son back to him safe,
or, together with his, lose his own life." So that Jacob was at length
persuaded, and delivered Benjamin to them, with the price of the corn doubled;
he also sent presents to Joseph of the fruits of the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, balsam
and rosin, as also turpentine and honey. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of
the precious balsam of <placeName key="tgn,7001407" authname="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>, and the turpentine, see the note on Antiq.
B. VIII. ch. 6. sect. 6.</note>
Now their father shed many tears at the departure of his sons, as well
as themselves. His concern was, that he might receive them back again safe
after their journey; and their concern was, that they might find their
father well, and no way afflicted with grief for them. And this lamentation
lasted a whole day; so that the old man was at last tired with grief, and
staid behind; but they went on their way for <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, endeavoring to mitigate
their grief for their present misfortunes, with the hopes of better success
hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>As soon as they came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, they were brought down to Joseph:
but here no small fear disturbed them, lest they should be accused about
the price of the corn, as if they had cheated Joseph. They then made a
long apology to Joseph's steward; and told him, that when they came home
they found the money in their sacks, and that they had now brought it along
with them. He said he did not know what they meant: so they were delivered
from that fear. And when he had loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome
habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren; at which time Joseph came
from his attendance on the king. So they offered him their presents; and
upon his putting the question to them about their father, they answered
that they found him well. He also, upon his discovery that Benjamin was
alive, asked whether this was their younger brother; for he had seen him.
Whereupon they said he was: he replied, that the God over all was his protector.
But when his affection to him made him shed tears, he retired, desiring
he might not be seen in that plight by his brethren. Then Joseph took them
to supper, and they were set down in the same order as they used to sit
at their father's table. And although Joseph treated them all kindly, yet
did he send a mess to Benjamin that was double to what the rest of the
guests had for their shares.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="124" unit="section" /><p>Now when after supper they had composed themselves to sleep, Joseph
commanded his steward both to give them their measures of corn, and to
hide its price again in their sacks; and that withal they should put into
Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which he loved himself to drink.
- which things he did, in order to make trial of his brethren, whether
they would stand by Benjamin when he should be accused of having stolen
the cup, and should appear to be in danger; or whether they would leave
him, and, depending on their own innocency, go to their father without
him. When the servant had done as he was bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing
nothing of all this, went their way, and took Symeon along with them, and
had a double cause of joy, both because they had received him again, and
because they took back Benjamin to their father, as they had promised.
But presently a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and brought with them
Joseph's servant, who had put the cup into Benjamin's sack. Upon which
unexpected attack of the horsemen they were much disturbed, and asked what
the reason was that they came thus upon men, who a little before had been
by their lord thought worthy of an honorable and hospitable reception?
They replied, by calling them wicked wretches, who had forgot that very
hospitable and kind treatment which Joseph had given them, and did not
scruple to be injurious to him, and to carry off that cup out of which
he had, in so friendly a manner, drank to them, and not regarding their
friendship with Joseph, no more than the danger they should be in if they
were taken, in comparison of the unjust gain. Hereupon he threatened that
they should be punished; for though they had escaped the knowledge of him
who was but a servant, yet had they not escaped the knowledge of God, nor
had gone off with what they had stolen; and, after all, asked why we come
upon them, as if they knew nothing of the matter: and he told them that
they should immediately know it by their punishment. This, and more of
the same nature, did the servant say, in way of reproach to them: but they
being wholly ignorant of any thing here that concerned them, laughed at
what he said, and wondered at the abusive language which the servant gave
them, when he was so hardy as to accuse those who did not before so much
as retain the price of their corn, which was found in their sacks, but
brought it again, though nobody else knew of any such thing, - so far were
they from offering any injury to Joseph voluntarily. But still, supposing
that a search would be a more sure justification of themselves than their
own denial of the fact, they bid him search them, and that if any of them
had been guilty of the theft, to punish them all; for being no way conscious
to themselves of any crime, they spake with assurance, and, as they thought,
without any danger to themselves also. The servants desired there might
be a search made; but they said the punishment should extend to him alone
who should be found guilty of the theft. So they made the search; and,
having searched all the rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as knowing
it was Benjamin's sack in which they had hidden the cup, they having indeed
searched the rest only for a show of accuracy: so the rest were out of
fear for themselves, and were now only concerned about Benjamin, but still
were well assured that he would also be found innocent; and they reproached
those that came after them for their hindering them, while they might,
in the mean while, have gotten a good way on their journey. But as soon
as they had searched Benjamin's sack, they found the cup, and took it from
him; and all was changed into mourning and lamentation. They rent their
garments, and wept for the punishment which their brother was to undergo
for his theft, and for the delusion they had put on their father, when
they promised they would bring Benjamin safe to him. What added to their
misery was, that this melancholy accident came unfortunately at
a time when they thought they had been gotten off clear; but they confessed
that this misfortune of their brother, as well as the grief of their father
for him, was owing to themselves, since it was they that forced their father
to send him with them, when he was averse to it.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="136" unit="section" /><p>The horsemen therefore took Benjamin and brought him to Joseph, his
brethren also following him; who, when he saw him in custody, and them
in the habit of mourners, said, <emph>"</emph>How came you, vile
wretches as you are, to have such a strange notion of my kindness to you,
and of God's providence, as impudently to do thus to your benefactor, who
in such an hospitable manner had entertained you ?" Whereupon they
gave up themselves to be punished, in order to save Benjamin; and called
to mind what a wicked enterprise they had been guilty of against Joseph.
They also pronounced him more happy than themselves, if he were dead, in
being freed from the miseries of this life; and if he were alive, that
he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God's vengeance upon them. They said
further; that they were the plague of their father, since they should now
add to his former affliction for Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin.
Reubel also was large in cutting them upon this occasion. But Joseph dismissed
them; for he said they had been guilty of no offense, and that he would
content himself with the lad's punishment; for he said it was not a fit
thing to let him go free, for the sake of those who had not offended; nor
was it a fit thing to punish them together with him who had been guilty
of stealing. And when he promised to give them leave to go away in safety,
the rest of them were under great consternation, and were able to say nothing
on this sad occasion. But Judas, who had persuaded their father to send
the lad from him, being otherwise also a very bold and active man, determined
to hazard himself for the preservation of his brother. "It is true,"
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
oration seems to me too large, and too unusual a digression, to have been
composed by Judas on this occasion. It seems to me a speech or declamation
composed formerly, in the person of Judas, and in the way of oratory, that
lay by him. and which he thought fit to insert on this occasion. See two
more such speeches or declamations, Antiq. B. VI. ch. 14. sect. 4</note> said
he, "O governor, that we have been very wicked with regard to thee,
and on that account deserved punishment; even all of us may justly be punished,
although the theft were not committed by all, but only by one of us, and
he the youngest also; but yet there remains some hope for us, who otherwise
must be under despair on his account, and this from thy goodness, which
promises us a deliverance out of our present danger. And now I beg thou
wilt not look at us, or at that great crime we have been guilty of, but
at thy own excellent nature, and take advice of thine own virtue, instead
of that wrath thou hast against us; which passion those that otherwise
are of lower character indulge, as they do their strength, and that not
only on great, but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome, sir, that
passion, and be not subdued by it, nor suffer it to slay those that do
not otherwise presume upon their own safety, but are desirous to accept
of it from thee; for this is not the first time that thou wilt bestow it
on us, but before, when we came to buy corn, thou affordedst us great plenty
of food, and gavest us leave to carry so much home to our family as has
preserved them from perishing by famine. Nor is there any difference between
not overlooking men that were perishing for want of necessaries, and not
punishing those that seem to be offenders, and have been so unfortunate
as to lose the advantage of that glorious benefaction which they received
from thee. This will be an instance of equal favor, though bestowed after
a different manner; for thou wilt save those this way whom thou didst feed
the other; and thou wilt hereby preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those
souls which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by famine, it being
indeed at once a wonderful and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn,
and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby, now we are distressed, we may
continue those lives. And I am ready to suppose that God is willing to
afford thee this opportunity of showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing
us into this calamity, that it may appear thou canst forgive the injuries
that are done to thyself, and mayst be esteemed kind to others, besides
those who, on other accounts, stand in need of thy assistance; since it
is indeed a right thing to do well to those who are in distress for want
of food, but still a more glorious thing to save those who deserve to be
punished, when it is on account of heinous offenses against thyself; for
if it be a thing deserving commendation to forgive such as have been guilty
of small offenses, that tend to a person's loss, and this be praiseworthy
in him that overlooks such offenses, to restrain a man's passion as to
crimes which are capital to the guilty, is to be like the most excellent
nature of God himself. And truly, as for myself, had it not been that we
had a father, who had discovered, on occasion of the death of Joseph, how
miserably he is always afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had not made
any words on account of the saving of our own lives; I mean, any further
than as that would be an excellent character for thyself, to preserve even
those that would have nobody to lament them when they were dead, but we
would have yielded ourselves up to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; but
now (for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves, though indeed, if we die,
it will be while we are young, and before we have had the enjoyment of
life) have regard to our father, and take pity of his old age, on whose
account it is that we make these supplications to thee. We beg thou wilt
give us those lives which this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxious
to thy punishment; and this for his sake who is not himself wicked, nor
does his being our father make us wicked. He is a good man, and not worthy
to have such trials of his patience; and now, we are absent, he is afflicted
with care for us. But if he hear of our deaths, and what was the cause
of it, he will on that account die an immature death; and the reproachful
manner of our ruin will hasten his end, and will directly kill him; nay,
will bring him to a miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself
out of the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before
the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world. Consider
these things in this manner, although our wickedness does now provoke thee
with a just desire of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it for our
father's sake; and let thy commiseration of him weigh more with thee than
our wickedness. Have regard to the old age of our father, who, if we perish,
will be very lonely while he lives, and will soon die himself also. Grant
this boon to the name of fathers, for thereby thou wilt honor him that
begat thee, and will grant it to thyself also, who enjoyest already that
denomination; thou wilt then, by that denomination, be preserved of God,
the Father of all, - by showing a pious regard to which, in the case of
our father, thou wilt appear to honor him who is styled by the same name;
I mean, if thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon this consideration,
how miserable he will be if he be deprived of his sons! It is thy part
therefore to bestow on us what God has given us, when it is in thy power
to take it away, and so to resemble him entirely in charity; for it is
good to use that power, which can either give or take away, on the merciful
side; and when it is in thy power to destroy, to forget that thou ever
hadst that power, and to look on thyself as only allowed power for preservation;
and that the more any one extends this power, the greater reputation does
he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our brother what he has unhappily
committed, thou wilt preserve us all; for we cannot think of living if
he be put to death, since we dare not show ourselves alive to our father
without our brother, but here must we partake of one and the same catastrophe
of his life. And so far we beg of thee, O governor, that if thou condemnest
our brother to die, thou wilt punish us together with him, as partners
of his crime, - for we shall not think it reasonable to be reserved to
kill ourselves for grief of our brother's death, but so to die rather as
equally guilty with him of this crime. I will only leave with thee this
one consideration, and then will say no more, viz. that our brother committed
this fault when he was young, and not yet of confirmed wisdom in his conduct;
and that men naturally forgive such young persons. I end here, without
adding what more I have to say, that in case thou condemnest us, that omission
may be supposed to have hurt us, and permitted thee to take the severer
side. But in case thou settest us free, that this may be ascribed to thy
own goodness, of which thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest us
from condemnation; and that not by barely preserving us, but by granting
us such a favor as will make us appear more righteous than we really are,
and by representing to thyself more motives for our deliverance than we
are able to produce ourselves. If, therefore, thou resolvest to slay him,
I desire thou wilt slay me in his stead, and send him back to his father;
or if thou pleasest to retain him with thee as a slave, I am fitter to
labor for thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou seest, am better
prepared for either of those sufferings." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">In all this speech of Judas we may observe, that Josephus still supposed
that death was the punishment of theft in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, in the days of Joseph,
though it never was so among the Jews, by the law of Moses.</note>
So Judas, being very willing to undergo any thing whatever for the deliverance
of his brother, cast himself down at Joseph's feet, and earnestly labored
to assuage and pacify his anger. All his brethren also fell down before
him, weeping and delivering themselves up to destruction for the preservation
of the life of Benjamin.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="160" unit="section" /><p>But Joseph, as overcome now with his affections, and no longer able
to personate an angry man, commanded all that were present to depart, that
he might make himself known to his brethren when they were alone; and when
the rest were gone out, he made himself known to his brethren; and said,
"I commend you for your virtue, and your kindness to our brother:
I find you better men than I could have expected from what you contrived
about me. Indeed, I did all this to try your love to your brother; so I
believe you were not wicked by nature in what you did in my case, but that
all has happened according to God's will, who has hereby procured our enjoyment
of what good things we have; and, if he continue in a favorable disposition,
of what we hope for hereafter. Since, therefore, I know that our father
is safe and well, beyond expectation, and I see you so well disposed to
your brother, I will no longer remember what guilt you seem to have had
about me, but will leave off to hate you for that your wickedness; and
do rather return you my thanks, that you have concurred with the intentions
of God to bring things to their present state. I would have you also rather
to forget the same, since that imprudence of yours is come to such a happy
conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at those your offenses. Do not,
therefore, let your evil intentions, when you condemned me, and that bitter
remorse which might follow, be a grief to you now, because those intentions
were frustrated. Go, therefore, your way, rejoicing in what has happened
by the Divine Providence, and inform your father of it, lest he should
be spent with cares for you, and deprive me of the most agreeable part
of my felicity; I mean, lest he should die before he comes into my sight,
and enjoys the good things that we now have. Bring, therefore, with you
our father, and your wives and children, and all your kindred, and remove
your habitations hither; for it is not proper that the persons dearest
to me should live remote from me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially
when they must endure five more years of famine." When Joseph had
said this, he embraced his brethren, who were in tears and sorrow; but
the generous kindness of their brother seemed to leave among them no room
for fear, lest they should be punished on account of what they had consulted
and acted against him; and they were then feasting. Now the king, as soon
as he heard that Joseph's brethren were come to him, was exceeding glad
of it, as if it had been a part of his own good fortune; and gave them
wagons full of corn and gold and silver, to be conveyed to his father.
Now when they had received more of their brother part to be carried to
their father, and part as free gifts to every one of themselves, Benjamin
having still more than the rest, they departed.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE REMOVAL OF JOSEPH'S FATHER WITH ALL HIS FAMILY, TO
HIM, ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAMINE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="168" unit="section" /><p>As soon as Jacob came to know, by his sons returning home, in what
state Joseph was, that he had not only escaped death, for which yet he
lived all along in mourning, but that he lived in splendor and happiness,
and ruled over <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, jointly with the king, and had intrusted to his care
almost all his affairs, he did not think any thing he was told to be incredible,
considering the greatness of the works of God, and his kindness to him,
although that kindness had, for some late times, been intermitted; so he
immediately and zealously set out upon his journey to him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="170" unit="section" /><p>When he came to the Well of the Oath, (<placeName key="tgn,7001378" authname="tgn,7001378">Beersheba</placeName>,) he offered sacrifice
to God; and being afraid that the happiness there was in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> might tempt
his posterity to fall in love with it, and settle in it, and no more think
of removing into the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, and possessing it, as God had promised
them; as also being afraid, lest, if this descent into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> were made
without the will of God, his family might be destroyed there; out of fear,
withal, lest he should depart this life before he came to the sight of
Joseph; he fell asleep, revolving these doubts in his mind.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="172" unit="section" /><p>But God stood by him, and called him twice by his name; and when
he asked who he was, God said, "No, sure; it is not just that thou,
Jacob, shouldst be unacquainted with that God who has been ever a protector
and a helper to thy forefathers, and after them to thyself: for when thy
father would have deprived thee of the dominion, I gave it thee; and by
my kindness it was that, when thou wast sent into <placeName key="tgn,1000118" authname="tgn,1000118">Mesopotamia</placeName> all alone,
thou obtainedst good wives, and returnedst with many children, and much
wealth. Thy whole family also has been preserved by my providence; and
it was I who conducted Joseph, thy son, whom thou gavest up for lost, to
the enjoyment of great prosperity. I also made him lord of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, so that
he differs but little from a king. Accordingly, I come now as a guide to
thee in this journey; and foretell to thee, that thou shalt die in the
arms of Joseph: and I inform thee, that thy posterity shall be many ages
in authority and glory, and that I will settle them in the land which I
have promised them."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="176" unit="section" /><p>Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went on more cheerfully for <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>
with his sons, and all belonging to them. Now they were in all seventy.
I once, indeed, thought it best not to set down the names of this family,
especially because of their difficult pronunciation [by the Greeks]; but,
upon the whole, I think it necessary to mention those names, that I may
disprove such as believe that we came not originally from <placeName key="tgn,1000118" authname="tgn,1000118">Mesopotamia</placeName>,
but are Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons; of these Joseph was come
thither before. We will therefore set down the names of Jacob's children
and grandchildren. Reuben had four sons - Anoch, Phallu, Assaron, Charmi.
Simeon had six - Jamuel, Jamin, Avod, Jachin, Soar, <placeName key="tgn,1024198" authname="tgn,1024198">Saul</placeName>. Levi had three
sons - Gersom, Caath, Merari. Judas had three sons - <placeName key="tgn,7016567" authname="tgn,7016567">Sala</placeName>, Phares, Zerah;
and by Phares two grandchildren, Esrom and Amar. Issachar had four sons
- Thola, Phua, Jasob, Samaron. Zabulon had with him three sons - Sarad,
Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea; with whom went her daughter
Dinah. These are thirty-three. <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName> had two sons, the one of whom, Joseph,
had two sons also, Manasses and <placeName key="tgn,2318318" authname="tgn,2318318">Ephraim</placeName>. The other, Benjamin, had ten sons
- Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel, Geras, <placeName key="tgn,2534655" authname="tgn,2534655">Naaman</placeName>, Jes, Ros, Momphis, Opphis, <placeName key="tgn,7003941" authname="tgn,7003941">Arad</placeName>.
These fourteen added to the thirty-three before enumerated, amount to the
number forty-seven. And this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He
had besides by Bilhah, the handmaid of <placeName key="tgn,2119684" authname="tgn,2119684">Rachel</placeName>, Dan and Nephtliali; which
last had four sons that followed him - Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim.
Dan had an only begotten son, Usi. If these be added to those before mentioned,
they complete the number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the sons of Zilpha,
who was the handmaid of Lea. These had with them, Gad seven - Saphoniah,
Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Erocd, <placeName key="tgn,2089897" authname="tgn,2089897">Ariel</placeName>. Aser had a daughter, Sarah,
and six male children, whose names were Jomne, Isus, Isoui, <placeName key="tgn,1086444" authname="tgn,1086444">Baris</placeName>, Abar
and Melchiel. If we add these, which are sixteen, to the fifty-four, the
forementioned number [70] is completed <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">All the Greek copies of Josephus have the negative particle here, that
Jacob himself was not reckoned one of the 70 souls that came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>;
but the old Latin copies want it, and directly assure us he was one of
them. It is therefore hardly certain which of these was Josephus's true
reading, since the number 70 is made up without him, if we reckon Leah
for one; but if she be not reckoned, Jacob must himself be one, to complete
the number.</note>
Jacob not being himself included in that number.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="184" unit="section" /><p>When Joseph understood that his father was coming, for Judas his
brother was come before him, and informed him of his approach, he went
out to meet him; and they met together at Heroopolis. But Jacob almost
fainted away at this unexpected and great joy; however, Joseph revived
him, being yet not himself able to contain from being affected in the same
manner, at the pleasure he now had; yet was he not wholly overcome with
his passion, as his father was. After this, he desired Jacob to travel
on slowly; but he himself took five of his brethren with him, and made
haste to the king, to tell him that Jacob and his family were come; which
was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid Joseph tell him what sort of life
his brethren loved to lead, that he might give them leave to follow the
same, who told him they were good shepherds, and had been used to follow
no other employment but this alone. Whereby he provided for them, that
they should not be separated, but live in the same place, and take care
of their father; as also hereby he provided, that they might be acceptable
to the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would be common to them with the
Egyptians; for the Egyptians are prohibited to meddle with feeding of sheep.
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus thought that the Egyptians hated or despised the employment of
a shepherd in the days of Joseph; whereas Bishop Cumberland has shown that
they rather hated such Poehnician or Canaanite shepherds that had long
enslaved the Egyptians of old time. See his Sanchoniatho, p. 361, 362.</note></p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="187" unit="section" /><p>When Jacob was come to the king, and saluted him, and wished all
prosperity to his government, Pharaoh asked him how old he now was; upon
whose answer, that he was a hundred and thirty years old, he admired Jacob
on account of the length of his life. And when he had added, that still
he had not lived so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave to live
with his children in <placeName key="tgn,7002856" authname="tgn,7002856">Heliopolis</placeName>; for in that city the king's shepherds
had their pasturage.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="189" unit="section" /><p>However, the famine increased among the Egyptians, and this heavy
judgment grew more oppressive to them, because neither did the river overflow
the ground, for it did not rise to its former height, nor did God send
rain upon it; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Reland here puts the question, how Josephus could complain of its not raining
in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> during this famine, while the ancients affirm that it never does
naturally rain there. His answer is, that when the ancients deny that it
rains in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, they only mean the <placeName key="tgn,7001437" authname="tgn,7001437">Upper Egypt</placeName> above the Delta, which is
called <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> in the strictest sense; but that in the Delta [and by consequence
in the <placeName key="tgn,7001436" authname="tgn,7001436">Lower Egypt</placeName> adjoining to it] it did of old, and still does, rain
sometimes. See the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 1. sect. 6.</note>
nor did they indeed make the least provision for themselves, so ignorant
were they what was to be done; but Joseph sold them corn for their money.
But when their money failed them, they bought corn with their cattle and
their slaves; and if any of them had a small piece of land, they gave up
that to purchase them food, by which means the king became the owner of
all their substance; and they were removed, some to one place, and some
to another, that so the possession of their country might be firmly assured
to the king, excepting the lands of the priests, for their country continued
still in their own possession. And indeed this sore famine made their minds,
as well as their bodies, slaves; and at length compelled them to procure
a sufficiency of food by such dishonorable means. But when this misery
ceased, and the river overflowed the ground, and the ground brought forth
its fruits plentifully, Joseph came to every city, and gathered the people
thereto belonging together, and gave them back entirely the land which,
by their own consent, the king might have possessed alone, and alone enjoyed
the fruits of it. He also exhorted them to look on it as every one's own
possession, and to fall to their husbandry with cheerfulness, and to pay
as a tribute to the king, the fifth part <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus supposes that Joseph now restored the Egyptians their lands again.
upon the payment of a fifth part as tribute. It seems to me rather that
the land was now considered as Pharaoh's land, and this fifth part as its
rent, to be paid to him, as he was their landlord, and they his tenants;
and that the lands were not properly restored, and this fifth part reserved
as tribute only, till the days of Sesostris. See Essay on the Old Testament,
Append. 148, 149.</note>
of the fruits for the land which the king, when it was his own, restored
to them. These men rejoiced upon their becoming unexpectedly owners of
their lands, and diligently observed what was enjoined them; and by this
means Joseph procured to himself a greater authority among the Egyptians,
and greater love to the king from them. Now this law, that they should
pay the fifth part of their fruits as tribute, continued until their later
kings.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">OF THE DEATH OF JACOB AND JOSEPH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Jacob had lived seventeen years in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, he fell into a
disease, and died in the presence of his sons; but not till he made his
prayers for their enjoying prosperity, and till he had foretold to them
prophetically how every one of them was to dwell in the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>.
But this happened many years afterward. He also enlarged upon the praises
of Joseph <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As to this encomium upon Joseph, as preparatory to Jacob's adopting Ephraim
and Manasses into his own family, and to be admitted for two tribes, which
Josephus here mentions, all our copies of Genesis omit it, ch. 48.; nor
do we know whence he took it, or whether it be not his own embellishment
only.</note>
how he had not remembered the evil doings of his brethren to their disadvantage;
nay, on the contrary, was kind to them, bestowing upon them so many benefits,
as seldom are bestowed on men's own benefactors. He then commanded his
own sons that they should admit Joseph's sons, Ephraim and Manasses, into
their number, and divide the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName> in common with them; concerning
whom we shall treat hereafter. However, he made it his request that he
might be buried at <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>. So he died, when he had lived full a hundred
and fifty years, three only abated, having not been behind any of his ancestors
in piety towards God, and having such a recompense for it, as it was fit
those should have who were so good as these were. But Joseph, by the king's
permission, carried his father's dead body to <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>, and there buried
it, at a great expense. Now his brethren were at first unwilling to return
back with him, because they were afraid lest, now their father was dead,
he should punish them for their secret practices against him; since he
was now gone, for whose sake he had been so gracious to them. But he persuaded
them to fear no harm, and to entertain no suspicions of him: so he brought
them along with him, and gave them great possessions, and never left off
his particular concern for them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="198" unit="section" /><p>Joseph also died when he had lived a hundred and ten years; having
been a man of admirable virtue, and conducting all his affairs by the rules
of reason; and used his authority with moderation, which was the cause
of his so great felicity among the Egyptians, even when he came from another
country, and that in such ill circumstances also, as we have already described.
At length his brethren died, after they had lived happily in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. Now
the posterity and sons of these men, after some time, carried their bodies,
and buried them at <placeName key="tgn,7000243" authname="tgn,7000243">Hebron</placeName>: but as to the bones of Joseph, they carried
them into the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName> afterward, when the Hebrews went out of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>,
for so had Joseph made them promise him upon oath. But what became of every
one of these men, and by what toils they got the possession of the land
of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, shall be shown hereafter, when I have first explained upon what
account it was that they left <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE AFFLICTIONS THAT BEFELL THE HEBREWS IN EGYPT,
DURING FOUR HUNDRED YEARS. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As to the affliction of Abraham's posterity for 400 years, see Antiq. B.
I. ch. 10. sect. 3; and as to what cities they built in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, under Pharaoh
Sesostris. and of Pharaoh Sesostris's drowning in the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>, see Essay
on the Old Testament, Append. p. 132-162.</note></note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="201" unit="section" /><p>NOW it happened that the Egyptians grew delicate and lazy, as to
pains-taking, and gave themselves up to other pleasures, and in particular
to the love of gain. They also became very ill-affected towards the Hebrews,
as touched with envy at their prosperity; for when they saw how the nation
of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty
of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of
labor, they thought their increase was to their own detriment. And having,
in length of time, forgotten the benefits they had received from Joseph,
particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became
very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them;
for they enjoined them to cut a great number of channels for the river,
and to build walls for their cities and ramparts, that they might restrain
the river, and hinder its waters from stagnating, upon its running over
its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this building of the pyramids of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> by the Israelites, see Perizonius
Orig. Aegyptiac, ch. 21. It is not impossible they might build one or more
of the small ones; but the larger ones seem much later. Only, if they be
all built of stone, this does not so well agree with the Israelites' labors,
which are said to have been in brick, and not in stone, as Mr. Sandys observes
in his Travels. p. 127, 128.</note>
and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts of mechanical
arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labor. And four hundred years
did they spend under these afflictions; for they strove one against the
other which should get the mastery, the Egyptians desiring to destroy the
Israelites by these labors, and the Israelites desiring to hold out to
the end under them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>While the affairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there was
this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made them more solicitous
for the extinction of our nation. One of those sacred scribes, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Bernard informs us here, that instead of this single priest or prophet
of the Egyptians, without a name in Josephus, the Targum of Jonathan names
the two famous antagonists of Moses, Jannes and Jambres. Nor is it at all
unlikely that it might be one of these who foreboded so much misery to
the Egyptians, and so much happiness to the Israelites, from the rearing
of Moses.</note>
who are very sagacious in foretelling future events truly, told the king,
that about this time there would a child be born to the Israelites, who,
if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise
the Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and obtain a glory
that would be remembered through all ages. Which thing was so feared by
the king, that, according to this man's opinion, he commanded that they
should cast every male child, which was born to the Israelites, into the
river, and destroy it; that besides this, the Egyptian midwives <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus is clear that these midwives were Egyptians, and not Israelites,
as in our other copies: which is very probable, it being not easily to
be supposed that Pharaoh could trust the Israelite midwives to execute
so barbarous a command against their own nation. (Consult, therefore, and
correct hence our ordinary copies, Exodus 1:15, 22. And, indeed, Josephus
seems to have had much completer copies of the Pentateuch, or other authentic
records now lost, about the birth and actions of Moses, than either our
Hebrew, Samaritan, or Greek Bibles afford us, which enabled him to be so
large and particular about him.</note>
should watch the labors of the Hebrew women, and observe what is born,
for those were the women who were enjoined to do the office of midwives
to them; and by reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress
his commands. He enjoined also, that if any parents should disobey him,
and venture to save their male children alive, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this grandfather of Sesostris, Ramestes the Great, who slew the Israelite
infants, and of the inscription on his obelisk, containing, in my opinion,
one of the oldest records of mankind, see Essay on the Old Test. Append.
p. 139, 145, 147, 217-220.</note>
they and their families should be destroyed. This was a severe affliction
indeed to those that suffered it, not only as they were deprived of their
sons, and while they were the parents themselves, they were obliged to
be subservient to the destruction of their own children, but as it was
to be supposed to tend to the extirpation of their nation, while upon the
destruction of their children, and their own gradual dissolution, the calamity
would become very hard and inconsolable to them. And this was the ill state
they were in. But no one can be too hard for the purpose of God, though
he contrive ten thousand subtle devices for that end; for this child, whom
the sacred scribe foretold, was brought up and concealed from the observers
appointed by the king; and he that foretold him did not mistake in the
consequences of his preservation, which were brought to pass after the
manner following: -</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="210" unit="section" /><p>A man whose name was Amram, one of the nobler sort of the Hebrews,
was afraid for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by the want of young
men to be brought up hereafter, and was very uneasy at it, his wife being
then with child, and he knew not what to do. Hereupon he betook himself
to prayer to God; and entreated him to have compassion on those men who
had nowise transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them deliverance
from the miseries they at that time endured, and to render abortive their
enemies' hopes of the destruction of their nation. Accordingly God had
mercy on him, and was moved by his supplication. He stood by him in his
sleep, and exhorted him not to despair of his future favors. He said further,
that he did not forget their piety towards him, and would always reward
them for it, as he had formerly granted his favor to their forefathers,
and made them increase from a few to so great a multitude. He put him in
mind, that when Abraham was come alone out of <placeName key="tgn,1000118" authname="tgn,1000118">Mesopotamia</placeName> into <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>,
he had been made happy, not only in other respects, but that when his wife
was at first barren, she was afterwards by him enabled to conceive seed,
and bare him sons. That he left to Ismael and to his posterity the country
of <placeName key="tgn,1012700" authname="tgn,1012700">Arabia</placeName>; as also to his sons by Ketura, Troglodytis; and to Isaac, <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>.
That by my assistance, said he, he did great exploits in war, which, unless
you be yourselves impious, you must still remember. As for Jacob, he became
well known to strangers also, by the greatness of that prosperity in which
he lived, and left to his sons, who came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> with no more than seventy
souls, while you are now become above six hundred thousand. Know therefore
that I shall provide for you all in common what is for your good, and particularly
for thyself what shall make thee famous; for that child, out of dread of
whose nativity the Egyptians have doomed the Israelite children to destruction,
shall be this child of thine, and shall be concealed from those who watch
to destroy him: and when he is brought up in a surprising way, he shall
deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress they are under from the Egyptians.
His memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only among
the Hebrews, but foreigners also: - all which shall be the effect of my
favor to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also have such a brother,
that he shall himself obtain my priesthood, and his posterity shall have
it after him to the end of the world.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="217" unit="section" /><p>When the vision had informed him of these things, Amram awaked and
told it to Jochebed who was his wife. And now the fear increased upon them
on account of the prediction in Amram's dream; for they were under concern,
not only for the child, but on account of the great happiness that was
to come to him also. However, the mother's labor was such as afforded a
confirmation to what was foretold by God; for it was not known to those
that watched her, by the easiness of her pains, and because the throes
of her delivery did not fall upon her with violence. And now they nourished
the child at home privately for three months; but after that time Amram,
fearing he should be discovered, and, by falling under the king's displeasure,
both he and his child should perish, and so he should make the promise
of God of none effect, he determined rather to trust the safety and care
of the child to God, than to depend on his own concealment of him, which
he looked upon as a thing uncertain, and whereby both the child, so privately
to be nourished, and himself should be in imminent danger; but he believed
that God would some way for certain procure the safety of the child, in
order to secure the truth of his own predictions. When they had thus determined,
they made an ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a cradle, and of a bigness
sufficient for an infant to be laid in, without being too straitened: they
then daubed it over with slime, which would naturally keep out the water
from entering between the bulrushes, and put the infant into it, and setting
it afloat upon the river, they left its preservation to God; so the river
received the child, and carried him along. But Miriam, the child's sister,
passed along upon the bank over against him, as her mother had bid her,
to see whither the ark would be carried, where God demonstrated that human
wisdom was nothing, but that the Supreme Being is able to do whatsoever
he pleases: that those who, in order to their own security, condemn others
to destruction, and use great endeavors about it, fail of their purpose;
but that others are in a surprising manner preserved, and obtain a prosperous
condition almost from the very midst of their calamities; those, I mean,
whose dangers arise by the appointment of God. And, indeed, such a providence
was exercised in the case of this child, as showed the power of God.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="224" unit="section" /><p>Thermuthis was the king's daughter. She was now diverting herself
by the banks of the river; and seeing a cradle borne along by the current,
she sent some that could swim, and bid them bring the cradle to her. When
those that were sent on this errand came to her with the cradle, and she
saw the little child, she was greatly in love with it, on account of its
largeness and beauty; for God had taken such great care in the formation
of Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up, and providing
for, by all those that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on account
of the dread of his nativity, for the destruction of the rest of the Hebrew
nation. Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that might afford her breast
to the child; yet would not the child admit of her breast, but turned away
from it, and did the like to many other women. Now Miriam was by when this
happened, not to appear to be there on purpose, but only as staying to
see the child; and she said, "It is in vain that thou, O queen,
callest for these women for the nourishing of the child, who are no way
of kin to it; but still, if thou wilt order one of the Hebrew women to
be brought, perhaps it may admit the breast of one of its own nation."
Now since she seemed to speak well, Thermuthis bid her procure such a one,
and to bring one of those Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she had
such authority given her, she came back and brought the mother, who was
known to nobody there. And now the child gladly admitted the breast, and
seemed to stick close to it; and so it was, that, at the queen's desire,
the nursing of the child was entirely intrusted to the mother.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon it was that Thermuthis imposed this name <emph>Mouses</emph> upon
him, from what had happened when he was put into the river; for the Egyptians
call water by the name of <emph>Mo</emph>, and such as are saved out of it, by
the name of <emph>Uses:</emph> so by putting these two words together, they imposed
this name upon him. And he was, by the confession of all, according to
God's prediction, as well for his greatness of mind as for his contempt
of difficulties, the best of all the Hebrews, for Abraham was his ancestor
of the seventh generation. For Moses was the son of Amram, who was
the son of Caath, whose father Levi was the son of Jacob, who was the son
of Isaac, who was the son of Abraham. Now Moses's understanding became
superior to his age, nay, far beyond that standard; and when he was taught,
he discovered greater quickness of apprehension than was usual at his age,
and his actions at that time promised greater, when he should come to the
age of a man. God did also give him that tallness, when he was but three
years old, as was wonderful. And as for his beauty, there was nobody so
unpolite as, when they saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised
at the beauty of his countenance; nay, it happened frequently, that those
that met him as he was carried along the road, were obliged to turn again
upon seeing the child; that they left what they were about, and stood still
a great while to look on him; for the beauty of the child was so remarkable
and natural to him on many accounts, that it detained the spectators, and
made them stay longer to look upon him.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="232" unit="section" /><p>Thermuthis therefore perceiving him to be so remarkable a child,
adopted him for her son, having no child of her own. And when one time
had carried Moses to her father, she showed him to him, and said she thought
to make him her successor, if it should please God she should have no legitimate
child of her own; and to him, "I have brought up a child who is of
a divine form, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus here says of the beauty of Moses, that he was of a divine
form, is very like what St. Stephen says of the same beauty; that Moses
was beautiful in the sight of Acts 7:20.</note>
and of a generous mind; and as I have received him from the bounty of the
river, in , I thought proper to adopt him my son, and the heir of thy kingdom."
And she had said this, she put the infant into her father's hands: so he
took him, and hugged him to his breast; and on his daughter's account,
in a pleasant way, put his diadem upon his head; but Moses threw it down
to the ground, and, in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and trod upon
his feet, which seemed to bring along with evil presage concerning the
kingdom of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. But when the sacred scribe saw this, (he was the person
who foretold that his nativity would the dominion of that kingdom low,)
he made a violent attempt to kill him; and crying out in a frightful manner,
he said, "This, O king! this child is he of whom God foretold, that
if we kill him we shall be in no danger; he himself affords an attestation
to the prediction of the same thing, by his trampling upon thy government,
and treading upon thy diadem. Take him, therefore, out of the way, and
deliver the Egyptians from the fear they are in about him; and deprive
the Hebrews of the hope they have of being encouraged by him." But
Thermuthis prevented him, and snatched the child away. And the king was
not hasty to slay him, God himself, whose providence protected Moses, inclining
the king to spare him. He was, therefore, educated with great care. So
the Hebrews depended on him, and were of good hopes great things would
be done by him; but the Egyptians were suspicious of what would follow
such his education. Yet because, if Moses had been slain, there was no
one, either akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his side for pretending
to the crown of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and likely to be of greater advantage to them, they
abstained from killing him.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES MADE WAR WITH THE ETHIOPIANS,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="238" unit="section" /><p>MOSES, therefore, when he was born, and brought up in the foregoing
manner, and came to the age of maturity, made his virtue manifest to the
Egyptians; and showed that he was born for the bringing them down, and
raising the Israelites. And the occasion he laid hold of was this: - The
Ethiopians, who are next neighbors to the Egyptians, made an inroad into
their country, which they seized upon, and carried off the effects of the
Egyptians, who, in their rage, fought against them, and revenged the affronts
they had received from them; but being overcome in battle, some of them
were slain, and the rest ran away in a shameful manner, and by that means
saved themselves; whereupon the Ethiopians followed after them in the pursuit,
and thinking that it would be a mark of cowardice if they did not subdue
all <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, they went on to subdue the rest with greater vehemence; and
when they had tasted the sweets of the country, they never left off the
prosecution of the war: and as the nearest parts had not courage enough
at first to fight with them, they proceeded as far as <placeName key="tgn,7001186" authname="tgn,7001186">Memphis</placeName>, and the
sea itself, while not one of the cities was able to oppose them. The Egyptians,
under this sad oppression, betook themselves to their oracles and prophecies;
and when God had given them this counsel, to make use of Moses the Hebrew,
and take his assistance, the king commanded his daughter to produce him,
that he might be the general <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This history of Moses, as general of the Egyptians against the Ethiopians,
is wholly omitted in our Bibles; but is thus by Irenaeus, from Josephus,
and that soon after his own age: — "Josephus says, that when Moses
was nourished in the palace, he was appointed general of the army against
the Ethiopians, and conquered them, when he married that king's daughter;
because, out of her affection for him, she delivered the city up to him."
See the Fragments of Irenaeus. ap. edit. Grab. p. 472. Nor perhaps did
St. Stephen refer to any thing else when he said of Moses, before he was
sent by God to the Israelites, that he was not only learned in all the
wisdom of the Egyptians, but was also mighty in words and in deeds, Acts
7:22.</note>
of their army. Upon which, when she had made him swear he would do him
no harm, she delivered him to the king, and supposed his assistance would
be of great advantage to them. She withal reproached the priest, who, when
they had before admonished the Egyptians to kill him, was not ashamed now
to own their want of his help.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="243" unit="section" /><p>So Moses, at the persuasion both of Thermuthis and the king himself,
cheerfully undertook the business: and the sacred scribes of both nations
were glad; those of the Egyptians, that they should at once overcome their
enemies by his valor, and that by the same piece of management Moses would
be slain; but those of the Hebrews, that they should escape from the Egyptians,
because Moses was to be their general. But Moses prevented the enemies,
and took and led his army before those enemies were apprized of his attacking
them; for he did not march by the river, but by land, where he gave a wonderful
demonstration of his sagacity; for when the ground was difficult to be
passed over, because of the multitude of serpents, (which it produces in
vast numbers, and, indeed, is singular in some of those productions, which
other countries do not breed, and yet such as are worse than others in
power and mischief, and an unusual fierceness of sight, some of which ascend
out of the ground unseen, and also fly in the air, and so come upon men
at unawares, and do them a mischief,) Moses invented a wonderful stratagem
to preserve the army safe, and without hurt; for he made baskets, like
unto arks, of sedge, and filled them with ibes, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Pliny speaks of these birds called ibes; and says, "The Egyptians
invoked them against the serpents," Hist. Nat. B. X. ch. 28. Strabo
speaks of this island <placeName key="tgn,7000856" authname="tgn,7000856">Meroe</placeName>, and these rivers Astapus and Astaboras, B.
XVI. p. 771, 786; and B XVII. p. 82].</note>
and carried them along with them; which animal is the greatest enemy to
serpents imaginable, for they fly from them when they come near them; and
as they fly they are caught and devoured by them, as if it were done by
the harts; but the ibes are tame creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine
kind: but about these ibes I say no more at present, since the Greeks themselves
are not unacquainted with this sort of bird. As soon, therefore, as Moses
was come to the land which was the breeder of these serpents, he let loose
the ibes, and by their means repelled the serpentine kind, and used them
for his assistants before the army came upon that ground. When he had therefore
proceeded thus on his journey, he came upon the Ethiopians before they
expected him; and, joining battle with them, he beat them, and deprived
them of the hopes they had of success against the Egyptians, and went on
in overthrowing their cities, and indeed made a great slaughter of these
Ethiopians. Now when the Egyptian army had once tasted of this prosperous
success, by the means of Moses, they did not slacken their diligence, insomuch
that the Ethiopians were in danger of being reduced to slavery, and all
sorts of destruction; and at length they retired to <placeName key="tgn,7016796" authname="tgn,7016796">Saba</placeName>, which was a royal
city of <placeName key="tgn,7000489" authname="tgn,7000489">Ethiopia</placeName>, which Cambyses afterwards named <placeName key="tgn,7018333" authname="tgn,7018333">Mero</placeName>, after the name
of his own sister. The place was to be besieged with very great difficulty,
since it was both encompassed by the <placeName key="tgn,1127805" authname="tgn,1127805">Nile</placeName> quite round, and the other rivers,
Astapus and Astaboras, made it a very difficult thing for such as attempted
to pass over them; for the city was situate in a retired place, and was
inhabited after the manner of an island, being encompassed with a strong
wall, and having the rivers to guard them from their enemies, and having
great ramparts between the wall and the rivers, insomuch, that when the
waters come with the greatest violence, it can never be drowned; which
ramparts make it next to impossible for even such as are gotten over the
rivers to take the city. However, while Moses was uneasy at the army's
lying idle, (for the enemies durst not come to a battle,) this accident
happened: - Tharbis was the daughter of the king of the Ethiopians: she
happened to see Moses as he led the army near the walls, and fought with
great courage; and admiring the subtility of his undertakings, and believing
him to be the author of the Egyptians' success, when they had before despaired
of recovering their liberty, and to be the occasion of the great danger
the Ethiopians were in, when they had before boasted of their great achievements,
she fell deeply in love with him; and upon the prevalency of that passion,
sent to him the most faithful of all her servants to discourse with him
about their marriage. He thereupon accepted the offer, on condition she
would procure the delivering up of the city; and gave her the assurance
of an oath to take her to his wife; and that when he had once taken possession
of the city, he would not break his oath to her. No sooner was the agreement
made, but it took effect immediately; and when Moses had cut off the Ethiopians,
he gave thanks to God, and consummated his marriage, and led the Egyptians
back to their own land.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES FLED OUT OF EGYPT INTO MIDIAN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>Now the Egyptians, after they had been preserved by Moses, entertained
a hatred to him, and were very eager in compassing their designs against
him, as suspecting that he would take occasion, from his good success,
to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>; and told the king
he ought to be slain. The king had also some intentions of himself to the
same purpose, and this as well out of envy at his glorious expedition at
the head of his army, as out of fear of being brought low by him and being
instigated by the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake to kill Moses:
but when he had learned beforehand what plots there were against him, he
went away privately; and because the public roads were watched, he took
his flight through the deserts, and where his enemies could not suspect
he would travel; and, though he was destitute of food, he went on, and
despised that difficulty courageously; and when he came to the city Midian,
which lay upon the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>, and was so denominated from one of Abraham's
sons by Keturah, he sat upon a certain well, and rested himself there after
his laborious journey, and the affliction he had been in. It was not far
from the city, and the time of the day was noon, where he had an occasion
offered him by the custom of the country of doing what recommended his
virtue, and afforded him an opportunity of bettering his circumstances.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="258" unit="section" /><p>For that country having but little water, the shepherds used to seize
on the wells before others came, lest their flocks should want water, and
lest it should be spent by others before they came. There were now come,
therefore, to this well seven sisters that were virgins, the daughters
of Raguel, a priest, and one thought worthy by the people of the country
of great honor. These virgins, who took care of their father's flocks,
which sort of work it was customary and very familiar for women to do in
the country of the Troglodytes, they came first of all, and drew water
out of the well in a quantity sufficient for their flocks, into troughs,
which were made for the reception of that water; but when the shepherds
came upon the maidens, and drove them away, that they might have the command
of the water themselves, Moses, thinking it would be a terrible reproach
upon him if he overlooked the young women under unjust oppression, and
should suffer the violence of the men to prevail over the right of the
maidens, he drove away the men, who had a mind to more than their share<emph>,
</emph>and afforded a proper assistance to the women; who, when they had received
such a benefit from him, came to their father, and told him how they had
been affronted by the shepherds, and assisted by a stranger, and entreated
that he would not let this generous action be done in vain, nor go without
a reward. Now the father took it well from his daughters that they were
so desirous to reward their benefactor; and bid them bring Moses into his
presence, that he might be rewarded as he deserved. And when Moses came,
he told him what testimony his daughters bare to him, that he had assisted
them; and that, as he admired him for his virtue, he said that Moses had
bestowed such his assistance on persons not insensible of benefits, but
where they were both able and willing to return the kindness, and even
to exceed the measure of his generosity. So he made him his son, and gave
him one of his daughters in marriage; and appointed him to be the guardian
and superintendent over his cattle; for of old, all the wealth of the barbarians
was in those cattle.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE BURNING BUSH AND THE ROD OF MOSES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="264" unit="section" /><p>NOW Moses, when he had obtained the favor of Jethro, for that was
one of the names of Raguel, staid there and fed his flock; but some time
afterward, taking his station at the mountain called <placeName key="tgn,7001247" authname="tgn,7001247">Sinai</placeName>, he drove his
flocks thither to feed them. Now this is the highest of all the mountains
thereabout, and the best for pasturage, the herbage being there good; and
it had not been before fed upon, because of the opinion men had that God
dwelt there, the shepherds not daring to ascend up to it; and here it was
that a wonderful prodigy happened to Moses; for a fire fed upon a thorn
bush, yet did the green leaves and the flowers continue untouched, and
the fire did not at all consume the fruit branches, although the flame
was great and fierce. Moses was aftrighted at this strange sight, as it
was to him; but he was still more astonished when the fire uttered a voice,
and called to him by name, and spake words to him, by which it signified
how bold he had been in venturing to come into a place whither no
man had ever come before, because the place was divine; and advised him
to remove a great way off from the flame, and to be contented with what
he had seen; and though he were himself a good man, and the offspring of
great men, yet that he should not pry any further; and he foretold to him,
that he should have glory and honor among men, by the blessing of God upon
him. He also commanded him to go away thence with confidence to <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>,
in order to his being the commander and conductor of the body of the Hebrews,
and to his delivering his own people from the injuries they suffered there:
"For," said God, "they shall inhabit this happy land which
your forefather Abraham inhabited, and shall have the enjoyment of all
good things." But still he enjoined them, when he brought the Hebrews
out of the land of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, to come to that place, and to offer sacrifices
of thanksgiving there, Such were the divine oracles which were delivered
out of the fire.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="270" unit="section" /><p>But Moses was astonished at what he saw, and much more at
what he heard; and he said, "I think it would be an instance of too
great madness, O Lord, for one of that regard I bear to thee, to distrust
thy power, since I myself adore it, and know that it has been made manifest
to my progenitors: but I am still in doubt how I, who am a private man,
and one of no abilities, should either persuade my own countrymen to leave
the country they now inhabit, and to follow me to a land whither I lead
them; or, if they should be persuaded, how can I force Pharaoh to permit
them to depart, since they augment their own wealth and prosperity by the
labors and works they put upon them ?"</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="272" unit="section" /><p>But God persuaded him to be courageous on all occasions, and promised
to be with him, and to assist him in his words, when he was to persuade
men; and in his deeds, when he was to perform wonders. He bid him also
to take a signal of the truth of what he said, by throwing his rod upon
the ground, which, when he had done, it crept along, and was become a serpent,
and rolled itself round in its folds, and erected its head, as ready to
revenge itself on such as should assault it; after which it become a rod
again as it was before. After this God bid Moses to put his right hand
into his bosom: he obeyed, and when he took it out it was white, and in
color like to chalk, but afterward it returned to its wonted color again.
He also, upon God's command, took some of the water that was near him,
and poured it upon the ground, and saw the color was that of blood. Upon
the wonder that Moses showed at these signs, God exhorted him to be of
good courage, and to be assured that he would be the greatest support to
him; and bid him make use of those signs, in order to obtain belief among
all men, that "thou art sent by me, and dost all things according
to my commands. Accordingly I enjoin thee to make no more delays, but to
make haste to <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, and to travel night and day, and not to draw out the
time, and so make the slavery of the Hebrews and their sufferings to last
the longer."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="275" unit="section" /><p>Moses having now seen and heard these wonders that assured him of
the truth of these promises of God, had no room left him to disbelieve
them: he entreated him to grant him that power when he should be in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>;
and besought him to vouchsafe him the knowledge of his own name; and since
he had heard and seen him, that he would also tell him his name, that when
he offered sacrifice he might invoke him by such his name in his oblations.
Whereupon God declared to him his holy name, which had never been discovered
to men before; concerning which it is not lawful for me to say any more
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This superstitious fear of discovering the name with four letters, which
of late we have been used falsely to pronounce Jehovah, but seems to have
been originally pronounced Jahoh, or Jao, is never, I think, heard of till
this passage of Josephus; and this superstition, in not pronouncing that
name, has continued among the Rabbinical Jews to this day (though whether
the Samaritans and Caraites observed it so early, does not appear). Josephus
also durst not set down the very words of the ten commandments, as we shall
see hereafter, Antiq. B. III. ch. 5. sect. 4, which superstitious silence
I think has yet not been continued even by the Rabbins. It is, however,
no doubt but both these cautious concealments were taught Josephus by the
Pharisees, a body of men at once very wicked and very superstitious.</note> Now
these signs accompanied Moses, not then only, but always when he prayed
for them: of all which signs he attributed the firmest assent to the fire
in the bush; and believing that God would be a gracious supporter to him,
he hoped he should be able to deliver his own nation, and bring calamities
on the Egyptians.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES AND AARON RETURNED INTO EGYPT TO PHARAOH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="277" unit="section" /><p>SO Moses, when he understood that the Pharaoh, in whose reign he
fled away, was dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, for the benefit
of his own people. And he took with him Zipporah, the daughter of Raguel,
whom he had married, and the children he had by her, Gersom and Eleazer,
and made haste into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. Now the former of those names, Gersom, in the
Hebrew tongue, signifies <emph>that he was in a strange land;</emph> and Eleazer,
<emph>that, by the assistance of the God of his fathers, he had escaped from
the Egyptians</emph>. Now when they were near the borders, Aaron his brother,
by the command of God, met him, to whom he declared what had befallen him
at the mountain, and the commands that God had given him. But as they were
going forward, the chief men among the Hebrews, having learned that they
were coming, met them: to whom Moses declared the signs he had seen; and
while they could not believe them, he made them see them, So they took
courage at these surprising and unexpected sights, and hoped well of their
entire deliverance, as believing now that God took care of their preservation.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="281" unit="section" /><p>Since then Moses found that the Hebrews would be obedient to whatsoever
he should direct, as they promised to be, and were in love with liberty,
he came to the king, who had indeed but lately received the government,
and told him how much he had done for the good of the Egyptians, when they
were despised by the Ethiopians, and their country laid waste by them;
and how he had been the commander of their forces, and had labored for
them, as if they had been his own people and he informed him in what danger
he had been during that expedition, without having any proper returns made
him as he had deserved. He also informed him distinctly what things happened
to him at <placeName key="tgn,7001247" authname="tgn,7001247">Mount Sinai</placeName>; and what God said to him; and the signs that were
done by God, in order to assure him of the authority of those commands
which he had given him. He also exhorted him not to disbelieve what he
told him, nor to oppose the will of God.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="284" unit="section" /><p>But when the king derided Moses; he made him in earnest see the signs
that were done at <placeName key="tgn,7001247" authname="tgn,7001247">Mount Sinai</placeName>. Yet was the king very angry with him and
called him an ill man, who had formerly run away from his Egyptian slavery,
and came now back with deceitful tricks, and wonders, and magical arts,
to astonish him. And when he had said this, he commanded the priests to
let him see the same wonderful sights; as knowing that the Egyptians were
skillful in this kind of learning, and that he was not the only person
who knew them, and pretended them to be divine; as also he told him, that
when he brought such wonderful sights before him, he would only be believed
by the unlearned. Now when the priests threw down their rods, they became
serpents. But Moses was not daunted at it; and said, "O king, I do
not myself despise the wisdom of the Egyptians, but I say that what I do
is so much superior to what these do by magic arts and tricks, as Divine
power exceeds the power of man: but I will demonstrate that what I do is
not done by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really true, but that
they appear by the providence and power of God." And when he had said
this, he cast his rod down upon the ground, and commanded it to turn itself
into a serpent. It obeyed him, and went all round, and devoured the rods
of the Egyptians, which seemed to be dragons, until it had consumed them
all. It then returned to its own form, and Moses took it into his hand
again.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="288" unit="section" /><p>However, the king was no more moved when was done than before; and
being very angry, he said that he should gain nothing by this his cunning
and shrewdness against the Egyptians; - and he commanded him that was the
chief taskmaster over the Hebrews, to give them no relaxation from their
labors, but to compel them to submit to greater oppressions than before;
and though he allowed them chaff before for making their bricks, he would
allow it them no longer, but he made them to work hard at brick-making
in the day-time, and to gather chaff in the night. Now when their labor
was thus doubled upon them, they laid the blame upon Moses, because their
labor and their misery were on his account become more severe to them.
But Moses did not let his courage sink for the king's threatenings; nor
did he abate of his zeal on account of the Hebrews' complaints; but he
supported himself, and set his soul resolutely against them both, and used
his own utmost diligence to procure liberty to his countrymen. So he went
to the king, and persuaded him to let the Hebrews go to <placeName key="tgn,7001247" authname="tgn,7001247">Mount Sinai</placeName>, and
there to sacrifice to God, because God had enjoined them so to do. He persuaded
him also not to counterwork the designs of God, but to esteem his favor
above all things, and to permit them to depart, lest, before he be aware,
he lay an obstruction in the way of the Divine commands, and so occasion
his own suffering such punishments as it was probable any one that counterworked
the Divine commands should undergo, since the severest afflictions arise
from every object to those that provoke the Divine wrath against them;
for such as these have neither the earth nor the air for their friends;
nor are the fruits of the womb according to nature, but every thing is
unfriendly and adverse towards them. He said further, that the Egyptians
should know this by sad experience; and that besides, the Hebrew people
should go out of their country without their consent.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE TEN PLAGUES WHICH CAME UPON THE EGYPTIANS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="293" unit="section" /><p>BUT when the king despised the words of Moses, and had no
regard at all to them, grievous plagues seized the Egyptians; every one
of which I will describe, both because no such plagues did ever happen
to any other nation as the Egyptians now felt, and because I would demonstrate
that Moses did not fail in any one thing that he foretold them; and because
it is for the good of mankind, that they may learn this caution - Not to
do anything that may displease God, lest he be provoked to wrath, and avenge
their iniquities upon them. For the Egyptian river ran with bloody water
at the command of God, insomuch that it could not be drunk, and they had
no other spring of water neither; for the water was not only of the color
of blood, but it brought upon those that ventured to drink of it, great
pains and bitter torment. Such was the river to the Egyptians; but it was
sweet and fit for drinking to the Hebrews, and no way different from what
it naturally used to be. As the king therefore knew not what to do in these
surprising circumstances, and was in fear for the Egyptians, he gave the
Hebrews leave to go away; but when the plague ceased, he changed his mind
again, end would not suffer them to go.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="296" unit="section" /><p>But when God saw that he was ungrateful, and upon the ceasing of
this calamity would not grow wiser, he sent another plague upon the Egyptians:
- An innumerable multitude of frogs consumed the fruit of the ground; the
river was also full of them, insomuch that those who drew water had it
spoiled by the blood of these animals, as they died in, and were destroyed
by, the water; and the country was full of filthy slime, as they were born,
and as they died: they also spoiled their vessels in their houses which
they used, and were found among what they eat and what they drank, and
came in great numbers upon their beds. There was also an ungrateful smell,
and a stink arose from them, as they were born, and as they died therein.
Now, when the Egyptians were under the oppression of these miseries, the
king ordered Moses to take the Hebrews with him, and be gone. Upon which
the whole multitude of the frogs vanished away; and both the land and the
river returned to their former natures. But as soon as Pharaoh saw the
land freed from this plague, he forgot the cause of it, and retained the
Hebrews; and, as though he had a mind to try the nature of more such judgments,
he would not yet suffer Moses and his people to depart, having granted
that liberty rather out of fear than out of any good consideration. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this judicial hardening the hearts and blinding the eyes of wicked men,
or infatuating them, as a just punishment for their other willful sins,
to their own destruction, see the note on Antiq. B. VII. ch. 9. sect. 6.</note></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="300" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, God punished his falseness with another plague, added
to the former; for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyptians an innumerable
quantity of lice, by which, wicked as they were, they miserably perished,
as not able to destroy this sort of vermin either with washes or with ointments.
At which terrible judgment the king of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> was in disorder, upon the
fear into which he reasoned himself, lest his people should be destroyed,
and that the manner of this death was also reproachful, so that he was
forced in part to recover himself from his wicked temper to a sounder mind,
for he gave leave for the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when the plague
thereupon ceased, he thought it proper to require that they should leave
their children and wives behind them, as pledges of their return; whereby
he provoked God to be more vehemently angry at him, as if he thought to
impose on his providence, and as if it were only Moses, and not God, who
punished the Egyptians for the sake of the Hebrews: for he filled that
country full of various sorts of pestilential creatures, with their
various properties, such indeed as had never come into the sight of men
before, by whose means the men perished themselves, and the land was destitute
of husbandmen for its cultivation; but if any thing escaped destruction
from them, it was killed by a distemper which the men underwent also.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="304" unit="section" /><p>But when Pharaoh did not even then yield to the will of God, but,
while he gave leave to the husbands to take their wives with them, yet
insisted that the children should be left behind, God presently resolved
to punish his wickedness with several sorts of calamities, and those worse
than the foregoing, which yet had so generally afflicted them; for their
bodies had terrible boils, breaking forth with blains, while they were
already inwardly consumed; and a great part of the Egyptians perished in
this manner. But when the king was not brought to reason by this plague,
hail was sent down from heaven; and such hail it was, as the climate
of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> had never suffered before, nor was it like to that which falls
in other climates in winter time, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As to this winter or spring hail near <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> and <placeName key="tgn,7001407" authname="tgn,7001407">Judea</placeName>, see the like on
thunder and lightning there, in the note on Antiq. B. VI. ch. 5. sect.
6.</note>
but was larger than that which falls in the middle of spring to those that
dwell in the northern and north-western regions. This hail broke down their
boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe of locusts consumed the seed
which was not hurt by the hail; so that to the Egyptians all hopes of the
future fruits of the ground were entirely lost.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="307" unit="section" /><p>One would think the forementioned calamities might have been sufficient
for one that was only foolish, without wickedness, to make him wise, and
to make him Sensible what was for his advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so
much by his folly as by his wickedness, even when he saw the cause of his
miseries, he still contested with God, and willfully deserted the cause
of virtue; so he bid Moses take the Hebrews away, with their wives and
children, to leave their cattle behind, since their own cattle were destroyed.
But when Moses said that what he desired was unjust, since they were obliged
to offer sacrifices to God of those cattle, and the time being prolonged
on this account, a thick darkness, without the least light, spread itself
over the Egyptians, whereby their sight being obstructed, and their breathing
hindered by the thickness of the air, they died miserably, and under a
terror lest they should be swallowed up by the dark cloud. Besides this,
when the darkness, after three days and as many nights, was dissipated,
and when Pharaoh did not still repent and let the Hebrews go, Moses came
to him and said, "How long wilt thou be disobedient to the command
of God? for he enjoins thee to let the Hebrews go; nor is there any other
way of being freed from the calamities are under, unless you do so."
But the king angry at what he said, and threatened to cut off his head
if he came any more to trouble him these matters. Hereupon Moses said he
not speak to him any more about them, for he himself, together with the
principal men among the Egyptians, should desire the Hebrews away. So when
Moses had said this, he his way.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="311" unit="section" /><p>But when God had signified, that with one plague he would compel
the Egyptians to let Hebrews go, he commanded Moses to tell the people
that they should have a sacrifice ready, and they should prepare themselves
on the tenth day of the month Xanthicus, against the fourteenth, (which
month is called by the Egyptians Pharmuth, Nisan by the Hebrews; but the
Macedonians call it Xanthicus,) and that he should carry the Hebrews with
all they had. Accordingly, he having got the Hebrews ready for their departure,
and having sorted the people into tribes, he kept them together in one
place: but when the fourteenth day was come, and all were ready to depart
they offered the sacrifice, and purified their houses with the blood, using
bunches of hyssop for that purpose; and when they had supped, they burnt
the remainder of the flesh, as just ready to depart. Whence it is that
we do still offer this sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call this
festival <emph>Pascha</emph> which signifies <emph>the feast of the passover;</emph> because
on that day God passed us over, and sent the plague upon the Egyptians;
for the destruction of the first-born came upon the Egyptians that night,
so that many of the Egyptians who lived near the king's palace, persuaded
Pharaoh to let the Hebrews go. Accordingly he called for Moses, and bid
them be gone; as supposing, that if once the Hebrews were gone out of the
country, <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> should be freed from its miseries. They also honored the
Hebrews with gifts; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These large presents made to the Israelites, of vessels of and vessels
of gold, and raiment, were, as Josephus truly calls them, gifts really
given them; not lent them, as our English falsely renders them. They were
spoils required, not of them, Genesis 15:14; Exodus 3:22; 11:2; Psalm 105:37,)
as the same version falsely renders the Hebrew word Exodus 12:35, 36. God
had ordered the Jews to demand these as their pay and reward, during their
long and bitter slavery in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, as atonements for the lives of the Egyptians,
and as the condition of the Jews' departure, and of the Egyptians' deliverance
from these terrible judgments, which, had they not now ceased, they had
soon been all dead men, as they themselves confess, ch. 12. 33. Nor was
there any sense in borrowing or lending, when the Israelites were finally
departing out of the land for ever.</note>
some, in order to get them to depart quickly, and others on account of
their neighborhood, and the friendship they had with them.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE HEBREWS UNDER THE CONDUCT OF MOSES LEFT EGYPT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="315" unit="section" /><p>So the Hebrews went out of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, while the Egyptians wept, and repented
that they had treated them so hardly. - Now they took their journey by
Letopolis, a place at that time deserted, but where <placeName key="tgn,7002626" authname="tgn,7002626">Babylon</placeName> was built afterwards,
when Cambyses laid <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> waste: but as they went away hastily, on the third
day they came to a place called Beelzephon, on the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>; and when they
had no food out of the land, because it was a desert, they eat of loaves
kneaded of flour, only warmed by a gentle heat; and this food they made
use of for thirty days; for what they brought with them out of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> would
not suffice them any longer time; and this only while they dispensed it
to each person, to use so much only as would serve for necessity, but not
for satiety. Whence it is that, in memory of the want we were then in,
we keep a feast for eight days, which is called <emph>the feast of unleavened
bread</emph>. Now the entire multitude of those that went out, including the
women and children, was not easy to be numbered, but those that were of
an age fit for war, were six hundred thousand.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="318" unit="section" /><p>They left <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> in the month Xanthicus, on the fifteenth day of the
lunar month; four hundred and thirty years after our forefather Abraham
came into <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>, but two hundred and fifteen years only after Jacob removed
into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Why our Masorete copy so groundlessly abridges this account in Exodus 12:40,
as to ascribe 430 years to the sole peregrination of the Israelites in
<placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, when it is clear even by that Masorete chronology elsewhere, as
well as from the express text itself, in the Samaritan, Septuagint, and
Josephus, that they sojourned in <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> but half that time,—and that by
consequence, the other half of their peregrination was in the land of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>,
before they came into <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>,—is hard to say. See Essay on the Old Testament,
p. 62, 63.</note>
It was the eightieth year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron three
more. They also carried out the bones of Joesph with them, as he had charged
his sons to do.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="320" unit="section" /><p>But the Egyptians soon repented that the Hebrews were gone; and the
king also was mightily concerned that this had been procured by the magic
arts of Moses; so they resolved to go after them. Accordingly they took
their weapons, and other warlike furniture, and pursued after them, in
order to bring them back, if once they overtook them, because they would
now have no pretense to pray to God against them, since they had already
been permitted to go out; and they thought they should easily overcome
them, as they had no armor, and would be weary with their journey; so they
made haste in their pursuit, and asked of every one they met which way
they were gone. And indeed that land was difficult to be traveled over,
not only by armies, but by single persons. Now Moses led the Hebrews this
way, that in case the Egyptians should repent and be desirous to pursue
after them, they might undergo the punishment of their wickedness, and
of the breach of those promises they had made to them. As also he led them
this way on account of the Philistines, who had quarreled with them, and
hated them of old, that by all means they might not know of their departure,
for their country is near to that of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>; and thence it was that Moses
led them not along the road that tended to the land of the Philistines,
but he was desirous that they should go through the desert, that so after
a long journey, and after many afflictions, they might enter upon the land
of <placeName key="tgn,7004540" authname="tgn,7004540">Canaan</placeName>. Another reason of this was, that God commanded him to bring
the people to <placeName key="tgn,7001247" authname="tgn,7001247">Mount Sinai</placeName>, that there they might offer him sacrifices.
Now when the Egyptians had overtaken the Hebrews, they prepared to fight
them, and by their multitude they drove them into a narrow place; for the
number that pursued after them was six hundred chariots, with fifty thousand
horsemen, and two hundred thousand foot-men, all armed. They also seized
on the passages by which they imagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting
them up <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take the main part of Reland's excellent note here, which greatly illustrates
Josephus, and the Scripture, in this history, as follows: "[A traveller,
says Reland, whose name was] Eneman, when he returned out of <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName>, told
me that he went the same way from <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> to <placeName key="tgn,7001247" authname="tgn,7001247">Mount Sinai</placeName>, which he supposed
the Israelites of old traveled; and that he found several mountainous tracts,
that ran down towards the Red Sea. He thought the Israelites had proceeded
as far as the desert of Etham, Exodus 13:20, when they were commanded by
God to return back, Exodus 14:2, and to pitch their camp between Migdol
and the sea; and that when they were not able to fly, unless by sea, they
were shut in on each side by mountains. He also thought we might evidently
learn hence, how it might be said that the Israelites were in Etham before
they went over the sea, and yet might be said to have come into Etham after
they had passed over the sea also. Besides, he gave me an account how he
passed over a river in a boat near the city <placeName key="tgn,7001164" authname="tgn,7001164">Suez</placeName>, which he says must needs
be the Heroopolia of the ancients, since that city could not be situate
any where else in that neighborhood."</note>
between inaccessible precipices and the sea; for there was [on each side]
a [ridge of] mountains that terminated at the sea, which were impassable
by reason of their roughness, and obstructed their flight; wherefore they
there pressed upon the Hebrews with their army, where [the ridges of] the
mountains were closed with the sea; which army they placed at the chops
of the mountains, that so they might deprive them of any passage into the
plain.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="326" unit="section" /><p>When the Hebrews, therefore, were neither able to bear up, being
thus, as it were, besieged, because they wanted provisions, nor saw any
possible way of escaping; and if they should have thought of fighting,
they had no weapons; they expected a universal destruction, unless they
delivered themselves up to the Egyptians. So they laid the blame on Moses,
and forgot all the signs that had been wrought by God for the recovery
of their freedom; and this so far, that their incredulity prompted them
to throw stones at the prophet, while he encouraged them and promised them
deliverance; and they resolved that they would deliver themselves up to
the Egyptians. So there was sorrow and lamentation among the women and
children, who had nothing but destruction before their eyes, while they
were encompassed with mountains, the sea, and their enemies, and discerned
no way of flying from them.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="329" unit="section" /><p>But Moses, though the multitude looked fiercely at him, did not,
however, give over the care of them, but despised all dangers, out of his
trust in God, who, as he had afforded them the several steps already taken
for the recovery of their liberty, which he had foretold them, would not
now suffer them to be subdued by their enemies, to be either made slaves
or be slain by them; and, standing in midst of them, he said, "It
is not just of us to distrust even men, when they have hitherto well managed
our affairs, as if they would not be the same hereafter; but it is no better
than madness, at this time to despair of the providence of God, by whose
power all those things have been performed he promised, when you expected
no such things: I mean all that I have been concerned in for deliverance
and escape from slavery. Nay, when we are in the utmost distress, as you
see we ought rather to hope that God will succor us, by whose operation
it is that we are now this narrow place, that he may out of such difficulties
as are otherwise insurmountable and out of which neither you nor your enemies
expect you can be delivered, and may at once demonstrate his own power
and his providence over us. Nor does God use to give his help in small
difficulties to those whom he favors, but in such cases where no one can
see how any hope in man can better their condition. Depend, therefore,
upon such a Protector as is able to make small things great, and to show
that this mighty force against you is nothing but weakness, and be not
affrighted at the Egyptian army, nor do you despair of being preserved,
because the sea before, and the mountains behind, afford you no opportunity
for flying, for even these mountains, if God so please, may be made plain
ground for you, and the sea become dry land."</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE SEA WAS DIVIDED ASUNDER FOR THE HEBREWS, WHEN THEY
WERE PURSUED BY THE EGYPTIANS, AND SO GAVE THEM AN OPPORTUNITY OF ESCAPING
FROM THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="334" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Moses had said this, he led them to the sea, while the Egyptians
looked on; for they were within sight. Now these were so distressed by
the toil of their pursuit, that they thought proper to put off fighting
till the next day. But when Moses was come to the sea-shore, he took his
rod, and made supplication to God, and called upon him to be their helper
and assistant; and said "Thou art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is
beyond human strength and human contrivance to avoid the difficulties we
are now under; but it must be thy work altogether to procure deliverance
to this army, which has left <placeName key="tgn,7016833" authname="tgn,7016833">Egypt</placeName> at thy appointment. We despair of any
other assistance or contrivance, and have recourse only to that hope we
have in thee; and if there be any method that can promise us an escape
by thy providence, we look up to thee for it. And let it come quickly,
and manifest thy power to us; and do thou raise up this people unto good
courage and hope of deliverance, who are deeply sunk into a disconsolate
state of mind. We are in a helpless place, but still it is a place that
thou possessest; still the sea is thine, the mountains also that enclose
us are thine; so that these mountains will open themselves if thou commandest
them, and the sea also, if thou commandest it, will become dry land. Nay,
we might escape by a flight through the air, if thou shouldst determine
we should have that way of salvation."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="338" unit="section" /><p>When Moses had thus addressed himself to God, he smote the sea with
his rod, which parted asunder at the stroke, and receiving those waters
into itself, left the ground dry, as a road and a place of flight for the
Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this appearance of God, and that the sea went
out of its own place, and left dry land, he went first of all into it,
and bid the Hebrews to follow him along that divine road, and to rejoice
at the danger their enemies that followed them were in; and gave thanks
to God for this so surprising a deliverance which appeared from him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="340" unit="section" /><p>Now, while these Hebrews made no stay, but went on earnestly, as
led by God's presence with them, the Egyptians supposed first that they
were distracted, and were going rashly upon manifest destruction. But when
they saw that they were going a great way without any harm, and that no
obstacle or difficulty fell in their journey, they made haste to pursue
them, hoping that the sea would be calm for them also. They put their horse
foremost, and went down themselves into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while
these were putting on their armor, and therein spending their time, were
beforehand with them, and escaped them, and got first over to the land
on the other side without any hurt. Whence the others were encouraged,
and more courageously pursued them, as hoping no harm would come to them
neither: but the Egyptians were not aware that they went into a road made
for the Hebrews, and not for others; that this road was made for the deliverance
of those in danger, but not for those that were earnest to make use of
it for the others' destruction. As soon, therefore, as ever the whole Egyptian
army was within it, the sea flowed to its own place, and came down with
a torrent raised by storms of wind, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of these storms of wind, thunder, and lightning, at this drowning of Pharaoh's
army, almost wanting in our copies of Exodus, but fully extant in that
of David, Psalm 77:16-18, and in that of Josephus here, see Essay on the
Old Test. Append. p. 15,1, 155.</note>
and encompassed the Egyptians. Showers of rain also came down from the
sky, and dreadful thunders and lightning, with flashes of fire. Thunderbolts
also were darted upon them. Nor was there any thing which used to be sent
by God upon men, as indications of his wrath, which did not happen at this
time, for a dark and dismal night oppressed them. And thus did all these
men perish, so that there was not one man left to be a messenger of this
calamity to the rest of the Egyptians.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="345" unit="section" /><p>But the Hebrews were not able to contain themselves for joy at their
wonderful deliverance, and destruction of their enemies; now indeed supposing
themselves firmly delivered, when those that would have forced them into
slavery were destroyed, and when they found they had God so evidently for
their protector. And now these Hebrews having escaped the danger they were
in, after this manner, and besides that, seeing their enemies punished
in such a way as is never recorded of any other men whomsoever, were all
the night employed in singing of hymns, and in mirth. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What some have here objected against this passage of the Israelites over
the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>, in this one night, from the common maps, viz. that this sea
being here about thirty miles broad, so great an army conld not pass over
it in so short a time, is a great mistake. <placeName key="tgn,7007961" authname="tgn,7007961">Mons</placeName>. Thevenot, an authentic
eye-witness, informs us, that this sea, for about five days' journey, is
no where more than about eight or nine miles over-cross, and in one place
but four or five miles, according to De Lisle's map, which is made from
the best travelers themselves, and not copied from others. What has been
further objected against this passage of the Israelites, and drowning of
the Egyptians, being miraculous also, viz. that Moses might carry the Israelites
over at a low tide without any miracle, while yet the Egyptians, not knowing
the tide so well as he, might be drowned upon the return of the tide, is
a strange story indeed ! That Moses, who never had lived here, should know
the quantity and time of the flux and reflux of the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName> better than
the Egyptians themselves in its neighborhood! Yet does Artapanus, an ancient
heathen historian, inform us, that this was what the more ignorant Memphites,
who lived at a great distance, pretended, though he confesses, that the
more learned Heliopolitans, who lived much nearer, owned the destruction
of the Egyptians, and the deliverance of the Israelites, to have been miraculous:
and De Castro, a mathematician, who surveyed this sea with great exactness,
informs us, that there is no great flux or reflux in this part of the Red
Sea, to give a color to this hypothesis; nay, that at the elevation of
the tide there is little above half the height of a man. See Essay on the
Old Test. Append. p. 239, 240. So vain and groundless are these and the
like evasions and subterfuges of our modern sceptics and unbelievers, and
so certainly do thorough inquiries and authentic evidence disprove and
confute such evasions and subterfuges upon all occasions.</note>
Moses also composed a song unto God, containing his praises, and a thanksgiving
for his kindness, in hexameter verse. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What that hexameter verse, in which Moses's triumphant song is here said
to be written, distinctly means, our present ignorance of the old Hebrew
metre or measure will not let us determine. Nor does it appear to me certain
that even Josephus himself had a distinct notion of it, though he speaks
of several sort of that metre or measure, both here and elsewhere. Antiq.
B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 44; and B. VII. ch. 12. sect. 3.</note></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="347" unit="section" /><p>As for myself, I have delivered every part of this history as I found
it in the sacred books; nor let any one wonder at the strangeness of
the narration if a way were discovered to those men of old time, who were
free from the wickedness of the modern ages, whether it happened by the
will of God or whether it happened of its own accord; - while, for the
sake of those that accompanied Alexander, king of Macedonia, who yet lived,
comparatively but a little while ago, the Pamphylian Sea retired and afforded
them a passage <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take here the original passages of the four old authors that still remain,
as to this transit of Alexander the Great over the Pamphylian Sea: I mean,
of Callisthenes, Strabu, Arrian, and Appian. As to Callisthenes, who himself
accompanied Alexander in this expedition, Eustathius, in his Notes on the
third Iliad of Homer, (as Dr. Bernard here informs us,) says, That "this
Callisthenes wrote how the Pamphylian Sea did not only open a passage for
Alexander, but, by rising and did pay him homage as its king." Strabo's
is this (Geog. B. XIV. p. 666): "Now about Phaselis is that narrow
passage, by the sea-side, through which his army. There is a mountain called
Climax, adjoins to the Sea of Pamphylia, leaving a narrow passage on the
shore, which, in calm weather, is bare, so as to be passable by travelers,
but when the sea overflows, it is covered to a great degree by the waves.
Now then, the ascent by the mountains being round about and steep, in still
weather they make use of the road along the coast. But Alexander fell into
the winter season, and committing himself chiefly to fortune, he marched
on before the waves retired; and so it happened that were a whole day in
journeying over it, and were under water up to the navel." Arrian's
account is this (B. I. p. 72, 73): Alexander removed from Phaselis, he
sent some part his army over the mountains to Perga; which road the Thracians
showed him. A difficult way it was, but short. he himself conducted those
that were with him by the sea-shore. This road is impassable at any other
time than when the north wind blows; but if the south wind prevail, there
is no passing by the shore. Now at this time, after strong south winds,
a north wind blew, and that not without the Divine Providence, (as both
he and they that were with him supposed,) and afforded him an easy and
quick passage." Appian, when he compares Caesar and Alexander together,
(De Bel. Civil. B. II. p. 522,) says, "That they both depended on
their boldness and fortune, as much as on their skill in war. As an instance
of which, Alexander journeyed over a country without water, in the heat
of summer, to the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon, and quickly passed over the
Bay of Pamphylia, when, by Divine Providence, the sea was cut off—thus
Providence restraining the sea on his account, as it had sent him rain
when he traveled [over the desert]."</note>
through itself, had no other way to go; I mean, when it was the will of
God to destroy the monarchy of the Persians: and this is confessed to be
true by all that have written about the actions of Alexander. But as to
these events, let every one determine as he pleases.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="349" unit="section" /><p>On the next day Moses gathered together the weapons of the Egyptians,
which were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by the current of the sea,
and the force of the winds resisting it; and he conjectured that this also
happened by Divine Providence, that so they might not be destitute of weapons.
So when he had ordered the Hebrews to arm themselves with them, he led
them to Mount Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and to render
oblations for the salvation of the multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="3" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book III</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO YEARS.
FROM THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT, TO THE REJECTION OF THAT
GENERATION.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES WHEN HE HAD BROUGHT THE PEOPLE OUT OF EGYPT LED
THEM TO MOUNT SINAI; BUT NOT TILL THEY HAD SUFFERED MUCH IN THEIR JOURNEY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the Hebrews had obtained such a wonderful deliverance, the country
was a great trouble to them, for it was entirely a desert, and without
sustenance for them; and also had exceeding little water, so that it not
only was not at all sufficient for the men, but not enough to feed any
of the cattle, for it was parched up, and had no moisture that might afford
nutriment to the vegetables; so they were forced to travel over this country,
as having no other country but this to travel in. They had indeed carried
water along with them from the land over which they had traveled before,
as their conductor had bidden them; but when that was spent, they were
obliged to draw water out of wells, with pain, by reason of the hardness
of the soil. Moreover, what water they found was bitter, and not fit for
drinking, and this in small quantities also; and as they thus traveled,
they came late in the evening to a place called Marah, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr.
Bernard takes notice here, that this place Mar, where the waters were bitter,
is called by the Syrians and Arabians Mariri, and by the Syrians sometimes
Morath, all derived from the Hebrew Mar. He also takes notice, that it
is called The Bitter Fountain by Pliny himself; which waters remain there
to this day, and are still bitter, as Thevenot assures us and that there
are also abundance of palm-trees. See his Travels, Part I. ch. 26. p. 166.</note>
which had that name from the badness of its water, for <emph>Mar</emph> denotes
<emph>bitterness</emph>. Thither they came afflicted both by the tediousness
of their journey, and by their want of food, for it entirely failed them
at that time. Now here was a well, which made them choose to stay in the
place, which, although it were not sufficient to satisfy so great an army,
did yet afford them some comfort, as found in such desert places; for they
heard from those who had been to search, that there was nothing to be found,
if they traveled on farther. Yet was this water bitter, and not fit for
men to drink; and not only so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle
themselves.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="5" unit="section" /><p>When Moses saw how much the people were cast down, and that the occasion
of it could not be contradicted, for the people were not in the nature
of a complete army of men, who might oppose a manly fortitude to the necessity
that distressed them; the multitude of the children, and of the women also,
being of too weak capacities to be persuaded by reason, blunted the courage
of the men themselves, - he was therefore in great difficulties, and made
everybody's calamity his own; for they ran all of them to him, and begged
of him; the women begged for their infants, and the men for the women,
that he would not overlook them, but procure some way or other for their
deliverance. He therefore betook himself to prayer to God, that he would
change the water from its present badness, and make it fit for drinking.
And when God had granted him that favor, he took the top of a stick that
lay down at his feet, and divided it in the middle, and made the section
lengthways. He then let it down into the well, and persuaded the Hebrews
that God had hearkened to his prayers, and had promised to render the water
such as they desired it to be, in case they would be subservient to him
in what he should enjoin them to do, and this not after a remiss or negligent
manner. And when they asked what they were to do in order to have the water
changed for the better, he bid the strongest men among them that stood
there, to draw up water <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
additions here to Moses's account of the sweetening of the waters at Marah,
seem derived from some ancient profane author, and he such an author also
as looks less authentic than are usually followed by Josephus. Philo has
not a syllable of these additions, nor any other ancienter writer that
we know of. Had Josephus written these his Antiquities for the use of Jews,
he would hardly have given them these very improbable circumstances; but
writing to Gentiles, that they might not complain of his omission of any
accounts of such miracles derived from Gentiles, he did not think proper
to conceal what he had met with there about this matter. Which procedure
is perfectly agreeable to the character and usage of Josephus upon many
occasions. This note is, I confess, barely conjectural; and since Josephus
never tells us when his own copy, taken out of the temple, had such additions,
or when any ancient notes supplied them; or indeed when they are derived
from Jewish, and when from Gentile antiquity, —we can go no further than
bare conjectures in such cases; only the notions of Jews were generally
so different from those of Gentiles, that we may sometimes make no improbable
conjectures to which sort such additions belong. See also somewhat like
these additions in Josephus's account of Elisha's making sweet the bitter
and barren spring near Jericho, War, B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 3.</note>
and told them, that when the greatest part was drawn up, the remainder
would be fit to drink. So they labored at it till the water was so agitated
and purged as to be fit to drink.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="9" unit="section" /><p>And now removing from thence they came to Elim; which place looked
well at a distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees; but when they
came near to it, it appeared to be a bad place, for the palm-trees were
no more than seventy; and they were ill-grown and creeping trees, by the
want of water, for the country about was all parched, and no moisture sufficient
to water them, and make them hopeful and useful, was derived to them from
the fountains, which were in number twelve: they were rather a few moist
places than springs, which not breaking out of the ground, nor running
over, could not sufficiently water the trees. And when they dug into the
sand, they met with no water; and if they took a few drops of it into their
hands, they found it to be useless, on account of its mud. The trees were
too weak to bear fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished and enlivened
by the water. So they laid the blame on their conductor, and made heavy
complaints against him; and said that this their miserable state, and the
experience they had of adversity, were owing to him; for that they had
then journeyed an entire thirty days, and had spent all the provisions
they had brought with them; and meeting with no relief, they were in a
very desponding condition. And by fixing their attention upon nothing but
their present misfortunes, they were hindered from remembering what deliverances
they had received from God, and those by the virtue and wisdom of Moses
also; so they were very angry at their conductor, and were zealous in their
attempt to stone him, as the direct occasion of their present miseries.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="13" unit="section" /><p>But as for Moses himself, while the multitude were irritated and
bitterly set against him, he cheerfully relied upon God, and upon his consciousness
of the care he had taken of these his own people; and he came into the
midst of them, even while they clamored against him, and had stones in
their hands in order to despatch him. Now he was of an agreeable presence,
and very able to persuade the people by his speeches; accordingly he began
to mitigate their anger, and exhorted them not to be over-mindful of their
present adversities, lest they should thereby suffer the benefits that
had formerly been bestowed on them to slip out of their memories; and he
desired them by no means, on account of their present uneasiness, to cast
those great and wonderful favors and gifts, which they had obtained of
God, out of their minds, but to expect deliverance out of those their present
troubles which they could not free themselves from, and this by the means
of that Divine Providence which watched over them. Seeing it is probable
that God tries their virtue, and exercises their patience by these adversities,
that it may appear what fortitude they have, and what memory they retain
of his former wonderful works in their favor, and whether they will not
think of them upon occasion of the miseries they now feel. He told them,
it appeared they were not really good men, either in patience, or in remembering
what had been successfully done for them, sometimes by contemning God and
his commands, when by those commands they left the land of Egypt; and sometimes
by behaving themselves ill towards him who was the servant of God, and
this when he had never deceived them, either in what he said, or had ordered
them to do by God's command. He also put them in mind of all that had passed;
how the Egyptians were destroyed when they attempted to detain them, contrary
to the command of God; and after what manner the very same river was to
the others bloody, and not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet, and
fit for drinking; and how they went a new road through the sea, which fled
a long way from them, by which very means they were themselves preserved,
but saw their enemies destroyed; and that when they were in want of weapons,
God gave them plenty of them; - and so he recounted all the particular
instances, how when they were, in appearance, just going to be destroyed,
God had saved them in a surprising manner; and that he had still the same
power; and that they ought not even now to despair of his providence over
them; and accordingly he exhorted them to continue quiet, and to consider
that help would not come too late, though it come not immediately, if it
be present with them before they suffer any great misfortune; that they
ought to reason thus: that God delays to assist them, not because he has
no regard to them, but because he will first try their fortitude, and the
pleasure they take in their freedom, that he may learn whether you have
souls great enough to bear want of food, and scarcity of water, on its
account; or whether you rather love to be slaves, as cattle are slaves
to such as own them, and feed them liberally, but only in order to make
them more useful in their service. That as for himself, he shall not be
so much concerned for his own preservation; for if he die unjustly, he
shall not reckon it any affliction, but that he is concerned for them,
lest, by casting stones at him, they should be thought to condemn God himself.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="22" unit="section" /><p>By this means Moses pacified the people, and restrained them from
stoning him, and brought them to repent of what they were going to do.
And because he thought the necessity they were under made their passion
less unjustifiable, he thought he ought to apply himself to God by prayer
and supplication; and going up to an eminence, he requested of God for
some succor for the people, and some way of deliverance from the want they
were in, because in him, and in him alone, was their hope of salvation;
and he desired that he would forgive what necessity had forced the people
to do, since such was the nature of mankind, hard to please, and very complaining
under adversities. Accordingly God promised he would take care of them,
and afford them the succor they were desirous of. Now when Moses had heard
this from God, he came down to the multitude. But as soon as they saw him
joyful at the promises he had received from God, they changed their sad
countenances into gladness. So he placed himself in the midst of them,
and told them he came to bring them from God a deliverance from their present
distresses. Accordingly a little after came a vast number of quails, which
is a bird more plentiful in this Arabian Gulf than any where else, flying
over the sea, and hovered over them, till wearied with their laborious
flight, and, indeed, as usual, flying very near to the earth, they fell
down upon the Hebrews, who caught them, and satisfied their hunger with
them, and supposed that this was the method whereby God meant to supply
them with food. Upon which Moses returned thanks to God for affording them
his assistance so suddenly, and sooner than he had promised them.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="26" unit="section" /><p>But presently after this first supply of food, he sent them a second;
for as Moses was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew fell down; and Moses,
when he found it stick to his hands, supposed this was also come for food
from God to them. He tasted it; and perceiving that the people knew not
what it was, and thought it snowed, and that it was what usually fell at
that time of the year, he informed them that this dew did not fall from
heaven after the manner they imagined, but came for their preservation
and sustenance. So he tasted it, and gave them some of it, that they might
be satisfied about what he told them. They also imitated their conductor,
and were pleased with the food, for it was like honey in sweetness and
pleasant taste, but like in its body to bdellium, one of the sweet spices,
and in bigness equal to coriander seed. And very earnest they were in gathering
it; but they were enjoined to gather it equally <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
seems to me, from what Moses, Exodus 16:18, St. Paul, 2 Corinthians 8:15,
and Josephus here say, compared together, that the quantity of manna that
fell daily, and did not putrefy, was just so much as came to an omer apiece,
through the whole host of Israel, and no more.</note>
- the measure of an omer for each one every day, because this food should
not come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker might not be able to
get their share, by reason of the overbearing of the strong in collecting
it. However, these strong men, when they had gathered more than the measure
appointed for them, had no more than others, but only tired themselves
more in gathering it, for they found no more than an omer apiece; and the
advantage they got by what was superfluous was none at all, it corrupting,
both by the worms breeding in it, and by its bitterness. So divine and
wonderful a food was this! It also supplied the want of other sorts of
food to those that fed on it. And even now, in all that place, this manna
comes down in rain, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
supposal, that the sweet honey-dew or manna, so celebrated in ancient and
modern authors, as falling usually in Arabia, was of the very same sort
with this manna sent to the Israelites, savors more of Gentilism than of
Judaism or Christianity. It is not improbable that some ancient Gentile
author, read by Josephus, so thought; nor would he here contradict him;
though just before, and Antiq. B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 2, he seems directly
to allow that it had not been seen before. However, this food from heaven
is here described to be like snow; and in Artapanus, a heathen writer,
it is compared to meal, color like to snow, rained down by God," Essay
on the Old Test. Append. p. 239. But as to the derivation of the word manna,
whether from man, which Josephus says then signified What is it or from
mannah, to divide, i.e. a dividend or portion allotted to every one, it
is uncertain: I incline to the latter derivation. This manna is called
angels' food, Psalm 78:26, and by our Sacior, John 6:31, etc., as well
as by Josephus here and elsewhere, Antiq. B. III. ch. 5. sect. 3, said
to be sent the Jews from heaven.</note>
according to what Moses then obtained of God, to send it to the people
for their sustenance. Now the Hebrews call this food <emph>manna</emph>: for
the particle <emph>man</emph>, in our language, is the asking of a question.
<emph>What is this ?</emph> So the Hebrews were very joyful at what was sent
them from heaven. Now they made use of this food for forty years, or as
long as they were in the wilderness.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="33" unit="section" /><p>As soon as they were removed thence, they came to Rephidim, being
distressed to the last degree by thirst; and while in the foregoing days
they had lit on a few small fountains, but now found the earth entirely
destitute of water, they were in an evil case. They again turned their
anger against Moses; but he at first avoided the fury of the multitude,
and then betook himself to prayer to God, beseeching him, that as he had
given them food when they were in the greatest want of it, so he would
give them drink, since the favor of giving them food was of no value to
them while they had nothing to drink. And God did not long delay to give
it them, but promised Moses that he would procure them a fountain, and
plenty of water, from a place they did not expect any. So he commanded
him to smite the rock which they saw lying there, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
rock is there at this day, as the travelers agree; and must be the same
that was there in the days of Moses, as being too large to be brought thither
by our modern carriages.</note>
with his rod, and out of it to receive plenty of what they wanted; for
he had taken care that drink should come to them without any labor or pains-taking.
When Moses had received this command from God, he came to the people, who
waited for him, and looked upon him, for they saw already that he was coming
apace from his eminence. As soon as he was come, he told them that God
would deliver them from their present distress, and had granted
them an unexpected favor; and informed them, that a river should run for
their sakes out of the rock. But they were amazed at that hearing, supposing
they were of necessity to cut the rock in pieces, now they were distressed
by their thirst and by their journey; while Moses only smiting the rock
with his rod, opened a passage, and out of it burst water, and that in
great abundance, and very clear. But they were astonished at this wonderful
effect; and, as it were, quenched their thirst by the very sight of it.
So they drank this pleasant, this sweet water; and such it seemed to be,
as might well be expected where God was the donor. They were also in admiration
how Moses was honored by God; and they made grateful returns of sacrifices
to God for his providence towards them. Now that Scripture, which is laid
up in the temple, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Note
here, that the small book of the principal laws of Moses is ever said to
be laid up in the holy house itself; but the larger Pentateuch, as here,
some where within the limits of the temple and its courts only. See Antiq.
B. V. ch. 1. sect. 17.</note>
informs us, how God foretold to Moses, that water timid in this manner
be derived out of the rock.'</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE AMALEKITES AND THE NEIGHBOURING NATIONS, MADE WAR
WITH THE HEBREWS AND WERE BEATEN AND LOST A GREAT PART OF THEIR ARMY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="39" unit="section" /><p>THE name of the Hebrews began already to be every where renowned,
and rumors about them ran abroad. This made the inhabitants of those countries
to be in no small fear. Accordingly they sent ambassadors to one another,
and exhorted one another to defend themselves, and to endeavor to destroy
these men. Those that induced the rest to do so, were such as inhabited
Gobolitis and Petra. They were called <emph>Amalekites</emph>, and were the most
warlike of the nations that lived thereabout; and whose kings exhorted
one another, and their neighbors, to go to this war against the Hebrews;
telling them that an army of strangers, and such a one as had run away
from slavery under the Egyptians, lay in wait to ruin them; which army
they were not, in common prudence and regard to their own safety, to overlook,
but to crush them before they gather strength, and come to be in prosperity:
and perhaps attack them first in a hostile manner, as presuming upon our
indolence in not attacking them before; and that we ought to avenge ourselves
of them for what they have done in the wilderness, but that this cannot
be so well done when they have once laid their hands on our cities and
our goods: that those who endeavor to crush a power in its first rise,
are wiser than those that endeavor to put a stop to its progress when it
is become formidable; for these last seem to be angry only at the flourishing
of others, but the former do not leave any room for their enemies to become
troublesome to them. After they had sent such embassages to the neighboring
nations, and among one another, they resolved to attack the Hebrews in
battle.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="43" unit="section" /><p>These proceedings of the people of those countries occasioned perplexity
and trouble to Moses, who expected no such warlike preparations. And when
these nations were ready to fight, and the multitude of the Hebrews were
obliged to try the fortune of war, they were in a mighty disorder, and
in want of all necessaries, and yet were to make war with men who were
thoroughly well prepared for it. Then therefore it was that Moses began
to encourage them, and to exhort them to have a good heart, and rely on
God's assistance by which they had been state of freedom and to hope for
victory over those who were ready to fight with them, in order to deprive
them of that blessing: that they were to suppose their own army to be numerous,
wanting nothing, neither weapons, nor money, nor provisions, nor such other
conveniences as, when men are in possession of, they fight undauntedly;
and that they are to judge themselves to have all these advantages in the
Divine assistance. They are also to suppose the enemy's army to be small,
unarmed, weak, and such as want those conveniences which they know must
be wanted, when it is God's will that they shall be beaten; and how valuable
God's assistance is, they had experienced in abundance of trials; and those
such as were more terrible than war, for that is only against men; but
these were against famine and thirst, things indeed that are in their own
nature insuperable; as also against mountains, and that sea which afforded
them no way for escaping; yet had all these difficulties been conquered
by God's gracious kindness to them. So he exhorted them to be courageous
at this time, and to look upon their entire prosperity to depend on the
present conquest of their enemies.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="47" unit="section" /><p>And with these words did Moses encourage the multitude, who then
called together the princes of their tribes, and their chief men, both
separately and conjointly. The young men he charged to obey their elders,
and the elders to hearken to their leader. So the people were elevated
in their minds, and ready to try their fortune in battle, and hoped to
be thereby at length delivered from all their miseries: nay, they desired
that Moses would immediately lead them against their enemies without the
least delay, that no backwardness might be a hindrance to their present
resolution. So Moses sorted all that were fit for war into different troops,
and set Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, over them; one
that was of great courage, and patient to undergo labors; of great abilities
to understand, and to speak what was proper; and very serious in the worship
of God; and indeed made like another Moses, a teacher of piety towards
God. He also appointed a small party of the armed men to be near the water,
and to take care of the children, and the women, and of the entire camp.
So that whole night they prepared themselves for the battle; they took
their weapons, if any of them had such as were well made, and attended
to their commanders as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as Moses
should give the word of command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua
after what manner he should order his camp. But when the day began, Moses
called for Joshua again, and exhorted him to approve himself in deeds such
a one as a his reputation made men expect from him; and to gain glory by
the present expedition, in the opinion of those under him, for his exploits
in this battle. He also gave a particular exhortation to the principal
men of the Hebrews, and encouraged the whole army as it stood armed before
him. And when he had thus animated the army, both by his words and works,
and prepared every thing, he retired to a mountain, and committed the army
to God and to Joshua.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="53" unit="section" /><p>So the armies joined battle; and it came to a close fight, hand to
hand, both sides showing great alacrity, and encouraging one another. And
indeed while Moses stretched out his hand towards heaven <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
eminent circumstance, that while Moses's hands were lift up towards heaven,
the Israelites prevailed, and while they were let down towards the earth,
the Amalekites prevailed, seems to me the earliest intimation we have of
the proper posture, used of old, in solemn prayer, which was the stretching
out of the hands [and eyes] towards heaven, as other passages of the Old
and New Testament inform us. Nay, by the way, this posture seemed to have
continued in the Christian church, till the clergy, instead of learning
their prayers by heart, read them out of a book, which is in a great measure
inconsistent with such an elevated posture, and which seems to me to have
been only a later practice, introduced under the corrupt state of the church;
though the constant use of divine forms of prayer, praise, and thanksgiving,
appears to me to have been the practice of God's people, patriarchs, Jews,
and Christians, in all the past ages.</note>
the Hebrews were too hard for the Amalekites: but Moses not being able
to sustain his hands thus stretched out, (for as often as he let down his
hands, so often were his own people worsted,) he bade his brother Aaron,
and Hur their sister Miriam's husband, to stand on each side of him, and
take hold of his hands, and not permit his weariness to prevent it, but
to assist him in the extension of his hands. When this was done, the Hebrews
conquered the Amalekites by main force; and indeed they had all perished,
unless the approach of the night had obliged the Hebrews to desist from
killing any more. So our forefathers obtained a most signal and most seasonable
victory; for they not only overcame those that fought against them, but
terrified also the neighboring nations, and got great and splendid advantages,
which they obtained of their enemies by their hard pains in this battle:
for when they had taken the enemy's camp, they got ready booty for the
public, and for their own private families, whereas till then they had
not any sort of plenty, of even necessary food. The forementioned battle,
when they had once got it, was also the occasion of their prosperity, not
only for the present, but for the future ages also; for they not only made
slaves of the bodies of their enemies, but subdued their minds also, and
after this battle, became terrible to all that dwelt round about them.
Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of riches; for a great deal of
silver and gold was left in the enemy's camp; as also brazen vessels, which
they made common use of in their families; many utensils also that were
embroidered there were of both sorts, that is, of what were weaved,
and what were the ornaments of their armor, and other things that served
for use in the family, and for the furniture of their rooms; they got also
the prey of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to follow camps, when
they remove from one place to another. So the Hebrews now valued themselves
upon their courage, and claimed great merit for their valor; and they perpetually
inured themselves to take pains, by which they deemed every difficulty
might be surmounted. Such were the consequences of this battle.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="59" unit="section" /><p>On the next day, Moses stripped the dead bodies of their enemies,
and gathered together the armor of those that were fled, and gave rewards
to such as had signalized themselves in the action; and highly commended
Joshua, their general, who was attested to by all the army, on account
of the great actions he had done. Nor was any one of the Hebrews slain;
but the slain of the enemy's army were too many to be enumerated. So Moses
offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and built an altar, which he
named <emph>The Lord the Conqueror</emph>. He also foretold that the Amalekites
should utterly be destroyed; and that hereafter none of them should remain,
because they fought against the Hebrews, and this when they were in the
wilderness, and in their distress also. Moreover, he refreshed the army
with feasting. And thus did they fight this first battle with those that
ventured to oppose them, after they were gone out of Egypt. But when Moses
had celebrated this festival for the victory, he permitted the Hebrews
to rest for a few days, and then he brought them out after the fight, in
order of battle; for they had now many soldiers in light armor. And going
gradually on, he came to Mount Sinai, in three months' time after they
were removed out of Egypt; at which mountain, as we have before related,
the vision of the bush, and the other wonderful appearances, had happened.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT MOSES KINDLY RECEIVED-HIS FATHER-IN-LAW, JETHRO, WHEN
HE CAME TO HIM TO MOUNT SINAI.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="63" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Raguel, Moses's father-in-law, understood in what a prosperous
condition his affairs were, he willingly came to meet him. And Moses and
his children, and pleased himself with his coming. And when he had offered
sacrifice, he made a feast for the multitude, near the Bush he had formerly
seen; which multitude, every one according to their families, partook of
the feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to God,
as to Him who had been the author procurer of their deliverance and their
freedom. They also praised their conductor, as him by whose virtue it was
that all things had succeeded with them. Raguel also, in his eucharistical
oration to Moses, made great encomiums upon the whole multitude; and he
could not but admire Moses for his fortitude, and that humanity he had
shewn in the delivery of his friends.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW RAGUEL SUGGESTED TO MOSES TO SET HIS PEOPLE IN ORDER,
UNDER THEIR RULERS OF THOUSANDS, AND RULERS OF HUNDREDS, WHO LIVED WITHOUT
ORDER BEFORE; AND HOW MOSES COMPLIED IN ALL THINGS WITH HIS FATHER-IN-LAW'S
ADMONITION.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="66" unit="section" /><p>THE next day, as Raguel saw Moses in the of a crowd of business for
he determined the differences of those that referred them to him, every
one still going to him, and supposing that they should then only obtain
justice, if he were the arbitrator; and those that lost their causes thought
it no harm, while they thought they lost them justly, and not by partiality.
Raguel however said nothing to him at that time, as not desirous to be
any hinderance to such as had a mind to make use of the virtue of their
conductor. But afterward he took him to himself, and when he had him alone,
he instructed him in what he ought to do; and advised him to leave the
trouble of lesser causes to others, but himself to take care of the greater,
and of the people's safety, for that certain others of the Hebrews might
be found that were fit to determine causes, but that nobody but a Moses
could take of the safety of so many ten thousands. "Be therefore,"
says he, "insensible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast done
by ministering under God to the people's preservation. Permit, therefore,
the determination of common causes to be done by others, but do thou reserve
thyself to the attendance on God only, and look out for methods of preserving
the multitude from their present distress. Make use of the method I suggest
to you, as to human affairs; and take a review of the army, and appoint
chosen rulers over tens of thousands, and then over thousands; then divide
them into five hundreds, and again into hundreds, and into fifties; and
set rulers over each of them, who may distinguish them into thirties, and
keep them in order; and at last number them by twenties and by tens: and
let there be one commander over each number, to be denominated from the
number of those over whom they are rulers, but such as the whole multitude
have tried, and do approve of, as being good and righteous men; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
manner of electing the judges and officers of the Israelites by the testimonies
and suffrages of the people, before they were ordained by God, or by Moses,
deserves to be carefully noted, because it was the pattern of the like
manner of the choice and ordination of bishops, presbyters, and deacons,
in the Christian church.</note>
and let those rulers decide the controversies they have one with another.
But if any great cause arise, let them bring the cognizance of it
before the rulers of a higher dignity; but if any great difficulty arise
that is too hard for even their determination, let them send it to thee.
By these means two advantages will be gained; the Hebrews will have justice
done them, and thou wilt be able to attend constantly on God, and procure
him to be more favorable to the people."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="73" unit="section" /><p>This was the admonition of Raguel; and Moses received his advice
very kindly, and acted according to his suggestion. Nor did he conceal
the invention of this method, nor pretend to it himself, but informed the
multitude who it was that invented it: nay, he has named Raguel in the
books he wrote, as the person who invented this ordering of the people,
as thinking it right to give a true testimony to worthy persons, although
he might have gotten reputation by ascribing to himself the inventions
of other men; whence we may learn the virtuous disposition of Moses: but
of such his disposition, we shall have proper occasion to speak in other
places of these books.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES ASCENDED UP TO MOUNT SINAI, AND RECEIVED LAWS FROM
GOD, AND DELIVERED THEM TO THE HEBREWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="75" unit="section" /><p>NOW Moses called the multitude together, and told them that he was
going from them unto mount Sinai to converse with God; to receive from
him, and to bring back with him, a certain oracle; but he enjoined them
to pitch their tents near the mountain, and prefer the habitation that
was nearest to God, before one more remote. When he had said this, he ascended
up to Mount Sinai, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in
that country <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since
this mountain, Sinai, is here said to be the highest of all the mountains
that are in that country, it must be that now called St. Katherine's, which
is one-third higher than that within a mile of it, now called Sinai, as
Mons. Thevenot informs us, Travels, Part I. ch. 23. p. 168. The other name
of it, Horeb, is never used by Josephus, and perhaps was its name among
the Egyptians only, whence the Israelites were lately come, as Sinai was
its name among the Arabians, Canaanites, and other nations. Accordingly
when (1 Kings 9:8) the Scripture says that Elijah came to Horeb, the mount
of God, Josephus justly says, Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 13. sect. 7, that he
came to the mountain called Sinai: and Jerome, here cited by Dr. Hudson,
says, that he took this mountain to have two names, Sinai and Choreb. De
Nomin. Heb. p. 427.</note>
and is not only very difficult to be ascended by men, on account of its
vast altitude, but because of the sharpness of its precipices also; nay,
indeed, it cannot be looked at without pain of the eyes: and besides this,
it was terrible and inaccessible, on account of the rumor that passed about,
that God dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed their tents as Moses had
bidden them, and took possession of the lowest parts of the mountain;
and were elevated in their minds, in expectation that Moses would return
from God with promises of the good things he had proposed to them. So they
feasted and waited for their conductor, and kept themselves pure as in
other respects, and not accompanying with their wives for three days, as
he had before ordered them to do. And they prayed to God that he would
favorably receive Moses in his conversing with him, and bestow some such
gift upon them by which they might live well. They also lived more plentifully
as to their diet; and put on their wives and children more ornamental and
decent clothing than they usually wore.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="79" unit="section" /><p>So they passed two days in this way of feasting; but on the third
day, before the sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the whole camp of
the Hebrews, such a one as none had before seen, and encompassed the place
where they had pitched their tents; and while all the rest of the air was
clear, there came strong winds, that raised up large showers of rain, which
became a mighty tempest. There was also such lightning, as was terrible
to those that saw it; and thunder, with its thunderbolts, were sent down,
and declared God to be there present in a gracious way to such as Moses
desired he should be gracious. Now, as to these matters, every one of my
readers may think as he pleases; but I am under a necessity of relating
this history as it is described in the sacred books. This sight, and the
amazing sound that came to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a prodigious
degree, for they were not such as they were accustomed to; and then the
rumor that was spread abroad, how God frequented that mountain, greatly
astonished their minds, so they sorrowfully contained themselves within
their tents, as both supposing Moses to be destroyed by the Divine wrath,
and expecting the like destruction for themselves.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="83" unit="section" /><p>When they were under these apprehensions, Moses appeared as joyful
and greatly exalted. When they saw him, they were freed from their fear,
and admitted of more comfortable hopes as to what was to come. The air
also was become clear and pure of its former disorders, upon the appearance
of Moses; whereupon he called together the people to a congregation, in
order to their hearing what God would say to them: and when they were gathered
together, he stood on an eminence whence they might all hear him, and said,
"God has received me graciously, O Hebrews, as he has formerly done;
and has suggested a happy method of living for you, and an order of political
government, and is now present in the camp: I therefore charge you, for
his sake and the sake of his works, and what we have done by his means,
that you do not put a low value on what I am going to say, because the
commands have been given by me that now deliver them to you, nor because
it is the tongue of a man that delivers them to you; but if you have a
due regard to the great importance of the things themselves, you will understand
the greatness of Him whose institutions they are, and who has not disdained
to communicate them to me for our common advantage; for it is not to be
supposed that the author of these institutions is barely Moses, the son
of Amram and Jochebed, but He who obliged the Nile to run bloody for your
sakes, and tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by various sorts of judgments;
he who provided a way through the sea for us; he who contrived a method
of sending us food from heaven, when we were distressed for want of it;
he who made the water to issue out of a rock, when we had very little of
it before; he by whose means Adam was made to partake of the fruits both
of the land and of the sea; he by whose means Noah escaped the deluge;
he by whose means our forefather Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was made
the heir of the land of Canaan; he by whose means Isaac was born of parents
that were very old; he by whose means Jacob was adorned with twelve virtuous
sons; he by whose means Joseph became a potent lord over the Egyptians;
he it is who conveys these instructions to you by me as his interpreter.
And let them be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you
than your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow them,
you will lead a happy life you will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm,
and the fruit of the womb born complete, as nature requires; you will be
also terrible to your enemies for I have been admitted into the presence
of God and been made a hearer of his incorruptible voice so great is his
concern for your nation, and its duration."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="89" unit="section" /><p>When he had said this, he brought the people, with their wives and
children, so near the mountain, that they might hear God himself speaking
to them about the precepts which they were to practice; that the energy
of what should be spoken might not be hurt by its utterance by that tongue
of a man, which could but imperfectly deliver it to their understanding.
And they all heard a voice that came to all of them from above, insomuch
that no one of these words escaped them, which Moses wrote on two tables;
which it is not lawful for us to set down directly, but their import we
will declare <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this and another like superstitious notion of the Pharisees, which Josephus
complied with, see the note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 12. sect. 4.</note></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="91" unit="section" /><p>The first commandment teaches us that there is but one God, and that
we ought to worship him only. The second commands us not to make the image
of any living creature to worship it. The third, that we must not swear
by God in a false matter. The fourth, that we must keep the seventh day,
by resting from all sorts of work. The fifth, that we must honor our parents.
The sixth that we must abstain from murder. The seventh that we must not
commit adultery. The eighth, that we must not be guilty of theft. The ninth,
that we must not bear false witness. The tenth, that we must not admit
of the desire of any thing that is another's.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="93" unit="section" /><p>Now when the multitude had heard God himself giving those precepts
which Moses had discoursed of, they rejoiced at what was said; and the
congregation was dissolved: but on the following days they came to his
tent, and desired him to bring them, besides, other laws from God. Accordingly
he appointed such laws, and afterwards informed them in what manner they
should act in all cases; which laws I shall make mention of in their proper
time; but I shall reserve most of those laws for another work, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This other work of Josephus, here referred to, seems to be that which does
not appear to have been ever published, which yet he intended to publish,
about the reasons of many of the laws of Moses; of which see the note on
the Preface, sect. 4.</note>
and make there a distinct explication of them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="95" unit="section" /><p>When matters were brought to this state, Moses went up again to Mount
Sinai, of which he had told them beforehand. He made his ascent in their
sight; and while he staid there so long a time, (for he was absent from
them forty days,) fear seized upon the Hebrews, lest Moses should have
come to any harm; nor was there any thing else so sad, and that so much
troubled them, as this supposal that Moses was perished. Now there was
a variety in their sentiments about it; some saying that he was fallen
among wild beasts; and those that were of this opinion were chiefly such
as were ill-disposed to him; but others said that he was departed, and
gone to God; but the wiser sort were led by their reason to embrace neither
of those opinions with any satisfaction, thinking, that as it was a thing
that sometimes happens to men to fall among wild beasts and perish that
way, so it was probable enough that he might depart and go to God, on account
of his virtue; they therefore were quiet, and expected the event: yet were
they exceeding sorry upon the supposal that they were deprived of a governor
and a protector, such a one indeed as they could never recover again; nor
would this suspicion give them leave to expect any comfortable event about
this man, nor could they prevent their trouble and melancholy upon this
occasion. However, the camp durst not remove all this while, because Moses
had bidden them afore to stay there.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>But when the forty days, and as many nights, were over, Moses came
down, having tasted nothing of food usually appointed for the nourishment
of men. His appearance filled the army with gladness, and he declared to
them what care God had of them, and by what manner of conduct of their
lives they might live happily; telling them, that during these days of
his absence he had suggested to him also that he would have a tabernacle
built for him, into which he would descend when he came to them, and how
we should carry it about with us when we remove from this place; and that
there would be no longer any occasion for going up to Mount Sinai, but
that he would himself come and pitch his tabernacle amongst us, and be
present at our prayers; as also, that the tabernacle should be of such
measures and construction as he had shown him, and that you are to fall
to the work, and prosecute it diligently. When he had said this, he showed
them the two tables, with the ten commandments engraven upon them, five
upon each table; and the writing was by the hand of God.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE TABERNACLE WHICH MOSES BUILT IN THE WILDERNESS
FOR THE HONOR OF GOD AND WHICH SEEMED TO BE A TEMPLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="102" unit="section" /><p>HEREUPON the Israelites rejoiced at what they had seen and heard
of their conductor, and were not wanting in diligence according to their
ability; for they brought silver, and gold, and brass, and of the best
sorts of wood, and such as would not at all decay by putrefaction; camels'
hair also, and sheep-skins, some of them dyed of a blue color, and some
of a scarlet; some brought the flower for the purple color, and others
for white, with wool dyed by the flowers aforementioned; and fine linen
and precious stones, which those that use costly ornaments set in ouches
of gold; they brought also a great quantity of spices; for of these materials
did Moses build the tabernacle, which did not at all differ from a movable
and ambulatory temple. Now when these things were brought together with
great diligence, (for every one was ambitious to further the work even
beyond their ability,) he set architects over the works, and this by the
command of God; and indeed the very same which the people themselves would
have chosen, had the election been allowed to them. Now their names are
set down in writing in the sacred books; and they were these: Besaleel,
the son of Uri, of the tribe of Judah, the grandson of Miriam, the sister
of their conductor and Aholiab, file son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of
Dan. Now the people went on with what they had undertaken with so great
alacrity, that Moses was obliged to restrain them, by making proclamation,
that what had been brought was sufficient, as the artificers had informed
him; so they fell to work upon the building of the tabernacle. Moses also
informed them, according to the direction of God, both what the measures
were to be, and its largeness; and how many vessels it ought to contain
for the use of the sacrifices. The women also were ambitious to do their
parts, about the garments of the priests, and about other things that would
be wanted in this work, both for ornament and for the divine service itself.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="108" unit="section" /><p>Now when all things were prepared, the gold, and the silver, and
the brass, and what was woven, Moses, when he had appointed beforehand
that there should be a festival, and that sacrifices should be offered
according to every one's ability, reared up the tabernacle <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this tabernacle of Moses, with its several parts and furniture, see
my description at large, chap. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. hereto belonging.</note>
and when he had measured the open court, fifty cubits broad and a hundred
long, he set up brazen pillars, five cubits high, twenty on each of the
longer sides, and ten pillars for the breadth behind; every one of the
pillars also had a ring. Their chapiters were of silver, but their bases
were of brass: they resembled the sharp ends of spears, and were of brass,
fixed into the ground. Cords were also put through the rings, and were
tied at their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit long, which, at every
pillar, were driven into the floor, and would keep the tabernacle from
being shaken by the violence of winds; but a curtain of fine soft linen
went round all the pillars, and hung down in a flowing and loose manner
from their chapiters, and enclosed the whole space, and seemed not at all
unlike to a wall about it. And this was the structure of three of the sides
of this enclosure; but as for the fourth side, which was fifty cubits in
extent, and was the front of the whole, twenty cubits of it were for the
opening of the gates, wherein stood two pillars on each side, after the
resemblance of open gates. These were made wholly of silver, and polished,
and that all over, excepting the bases, which were of brass. Now on each
side of the gates there stood three pillars, which were inserted into the
concave bases of the gates, and were suited to them; and round them was
drawn a curtain of fine linen; but to the gates themselves, which were
twenty cubits in extent, and five in height, the curtain was composed of
purple, and scarlet, and blue, and fine linen, and embroidered with many
and divers sorts of figures, excepting the figures of animals. Within these
gates was the brazen laver for purification, having a basin beneath of
the like matter, whence the priests might wash their hands and sprinkle
their feet; and this was the ornamental construction of the enclosure about
the court of the tabernacle, which was exposed to the open air.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="115" unit="section" /><p>As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed it in the middle of that
court, with its front to the east, that, when the sun arose, it might send
its first rays upon it. Its length, when it was set up, was thirty cubits,
and its breadth was twelve [ten] cubits. The one of its walls was on the
south, and the other was exposed to the north, and on the back part of
it remained the west. It was necessary that its height should be equal
to its breadth [ten cubits]. There were also pillars made of wood, twenty
on each side; they were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in breadth
a cubit and a half, but the thickness was four fingers: they had thin plates
of gold affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and outwardly: they had
each of them two tenons belonging to them, inserted into their bases, and
these were of silver, in each of which bases there was a socket to receive
the tenon; but the pillars on the west wall were six. Now all these tenons
and sockets accurately fitted one another, insomuch that the joints were
invisible, and both seemed to be one entire and united wall. It was also
covered with gold, both within and without. The number of pillars was equal
on the opposite sides, and there were on each part twenty, and every one
of them had the third part of a span in thickness; so that the number of
thirty cubits were fully made up between them; but as to the wall behind,
where the six pillars made up together only nine cubits, they made two
other pillars, and cut them out of one cubit, which they placed in the
corners, and made them equally fine with the other. Now every one of the
pillars had rings of gold affixed to their fronts outward, as if they had
taken root in the pillars, and stood one row over against another round
about, through which were inserted bars gilt over with gold, each of them
five cubits long, and these bound together the pillars, the head of one
bar running into another, after the nature of one tenon inserted into another;
but for the wall behind, there was but one row of bars that went through
all the pillars, into which row ran the ends of the bars on each side of
the longer walls; the male with its female being so fastened in their joints,
that they held the whole firmly together; and for this reason was all this
joined so fast together, that the tabernacle might not be shaken, either
by the winds, or by any other means, but that it might preserve itself
quiet and immovable continually.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="122" unit="section" /><p>As for the inside, Moses parted its length into three partitions.
At the distance of ten cubits from the most secret end, Moses placed four
pillars, the workmanship of which was the very same with that of the rest;
and they stood upon the like bases with them, each a small matter distant
from his fellow. Now the room within those pillars was the most holy place;
but the rest of the room was the tabernacle, which was open for the priests.
However, this proportion of the measures of the tabernacle proved to be
an imitation of the system of the world; for that third part thereof which
was within the four pillars, to which the priests were not admitted, is,
as it were, a heaven peculiar to God. But the space of the twenty cubits,
is, as it were, sea and land, on which men live, and so this part is peculiar
to the priests only. But at the front, where the entrance was made, they
placed pillars of gold, that stood on bases of brass, in number seven;
but then they spread over the tabernacle veils of fine linen and purple,
and blue, and scarlet colors, embroidered. The first veil was ten cubits
every way, and this they spread over the pillars which parted the temple,
and kept the most holy place concealed within; and this veil was that which
made this part not visible to any. Now the whole temple was called <emph>The
Holy Place</emph>: but that part which was within the four pillars, and to
which none were admitted, was called <emph>The Holy of Holies</emph>. This veil
was very ornamental, and embroidered with all sorts of flowers which the
earth produces; and there were interwoven into it all sorts of variety
that might be an ornament, excepting the forms of animals. Another veil
there was which covered the five pillars that were at the entrance. It
was like the former in its magnitude, and texture, and color; and at the
corner of every pillar a ring retained it from the top downwards half the
depth of the pillars, the other half affording an entrance for the priests,
who crept under it. Over this there was a veil of linen, of the same largeness
with the former: it was to be drawn this way or that way by cords, the
rings of which, fixed to the texture of the veil, and to the cords also,
were subservient to the drawing and undrawing of the veil, and to the fastening
it at the corner, that then it might be no hinderance to the view of the
sanctuary, especially on solemn days; but that on other days, and especially
when the weather was inclined to snow, it might be expanded, and afford
a covering to the veil of divers colors. Whence that custom of ours is
derived, of having a fine linen veil, after the temple has been built,
to be drawn over the entrances. But the ten other curtains were four cubits
in breadth, and twenty-eight in length; and had golden clasps, in order
to join the one curtain to the other, which was done so exactly that they
seemed to be one entire curtain. These were spread over the temple, and
covered all the top and parts of the walls, on the sides and behind, so
far as within one cubit of the ground. There were other curtains of the
same breadth with these, but one more in number, and longer, for they were
thirty cubits long; but these were woven of hair, with the like subtilty
as those of wool were made, and were extended loosely down to the ground,
appearing like a triangular front and elevation at the gates, the eleventh
curtain being used for this very purpose. There were also other curtains
made of skins above these, which afforded covering and protection to those
that were woven both in hot weather and when it rained. And great was the
surprise of those who viewed these curtains at a distance, for they seemed
not at all to differ from the color of the sky. But those that were made
of hair and of skins, reached down in the same manner as did the veil at
the gates, and kept off the heat of the sun, and what injury the rains
might do. And after this manner was the tabernacle reared.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="134" unit="section" /><p>There was also an ark made, sacred to God, of wood that was naturally
strong, and could not be corrupted. This was called <emph>Eron</emph> in our
own language. Its construction was thus: its length was five spans, but
its breadth and height was each of them three spans. It was covered all
over with gold, both within and without, so that the wooden part was not
seen. It had also a cover united to it, by golden hinges, after a wonderful
manner; which cover was every way evenly fitted to it, and had no eminences
to hinder its exact conjunction. There were also two golden rings belonging
to each of the longer boards, and passing through the entire wood, and
through them gilt bars passed along each board, that it might thereby be
moved and carried about, as occasion should require; for it was not drawn
in a cart by beasts of burden, but borne on the shoulders of the priests.
Upon this its cover were two images, which the Hebrews call <emph>Cherubims;
</emph>they are flying creatures, but their form is not like to that of any
of the creatures which men have seen, though Moses said he had seen such
beings near the throne of God. In this ark he put the two tables whereon
the ten commandments were written, five upon each table, and two
and a half upon each side of them; and this ark he placed in the most holy
place.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="139" unit="section" /><p>But in the holy place he placed a table, like those at Delphi. Its
length was two cubits, and its breadth one cubit, and its height three
spans. It had feet also, the lower half of which were complete feet, resembling
those which the Dorians put to their bedsteads; but the upper parts towards
the table were wrought into a square form. The table had a hollow towards
every side, having a ledge of four fingers' depth, that went round about
like a spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the body of the work.
Upon every one of the feet was there also inserted a ring, not far from
the cover, through which went bars of wood beneath, but gilded, to be taken
out upon occasion, there being a cavity where it was joined to the rings;
for they were not entire rings; but before they came quite round they ended
in acute points, the one of which was inserted into the prominent part
of the table, and the other into the foot; and by these it was carried
when they journeyed: Upon this table, which was placed on the north side
of the temple, not far from the most holy place, were laid twelve unleavened
loaves of bread, six upon each heap, one above another: they were made
of two tenth-deals of the purest flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a
measure of the Hebrews, containing seven Athenian <emph>cotyloe;</emph> and above
those loaves were put two vials full of frankincense. Now after seven days
other loaves were brought in their stead, on the day which is by us called
the <emph>Sabbath;</emph> for we call the seventh day the <emph>Sabbath</emph>. But
for the occasion of this intention of placing loaves here, we will speak
to it in another place.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="144" unit="section" /><p>Over against this table, near the southern wall, was set a candlestick
of cast gold, hollow within, being of the weight of one hundred pounds,
which the Hebrews call <emph>Chinchares ,</emph>. if it be turned into the Greek
language, it denotes a <emph>talent</emph>. It was' made with its knops, and
lilies, and pomegranates, and bowls (which ornaments amounted to seventy
in all); by which means the shaft elevated itself on high from a single
base, and spread itself into as many branches as there are planets, including
the sun among them. It terminated in seven heads, in one row, all standing
parallel to one another; and these branches carried seven lamps, one by
one, in imitation of the number of the planets. These lamps looked to the
east and to the south, the candlestick being situate obliquely.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="147" unit="section" /><p>Now between this candlestick and the table, which, as we said, were
within the sanctuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood indeed, but
of the same wood of which the foregoing vessels were made, such as was
not liable to corruption; it was entirely crusted over with a golden plate.
Its breadth on each side was a cubit, but the altitude double. Upon it
was a grate of gold, that was extant above the altar, which had a golden
crown encompassing it round about, whereto belonged rings and bars, by
which the priests carried it when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle
there was reared a brazen altar, but it was within made of wood, five cubits
by measure on each side, but its height was but three, in like manner adorned
with brass plates as bright as gold. It had also a brazen hearth of network;
for the ground underneath received the fire from the hearth, because it
had no basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay the basins, and the
vials, and the censers, and the caldrons, made of gold; but the other vessels,
made for the use of the sacrifices, were all of brass. And such was the
construction of the tabernacle; and these were the vessels thereto belonging.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE GARMENTS OF THE PRIESTS, AND OF THE HIGH PRIEST.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="151" unit="section" /><p>THERE were peculiar garments appointed for the priests, and for all
the rest, which they call <emph>Cohanoeoe</emph> [-priestly] garments, as also
for the high priests, which they call <emph>Cahanoeoe Rabbae</emph>, and denote
the high priest's garments. Such was therefore the habit of the rest. But
when the priest approaches the sacrifices, he purifies himself with the
purification which the law prescribes; and, in the first place, he puts
on that which is called <emph>Machanase</emph>, which means somewhat that is
fast tied. It is a girdle, composed of fine twined linen, and is put about
the privy parts, the feet being to be inserted into them in the nature
of breeches, but above half of it is cut off, and it ends at the thighs,
and is there tied fast.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="153" unit="section" /><p>Over this he wore a linen vestment, made of fine flax doubled: it
is called <emph>Chethone</emph>, and denotes <emph>linen</emph>, for we call linen
by the name of <emph>Chethone</emph>. This vestment reaches down to the feet,
and sits close to the body; and has sleeves that are tied fast to the arms:
it is girded to the breast a little above the elbows, by a girdle often
going round, four fingers broad, but so loosely woven, that you would think
it were the skin of a serpent. It is embroidered with flowers of scarlet,
and purple, and blue, and fine twined linen, but the warp was nothing but
fine linen. The beginning of its circumvolution is at the breast; and when
it has gone often round, it is there tied, and hangs loosely there down
to the ankles: I mean this, all the time the priest is not about any laborious
service, for in this position it appears in the most agreeable manner to
the spectators; but when he is obliged to assist at the offering sacrifices,
and to do the appointed service, that he may not be hindered in his operations
by its motion, he throws it to the left, and bears it on his shoulder.
Moses indeed calls this belt <emph>Albaneth;</emph> but we have learned from
the Babylonians to call it <emph>Emia</emph>, for so it is by them called. This
vestment has no loose or hollow parts any where in it, but only a narrow
aperture about the neck; and it is tied with certain strings hanging down
from the edge over the breast and back, and is fastened above each shoulder:
it is called <emph>Massabazanes.</emph></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="157" unit="section" /><p>Upon his head he wears a cap, not brought to a conic form nor encircling
the whole head, but still covering more than the half of it, which is called
<emph>Masnaemphthes;</emph> and its make is such that it seems to be a crown,
being made of thick swathes, but the contexture is of linen; and it is
doubled round many times, and sewed together; besides which, a piece of
fine linen covers the whole cap from the upper part, and reaches down to
the forehead, and hides the seams of the swathes, which would otherwise
appear indecently: this adheres closely upon the solid part of the head,
and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may not fall off during the sacred
service about the sacrifices. So we have now shown you what is the habit
of the generality of the priests.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="159" unit="section" /><p>The high priest is indeed adorned with the same garments that we
have described, without abating one; only over these he puts on a vestment
of a blue color. This also is a long robe, reaching to his feet, [in our
language it is called <emph>.Meeir,]</emph> and is tied round with a girdle,
embroidered with the same colors and flowers as the former, with a mixture
of gold interwoven. To the bottom of which garment are hung fringes, in
color like pomegranates, with golden bells <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The use of these golden bells at the bottom of the high priest's long garment,
seems to me to have been this: That by shaking his garment at the time
of his offering incense in the temple, on the great day of expiation, or
at other proper periods of his sacred ministrations there, on the great
festivals, the people might have notice of it, and might fall to their
own prayers at the time of incense, or other proper periods; and so the
whole congregation might at once offer those common prayers jointly with
the high priest himself to the Almighty See Luke 1:10; Revelation 8:3,
4. Nor probably is the son of Sirach to be otherwise understood, when he
says of Aaron, the first high priest, Ecelus. 45:9, "And God encompassed
Aaron with pomegranates, and with many golden bells round about, that as
he went there might be a sound, and a noise made that might be heard in
the temple, for a memorial to the children of his people."</note>
by a curious and beautiful contrivance; so that between two bells hangs
a pomegranate, and between two pomegranates a bell. Now this vesture was
not composed of two pieces, nor was it sewed together upon the shoulders
and the sides, but it was one long vestment so woven as to have an aperture
for the neck; not an oblique one, but parted all along the breast and the
back. A border also was sewed to it, lest the aperture should look too
indecently: it was also parted where the hands were to come out.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="162" unit="section" /><p>Besides these, the high priest put on a third garment, which was
called the <emph>Ephod</emph>, which resembles the Epomis of the Greeks. Its
make was after this manner: it was woven to the depth of a cubit, of several
colors, with gold intermixed, and embroidered, but it left the middle of
the breast uncovered: it was made with sleeves also; nor did it appear
to be at all differently made from a short coat. But in the void place
of this garment there was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span, embroidered
with gold, and the other colors of the ephod, and was called <emph>Essen,
</emph>[the breastplate,] .which in the Greek language signifies the <emph>Oracle.
</emph>This piece exactly filled up the void space in the ephod. It was united
to it by golden rings at every corner, the like rings being annexed to
the ephod, and a blue riband was made use of to tie them together by those
rings; and that the space between the rings might not appear empty, they
contrived to fill it up with stitches of blue ribands. There were also
two sardonyxes upon the ephod, at the shoulders, to fasten it in the nature
of buttons, having each end running to the sardonyxes of gold, that they
might be buttoned by them. On these were engraven the names of the sons
of Jacob, in our own country letters, and in our own tongue, six on each
of the stones, on either side; and the elder sons' names were on the right
shoulder. Twelve stones also there were upon the breast-plate, extraordinary
in largeness and beauty; and they were an ornament not to be purchased
by men, because of their immense value. These stones, however, stood in
three rows, by four in a row, and were inserted into the breastplate itself,
and they were set in ouches of gold, that were themselves inserted in the
breastplate, and were so made that they might not fall out low the first
three stones were a sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second row contained
a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire. The first of the third row was a
ligure, then an amethyst, and the third an agate, being the ninth of the
whole number. The first of the fourth row was a chrysolite, the next was
an onyx, and then a beryl, which was the last of all. Now the names of
all those sons of Jacob were engraven in these stones, whom we esteem the
heads of our tribes, each stone having the honor of a name, in the order
according to which they were born. And whereas the rings were too weak
of themselves to bear the weight of the stones, they made two other rings
of a larger size, at the edge of that part of the breastplate which reached
to the neck, and inserted into the very texture of the breastplate, to
receive chains finely wrought, which connected them with golden bands to
the tops of the shoulders, whose extremity turned backwards, and went into
the ring, on the prominent back part of the ephod; and this was for the
security of the breastplate, that it might not fall out of its place. There
was also a girdle sewed to the breastplate, which was of the forementioned
colors, with gold intermixed, which, when it had gone once round, was tied
again upon the seam, and hung down. There were also golden loops that admitted
its fringes at each extremity of the girdle, and included them entirely.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="172" unit="section" /><p>The high priest's mitre was the same that we described before, and
was wrought like that of all the other priests; above which there was another,
with swathes of blue embroidered, and round it was a golden crown polished,
of three rows, one above another; out of which arose a cup of gold, which
resembled the herb which we call <emph>Saccharus;</emph> but those Greeks that
are skillful in botany call it <emph>Hyoscyamus</emph>. Now, lest any one that
has seen this herb, but has not been taught its name, and is unacquainted
with its nature, or, having known its name, knows not the herb when he
sees it, I shall give such ,as these are a description of it. This herb
is oftentimes in tallness above three spans, but its root is like that
of a turnip (for he that should compare it thereto would not be mistaken);
but its leaves are like the leaves of mint. Out of its branches it sends
out a calyx, cleaving. to the branch; and a coat encompasses it, which
it naturally puts off when it is changing, in order to produce its fruit.
This calyx is of the bigness of the bone of the little finger, but in the
compass of its aperture is like a cup. This I will further describe, for
the use of those that are unacquainted with it. Suppose a sphere be divided
into two parts, round at the bottom, but having another segment that grows
up to a circumference from that bottom; suppose it become narrower by degrees,
and that the cavity of that part grow decently smaller, and then gradually
grow wider again at the brim, such as we see in the navel of a pomegranate,
with its notches. And indeed such a coat grows over this plant as renders
it a hemisphere, and that, as one may say, turned accurately in a lathe,
and having its notches extant above it, which, as I said, grow like a pomegranate,
only that they are sharp, and end in nothing but prickles. Now the fruit
is preserved by this coat of the calyx, which fruit is like the seed of
the herb Sideritis: it sends out a flower that may seem to resemble that
of poppy. Of this was a crown made, as far from the hinder part of the
head to each of the temples; but this <emph>Ephielis</emph>, for so this calyx
may be called, did not cover the forehead, but it was covered with a golden
plate, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reader ought to take notice here, that the very Mosaic Petalon, or
golden plate, for the forehead of the Jewish high priest, was itself preserved,
not only till the days of Josephus, but of Origen; and that its inscription,
Holiness to the Lord, was in the Samaritan characters. See Antiq. B. VIII.
ch. 3. sect. 8, Essay on the Old Test. p. 154, and Reland, De pol. Templi,
p. 132.</note>
which had inscribed upon it the name of God in sacred characters. And such
were the ornaments of the high priest.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>Now here one may wonder at the ill-will which men bear to us, and
which they profess to bear on account of our despising that Deity which
they pretend to honor; for if any one do but consider the fabric of the
tabernacle, and take a view of the garments of the high priest, and of
those vessels which we make use of in our sacred ministration, he will
find that our legislator was a divine man, and that we are unjustly reproached
by others; for if any one do without prejudice, and with judgment, look
upon these things, he will find they were every one made in way of imitation
and representation of the universe. When Moses distinguished the tabernacle
into three parts, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">When Josephus, both here and ch. 6. sect. 4, supposes the tabernacle to
have been parted into three parts, he seems to esteem the bare entrance
to be a third division, distinct from the holy and the most holy places;
and this the rather, because in the temple afterward there was a real distinct
third part, which was called the Porch: otherwise Josephus would contradict
his own description of the tabernacle, which gives as a particular account
of no more than two parts.</note>
and allowed two of them to the priests, as a place accessible and common,
he denoted the land and the sea, these being of general access to
all; but he set apart the third division for God, because heaven is inaccessible
to men. And when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the table, he denoted
the year, as distinguished into so many months. By branching out the candlestick
into seventy parts, he secretly intimated the <emph>Decani</emph>, or seventy
divisions of the planets; and as to the seven lamps upon the candlesticks,
they referred to the course of the planets, of which that is the number.
The veils, too, which were composed of four things, they declared the four
elements; for the fine linen was proper to signify the earth, because the
flax grows out of the earth; the purple signified the sea, because that
color is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish; the blue is fit to signify
the air; and the scarlet will naturally be an indication of fire. Now the
vestment of the high priest being made of linen, signified the earth; the
blue denoted the sky, being like lightning in its pomegranates, and in
the noise of the bells resembling thunder. And for the ephod, it showed
that God had made the universe of four elements; and as for the gold interwoven,
I suppose it related to the splendor by which all things are enlightened.
He also appointed the breastplate to be placed in the middle of the ephod,
to resemble the earth, for that has the very middle place of the world.
And the girdle which encompassed the high priest round, signified the ocean,
for that goes round about and includes the universe. Each of the sardonyxes
declares to us the sun and the moon; those, I mean, that were in the nature
of buttons on the high priest's shoulders. And for the twelve stones, whether
we understand by them the months, or whether we understand the like number
of the signs of that circle which the Greeks call the <emph>Zodiac</emph>, we
shall not be mistaken in their meaning. And for the mitre, which was of
a blue color, it seems to me to mean heaven; for how otherwise could the
name of God be inscribed upon it? That it was also illustrated with a crown,
and that of gold also, is because of that splendor with which God is pleased.
Let this explication <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This explication of the mystical meaning of the Jewish tabernacle and its
vessels, with the garments of the high priest, is taken out of Philo, and
fitted to Gentile philosophical notions. This may possibly be forgiven
in Jews, greatly versed in heathen learning and philosophy, as Philo had
ever been, and as Josephus had long been when he wrote these Antiquities.
In the mean time, it is not to be doubted, but in their education they
must have both learned more Jewish interpretations, such as we meet with
in the Epistle of Barnabas, in that to the Hebrews, and elsewhere among
the old Jews. Accordingly when Josephus wrote his books of the Jewish War,
for the use of the Jews, at which time he was comparatively young, and
less used to Gentile books, we find one specimen of such a Jewish interpretation;
for there (B. VII. ch. 5. sect. 5) he makes the seven branches of the temple-candlestick,
with their seven lamps, an emblem of the seven days of creation and rest,
which are here emblems of the seven planets. Nor certainly ought ancient
Jewish emblems to be explained any other way than according to ancient
Jewish, and not Gentile, notions. See of the War, B. I. ch. 33. sect. 2.</note>
suffice at present, since the course of my narration will often, and on
many occasions, afford me the opportunity of enlarging upon the virtue
of our legislator.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">OF THE PRIESTHOOD OF AARON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="188" unit="section" /><p>WHEN what has been described was brought to a conclusion, gifts not
being yet presented, God appeared to Moses, and enjoined him to bestow
the high priesthood upon Aaron his brother, as upon him that best of them
all deserved to obtain that honor, on account of his virtue. And when he
had gathered the multitude together, he gave them an account of Aaron's
virtue, and of his good-will to them, and of the dangers he had undergone
for their sakes. Upon which, when they had given testimony to him in all
respects, and showed their readiness to receive him, Moses said to them,
"O you Israelites, this work is already brought to a conclusion, in
a manner most acceptable to God, and according to our abilities. And now
since you see that he is received into this tabernacle, we shall first
of all stand in need of one that may officiate for us, and may minister
to the sacrifices, and to the prayers that are to be put up for us. And
indeed had the inquiry after such a person been left to me, I should have
thought myself worthy of this honor, both because all men are naturally
fond of themselves, and because I am conscious to myself that I have taken
a great deal of pains for your deliverance; but now God himself has determined
that Aaron is worthy of this honor, and has chosen him for his priest,
as knowing him to be the most righteous person among you. So that he is
to put on the vestments which are consecrated to God; he is to have the
care of the altars, and to make provision for the sacrifices; and he it
is that must put up prayers for you to God, who will readily hear them,
not only because he is himself solicitous for your nation, but also because
he will receive them as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this
office." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is well worth our observation, that the two principal qualifications
required in this section for the constitution of the first high priest,
(viz. that he should have an excellent character for virtuous and good
actions; as also that he should have the approbation of the people,) are
here noted by Josephus, even where the nomination belonged to God himself;
which are the very same qualifications which the Christian religion requires
in the choice of Christian bishops, priests, and deacons; as the Apostolical
Constitutions inform us, B. II. ch. 3.</note>
The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their approbation
to him whom God had ordained; for Aaron was of them all the most deserving
of this honor, on account of his own stock and gift of prophecy, and his
brother's virtue. He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, Eleazar,
and Ithamar.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="193" unit="section" /><p>Now Moses commanded them to make use of all the utensils which were
more than were necessary to the structure of the tabernacle, for covering
the tabernacle itself, the candlestick, and altar of incense, and the other
vessels, that they might not be at all hurt when they journeyed, either
by the rain, or by the rising of the dust. And when he had gathered the
multitude together again, he ordained that they should offer half a shekel
for every man, as an oblation to God; which shekel is a piece among the
Hebrews, and is equal to four Athenian drachmae. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This weight and value of the Jewish shekel, in the days of Josephus, equal
to about 2s. 10d. sterling, is, by the learned Jews, owned to be one-fifth
larger than were their old shekels; which determination agrees perfectly
with the remaining shekels that have Samaritan inscriptions, coined generally
by Simon the Maccabee, about 230 years before Josephus published his Antiquities,
which never weigh more than 2s. 4d., and commonly but 2s. 4d. See Reland
De Nummis Samaritanorum, p. 138.</note>
Whereupon they readily obeyed what Moses had commanded; and the number
of the offerers was six hundred and five thousand five hundred and fifty.
Now this money that was brought by the men that were free, was given by
such as were about twenty years old, but under fifty; and what was collected
was spent in the uses of the tabernacle.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="197" unit="section" /><p>Moses now purified the tabernacle and the priests; which purification
was performed after the following manner: - He commanded them to take five
hundred shekels of choice myrrh, an equal quantity of cassia, and half
the foregoing weight of cinnamon and calamus (this last is a sort of sweet
spice); to beat them small, and wet them with an bin of oil of olives (an
<emph>hin</emph> is our own country measure, and contains two Athenian <emph>choas,
</emph>or <emph>congiuses);</emph> then mix them together, and boil them, and prepare
them after the art of the apothecary, and make them into a very sweet ointment;
and afterward to take it to anoint and to purify the priests themselves,
and all the tabernacle, as also the sacrifices. There were also many, and
those of various kinds, of sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle,
and such as were of very great price, and were brought to the golden altar
of incense; the nature of which I do not now describe, lest it should be
troublesome to my readers; but incense <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The incense was here offered, according to Josephus's opinion, before sun-rising,
and at sun-setting; but in the days of Pompey, according to the same Josephus,
the sacrifices were offered in the morning, and at the ninth hour. Antiq.
B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 3.</note>
was to be offered twice a-day, both before sun-rising and at sun-setting.
They were also to keep oil already purified for the lamps; three of which
were to give light all day long, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Hence we may correct the opinions of the modern Rabbins, who say that only
one of the seven lamps burned in the day-time; whereas our Josephus, an
eyewitness, says there were three.</note>
upon the sacred candlestick, before God, and the rest were to be lighted
at the evening.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="200" unit="section" /><p>Now all was finished. Besaleel and Aholiab appeared to be the most
skillful of the workmen; for they invented finer works than what others
had done before them, and were of great abilities to gain notions of what
they were formerly ignorant of; and of these, Besaleel was judged to be
the best. Now the whole time they were about this work was the interval
of seven months; and after this it was that was ended the first year since
their departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning of the second year,
on the month <emph>Xanthicus</emph>, as the Macedonians call it, but on the month
<emph>Nisan</emph>, as the Hebrews call it, on the new moon, they consecrated
the tabernacle, and all its vessels, which I have already described.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="202" unit="section" /><p>Now God showed himself pleased with the work of the Hebrews, and
did not permit their labors to be in vain; nor did he disdain to make use
of what they had made, but he came and sojourned with them, and pitched
his tabernacle in the holy house. And in the following manner did he come
to it: - The sky was clear, but there was a mist over the tabernacle only,
encompassing it, but not with such a very deep and thick cloud as is seen
in the winter season, nor yet in so thin a one as men might be able to
discern any thing through it, but from it there dropped a sweet dew, and
such a one as showed the presence of God to those that desired and believed
it.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="204" unit="section" /><p>Now when Moses had bestowed such honorary presents on the workmen,
as it was fit they should receive, who had wrought so well, he offered
sacrifices in the open court of the tabernacle, as God commanded him; a
bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for a sin-offering. Now I shall speak
of what we do in our sacred offices in my discourse about sacrifices; and
therein shall inform men in what cases Moses bid us offer a whole burnt-offering,
and in what cases the law permits us to partake of them as of food. And
when Moses had sprinkled Aaron's vestments, himself, and his sons, with
the blood of the beasts that were slain, and had purified them with spring
waters and ointment, they became God's priests. After this manner did he
consecrate them and their garments for seven days together. The same he
did to the tabernacle, and the vessels thereto belonging, both with oil
first incensed, as I said, and with the blood of bulls and of rams, slain
day by day one, according to its kind. But on the eighth day he appointed
a feast for the people, and commanded them to offer sacrifice according
to their ability. Accordingly they contended one with another, and were
ambitious to exceed each other in the sacrifices which they brought, and
so fulfilled Moses's injunctions. But as the sacrifices lay upon the altar,
a sudden fire was kindled from among them of its own accord, and appeared
to the sight like fire from a flash of lightning, and consumed whatsoever
was upon the altar.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="208" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon an affliction befell Aaron, considered as a man and a father,
but was undergone by him with true fortitude; for he had indeed a firmness
of soul in such accidents, and he thought this calamity came upon him according
to God's will: for whereas he had four sons, as I said before, the two
elder of them, Nadab and Abihu, did not bring those sacrifices which Moses
bade them bring, but which they used to offer formerly, and were burnt
to death. Now when the fire rushed upon them, and began to burn them, nobody
could quench it. Accordingly they died in this manner. And Moses bid their
father and their brethren to take up their bodies, to carry them out of
the camp, and to bury them magnificently. Now the multitude lamented them,
and were deeply affected at this their death, which so unexpectedly befell
them. But Moses entreated their brethren and their father not to be troubled
for them, and to prefer the honor of God before their grief about them;
for Aaron had already put on his sacred garments.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="212" unit="section" /><p>But Moses refused all that honor which he saw the multitude ready
to bestow upon him, and attended to nothing else but the service of God.
He went no more up to Mount Sinai; but he went into the tabernacle, and
brought back answers from God for what he prayed for. His habit was also
that of a private man, and in all other circumstances he behaved himself
like one of the common people, and was desirous to appear without distinguishing
himself from the multitude, but would have it known that he did nothing
else but take care of them. He also set down in writing the form of their
government, and those laws by obedience whereto they would lead their lives
so as to please God, and so as to have no quarrels one among another. However,
the laws he ordained were such as God suggested to him; so I shall now
discourse concerning that form of government, and those laws.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="214" unit="section" /><p>I will now treat of what I before omitted, the garment of the high
priest: for he [Moses] left no room for the evil practices of [false] prophets;
but if some of that sort should attempt to abuse the Divine authority,
he left it to God to be present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and
when he pleased to be absent. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this strange expression, that Moses "left it to God to be present
at his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleased to be absent,"
see the note on B. II. against Apion, sect. 16.</note>
And he was willing this should be known, not to the Hebrews only, but to
those foreigners also who were there. For as to those stones, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These
answers by the oracle of Urim and Thummim, which words signify, light and
perfection, or, as the Septuagint render them, revelation and truth, and
denote nothing further, that I see, but the shining stones themselves,
which were used, in this method of illumination, in revealing the will
of God, after a perfect and true manner, to his people Israel: I say, these
answers were not made by the shining of the precious stones, after an awkward
manner, in the high priest's breastplate, as the modern Rabbins vainly
suppose; for certainly the shining of the stones might precede or accompany
the oracle, without itself delivering that oracle, see Antiq. B. VI. ch.
6. sect. 4; but rather by an audible voice from the mercy-seat between
the cherubims. See Prideaux's Connect. at the year <date value="534" authname="534">534</date>. This oracle had
been silent, as Josephus here informs us, two hundred years before he wrote
his Antiquities, or ever since the days of the last good high priest of
the family of the Maccabees, John Hyrcanus. Now it is here very well worth
our observation, that the oracle before us was that by which God appeared
to he present with, and gave directions to, his people Israel as their
King, all the while they submitted to him in that capacity; and did not
set over them such independent kings as governed according to their own
wills and political maxims, instead of Divine directions. Accordingly we
meet with this oracle (besides angelic and prophetic admonitions) all along
from the days of Moses and Joshua to the anointing of Saul, the first of
the succession of the kings, Numbers 27:21; Joshua 6:6, etc.; 19:50; Judges
1:1; 18:4-6, 30, 31; 20:18, 23, 26-28; 21:1, etc.; 1 Samuel 1:17, 18; 3.
per tot.; 4. per tot.; nay, till Saul's rejection of the Divine commands
in the war with Amalek, when he took upon him to act as he thought fit,
1 Samuel 14:3, 18, 19, 36, 37, then this oracle left Saul entirely, (which
indeed he had seldom consulted before, 1 Samuel 14:35; 1 Chronicles 10:14;
13:3; Antiq. B. 7 ch. 4 sect 2.) and accompanied David, who was anointed
to succeed him, and who consulted God by it frequently, and complied with
its directions constantly (1 Samuel 14:37, 41; 15:26; 22:13, 15; 23:9,
10; 30:7, 8, 18; 2 Samuel 2:1; 5:19, 23; 21:1; 23 :14; 1 Chronicles 14:10,
14; Antiq. B IV ch. 12 sect. 5). Saul, indeed, long after his rejection
by God, and when God had given him up to destruction for his disobedience,
did once afterwards endeavor to consult God when it was too late; but God
would not then answer him, neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets,
1 Samuel 28:6. Nor did any of David's successors, the kings of Judah, that
we know of, consult God by this oracle, till the very Babylonish captivity
itself, when those kings were at an end; they taking upon them, I suppose,
too much of despotic power and royalty, and too little owning the God of
Israel for the supreme King of Israel, though a few of them consulted the
prophets sometimes, and were answered by them. At the return of the two
tribes, without the return of the kingly government, the restoration of
this oracle was expected, Nehemiah 7;63; 1 Esd. 5:40; 1 Macc. 4:46; 14:41.
And indeed it may seem to have been restored for some time after the Babylonish
captivity, at least in the days of that excellent high priest, John Hyrcanus,
whom Josephus esteemed as a king, a priest, and a prophet; and who, he
says, foretold several things that came to pass accordingly; but about
the time of his death, he here implies, that this oracle quite ceased,
and not before. The following high priests now putting diadems on their
heads, and ruling according to their own will, and by their own authority,
like the other kings of the pagan countries about them; so that while the
God of Israel was allowed to be the supreme King of Israel, and his directions
to be their authentic guides, God gave them such directions as their supreme
King and Governor, and they were properly under a theocracy, by this oracle
of Urim, but no longer (see Dr. Bernard's notes here); though I confess
I cannot but esteem the high priest Jaddus's divine dream, Antiq. B. XI.
ch. 8. sect. 4, and the high priest Caiaphas's most remarkable prophecy,
John 11:47-52, as two small remains or specimens of this ancient oracle,
which properly belonged to the Jewish high priests: nor perhaps ought we
entirely to forget that eminent prophetic dream of our Josephus himself,
(one next to a high priest, as of the family of the Asamoneans or Maccabees,)
as to the succession of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire, and that
in the days of Nero, and before either Galba, Otho, or Vitellius were thought
of to succeed him. Of the War, B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9. This, I think, may
well be looked on as the very last instance of any thing like the prophetic
Urim among the Jewish nation, and just preceded their fatal desolation:
but how it could possibly come to pass that such great men as Sir John
Marsham and Dr. Spenser, should imagine that this oracle of Urim and Thummim
with other practices as old or older than the law of Moses, should have
been ordained in imitation of somewhat like them among the Egyptians, which
we never hear of till the days of Diodorus Siculus, Aelian, and Maimonides,
or little earlier than the Christian era at the highest, is almost unaccountable;
while the main business of the law of Moses was evidently to preserve the
Israelites from the idolatrous and superstitious practices of the neighboring
pagan nations; and while it is so undeniable, that the evidence for the
great antiquity of Moses's law is incomparably beyond that for the like
or greater antiquity of such customs in Egypt or other nations, which indeed
is generally none at all, it is most absurd to derive any of Moses's laws
from the imitation of those heathen practices, Such hypotheses demonstrate
to us how far inclination can prevail over evidence, in even some of the
most learned part of mankind.</note>
which we told you before, the high priest bare on his shoulders, which
were sardonyxes, (and I think it needless to describe their nature, they
being known to every body,) the one of them shined out when God was present
at their sacrifices; I mean that which was in the nature of a button on
his right shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and being seen even
by those that were most remote; which splendor yet was not before natural
to the stone. This has appeared a wonderful thing to such as have not so
far indulged themselves in philosophy, as to despise Divine revelation.
Yet will I mention what is still more wonderful than this: for God declared
beforehand, by those twelve stones which the high priest bare on his breast,
and which were inserted into his breastplate, when they should be victorious
in battle; for so great a splendor shone forth from them before the army
began to march, that all the people were sensible of God's being present
for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that those Greeks, who had
a veneration for our laws, because they could not possibly contradict this,
called that breastplate <emph>the Oracle</emph>. Now this breastplate, and this
sardonyx, left off shining two hundred years before I composed this book,
God having been displeased at the transgressions of his laws. Of which
things we shall further discourse on a fitter opportunity; but I will now
go on with my proposed narration.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="219" unit="section" /><p>The tabernacle being now consecrated, and a regular order being
settled for the priests, the multitude judged that God now dwelt among
them, and betook themselves to sacrifices and praises to God as being now
delivered from all expectation of evils and as entertaining a hopeful prospect
of better times hereafter. They offered also gifts to God some as common
to the whole nation, and others as peculiar to themselves, and these tribe
by tribe; for the heads of the tribes combined together, two by two, and
brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These amounted to six, and they carried
the tabernacle when they journeyed. Besides which, each head of a tribe
brought a bowl, and a charger, and a spoon, of ten darics, full of incense.
Now the charger and the bowl were of silver, and together they weighed
two hundred shekels, but the bowl cost no more than seventy shekels; and
these were full of fine flour mingled with oil, such as they used on the
altar about the sacrifices. They brought also a young bullock, and a ram,
with a lamb of a year old, for a whole burnt-offering, as also a goat for
the forgiveness of sins. Every one of the heads of the tribes brought also
other sacrifices, called<emph> peace-offerings</emph>, for every day two bulls,
and five rams, with lambs of a year old, and kids of the goats. These heads
of tribes were twelve days in sacrificing, one sacrificing every day. Now
Moses went no longer up to Mount Sinai, but went into the tabernacle, and
learned of God what they were to do, and what laws should be made; which
laws were preferable to what have been devised by human understanding,
and proved to be firmly observed for all time to come, as being believed
to be the gift of God, insomuch that the Hebrews did not transgress any
of those laws, either as tempted in times of peace by luxury, or in times
of war by distress of affairs. But I say no more here concerning them,
because I have resolved to compose another work concerning our laws.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE MANNER OF OUR OFFERING SACRIFICES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="224" unit="section" /><p>I WILL now, however, make mention of a few of our laws which belong
to purifications, and the like sacred offices, since I am accidentally
come to this matter of sacrifices. These sacrifices were of two sorts;
of those sorts one was offered for private persons, and the other for the
people in general; and they are done in two different ways. In the one
case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt-offering, whence that name
is given to it; but the other is a thank-offering, and is designed for
feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak of the former. Suppose a private
man offer a burnt-offering, he must slay either a bull, a lamb, or a kid
of the goats, and the two latter of the first year, though of bulls he
is permitted to sacrifice those of a greater age; but all burnt-offerings
are to be of males. When they are slain, the priests sprinkle the blood
round about the altar; they then cleanse the bodies, and divide them into
parts, and salt them with salt, and lay them upon the altar, while the
pieces of wood are piled one upon another, and the fire is burning; they
next cleanse the feet of the sacrifices, and the inwards, in an accurate
manner and so lay them to the rest to be purged by the fire, while the
priests receive the hides. This is the way of offering a burnt-offering.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>But those that offer thank-offerings do indeed sacrifice the same
creatures, but such as are unblemished, and above a year old; however,
they may take either males or females. They also sprinkle the altar with
their blood; but they lay upon the altar the kidneys and the caul, and
all the fat, and the lobe of the liver, together with the rump of the lamb;
then, giving the breast and the right shoulder to the priests, the offerers
feast upon the remainder of the flesh for two days; and what remains they
burn.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="230" unit="section" /><p>The sacrifices for sins are offered in the same manner as is the
thank-offering. But those who are unable to purchase complete sacrifices,
offer two pigeons, or turtle doves; the one of which is made a burnt-offering
to God, the other they give as food to the priests. But we shall treat
more accurately about the oblation of these creatures in our discourse
concerning sacrifices. But if a person fall into sin by ignorance, he offers
an ewe lamb, or a female kid of the goats, of the same age; and the priests
sprinkle the blood at the altar, not after the former manner, but at the
corners of it. They also bring the kidneys and the rest of the fat, together
with the lobe of the liver, to the altar, while the priests bear away the
hides and the flesh, and spend it in the holy place, on the same day; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Reland well observes here, out of Josephus, as compared with the law
of Moses, Leviticus 7:15, (that the eating of the sacrifice the same day
it was offered, seems to mean only before the morning of the next, although
the latter part, i.e. the night, be in strictness part of the next day,
according to the Jewish reckoning,) is greatly to be observed upon other
occasions also. The Jewish maxim in such cases, it seems, is this: That
the day goes before the night; and this appears to me to be the language
both of the Old and New Testament. See also the note on Antiq. B. IV. ch.
4. sect. 4, and Reland's note on B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 28.</note>
for the law does not permit them to leave of it until the morning. But
if any one sin, and is conscious of it himself, but hath nobody that can
prove it upon him, he offers a ram, the law enjoining him so to do; the
flesh of which the priests eat, as before, in the holy place, on the same
day. And if the rulers offer sacrifices for their sins, they bring the
same oblations that private men do; only they so far differ, that they
are to bring for sacrifices a bull or a kid of the goats, both males.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="233" unit="section" /><p>Now the law requires, both in private and public sacrifices, that
the finest flour be also brought; for a lamb the measure of one tenth deal,
- for a ram two, - and for a bull three. This they consecrate upon the
altar, when it is mingled with oil; for oil is also brought by those that
sacrifice; for a bull the half of an hin, and for a ram the third part
of the same measure, and one quarter of it for a lamb. This hin is an ancient
Hebrew measure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas (or congiuses).
They bring the same quantity of oil which they do of wine, and they pour
the wine about the altar; but if any one does not offer a complete sacrifice
of animals, but brings fine flour only for a vow, he throws a handful upon
the altar as its first-fruits, while the priests take the rest for their
food, either boiled or mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread.
But whatsoever it be that a priest himself offers, it must of necessity
be all burnt. Now the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at the same
time with its dam; and, in other cases, not till the eighth day after its
birth. Other sacrifices there are also appointed for escaping distempers,
or for other occasions, in which meat-offerings are consumed, together
with the animals that are sacrificed; of which it is not lawful to leave
any part till the next day, only the priests are to take their own share.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE FESTIVALS; AND HOW EACH DAY OF SUCH FESTIVAL
IS TO BE OBSERVED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="237" unit="section" /><p>THE law requires, that out of the public expenses a lamb of the first
year be killed every day, at the beginning and at the ending of the day;
but on the seventh day, which is called the <emph>Sabbath</emph>, they kill two,
and sacrifice them in the same manner. At the new moon, they both perform
the daily sacrifices, and slay two bulls, with seven lambs of the first
year, and a kid of the goats also, for the expiation of sins; that is,
if they have sinned through ignorance.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="239" unit="section" /><p>But on the seventh month, which the Macedonians call <emph>Hyperberetaeus,
</emph>they make an addition to those already mentioned, and sacrifice a bull,
a ram, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="240" unit="section" /><p>On the tenth day of the same lunar month, they fast till the evening;
and this day they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and seven lambs, and
a kid of the goats, for sins. And, besides these, they bring two kids of
the goats; the one of which is sent alive out of the limits of the camp
into the wilderness for the scapegoat, and to be an expiation for the sins
of the whole multitude; but the other is brought into a place of great
cleanness, within the limits of the camp, and is there burnt, with its
skin, without any sort of cleansing. With this goat was burnt a bull, not
brought by the people, but by the high priest, at his own charges; which,
when it was slain, he brought of the blood into the holy place, together
with the blood of the kid of the goats, and sprinkled the ceiling with
his finger seven times, as also its pavement, and again as often toward
the most holy place, and about the golden altar: he also at last brings
it into the open court, and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides
this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys, and the fat, with the
lobe of the liver, upon the altar. The high priest likewise presents a
ram to God as a burnt-offering.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="244" unit="section" /><p>Upon the fifteenth day of the same month, when the season of the
year is changing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch tabernacles in
every one of our houses, so that we preserve ourselves from the cold of
that time of the year; as also that when we should arrive at our own country,
and come to that city which we should have then for our metropolis, because
of the temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days,
and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we should
then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of
the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome citron: That the burnt-offering
on the first of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen bulls, and
fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams, with the addition of a kid of the goats,
as an expiation for sins; and on the following days the same number of
lambs, and of rams, with the kids of the goats; but abating one of the
bulls every day till they amounted to seven only. On the eighth day all
work was laid aside, and then, as we said before, they sacrificed to God
a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a kid of the goats, for an expiation
of sins. And this is the accustomed solemnity of the Hebrews, when they
pitch their tabernacles.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="248" unit="section" /><p>In the month of Xanthicus, which is by us called <emph>Nisan</emph>, and
is the beginning of our year, on the fourteenth day of the lunar month,
when the sun is in Aries, (for in this month it was that we were delivered
from bondage under the Egyptians,) the law ordained that we should every
year slay that sacrifice which I before told you we slew when we came out
of Egypt, and which was called the <emph>Passover;</emph> and so we do celebrate
this passover in companies, leaving nothing of what we sacrifice till the
day following. The feast of unleavened bread succeeds that of the passover,
and falls on the fifteenth day of the month, and continues seven days,
wherein they feed on unleavened bread; on every one of which days two bulls
are killed, and one ram, and seven lambs. Now these lambs are entirely
burnt, besides the kid of the goats which is added to all the rest, for
sins; for it is intended as a feast for the priest on every one of those
days. But on the second day of unleavened bread, which is the sixteenth
day of the month, they first partake of the fruits of the earth, for before
that day they do not touch them. And while they suppose it proper to honor
God, from whom they obtain this plentiful provision, in the first place,
they offer the first-fruits of their barley, and that in the manner following:
They take a handful of the ears, and dry them, then beat them small, and
purge the barley from the bran; they then bring one tenth deal to the altar,
to God; and, casting one handful of it upon the fire, they leave the rest
for the use of the priest. And after this it is that they may publicly
or privately reap their harvest. They also at this participation of the
first-fruits of the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-offering to God.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="252" unit="section" /><p>When a week of weeks has passed over after this sacrifice, (which
weeks contain forty and nine days,) on the fiftieth day, which is Pentecost,
but is called by the Hebrews <emph>Asartha</emph>, which signifies <emph>Pentecost,
</emph>they bring to God a loaf, made of wheat flour, of two tenth deals,
with leaven; and for sacrifices they bring two lambs; and when they have
only presented them to God, they are made ready for supper for the priests;
nor is it permitted to leave any thing of them till the day following.
They also slay three bullocks for a burnt-offering, and two rams; and fourteen
lambs, with two kids of the goats, for sins; nor is there anyone of the
festivals but in it they offer burnt-offerings; they also allow themselves
to rest on every one of them. Accordingly, the law prescribes in them all
what kinds they are to sacrifice, and how they are to rest entirely, and
must slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="255" unit="section" /><p>However, out of the common charges, baked bread [was set on the table
of shew-bread], without leaven, of twenty-four tenth deals of flour, for
so much is spent upon this bread; two heaps of these were baked, they were
baked the day before the sabbath, but were brought into the holy place
on the morning of the sabbath, and set upon the holy table, six on a heap,
one loaf still standing over against another; where two golden cups full
of frankincense were also set upon them, and there they remained till another
sabbath, and then other loaves were brought in their stead, while the loaves
were given to the priests for their food, and the frankincense was burnt
in that sacred fire wherein all their offerings were burnt also; and so
other frankincense was set upon the loaves instead of what was there before.
The [high priest also, of his own charges, offered a sacrifice, and that
twice every day. It was made of flour mingled with oil, and gently baked
by the fire; the quantity was one tenth deal of flour; he brought the half
of it to the fire in the morning, and the other half at night. The account
of these sacrifices I shall give more accurately hereafter; but I think
I have premised what for the present may be sufficient concerning them.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">OF THE PURIFICATIONS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="258" unit="section" /><p>MOSES took out the tribe of Levi from communicating with the rest
of the people, and set them apart to be a holy tribe; and purified them
by water taken from perpetual springs, and with such sacrifices as were
usually offered to God on the like occasions. He delivered to them also
the tabernacle, and the sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which were
made for covering the tabernacle, that they might minister under the conduct
of the priests, who had been already consecrated to God.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>He also determined concerning animals; which of them might be used
for food, and which they were obliged to abstain from; which matters, when
this work shall give me occasion, shall be further explained; and the causes
shall be added by which he was moved to allot some of them to be our food,
and enjoined us to abstain from others. However, he entirely forbade us
the use of blood for food, and esteemed it to contain the soul and spirit.
He also forbade us to eat the flesh of an animal that died of itself, as
also the caul, and the fat of goats, and sheep, and bulls.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="261" unit="section" /><p>He also ordered that those whose bodies were afflicted with leprosy,
and that had a gonorrhea, should not come into the city; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may here note, that Josephus frequently calls the camp the city, and
the court of the Mosaic tabernacle a temple, and the tabernacle itself
a holy house, with allusion to the latter city, temple, and holy house,
which he knew so well long afterwards.</note>
nay, he removed the women, when they had their natural purgations, till
the seventh day; after which he looked on them as pure, and permitted them
to come in again. The law permits those also who have taken care of funerals
to come in after the same manner, when this number of days is over; but
if any continued longer than that number of days in a state of pollution,
the law appointed the offering two lambs for a sacrifice; the one of which
they are to purge by fire, and for the other, the priests take it for themselves.
In the same manner do those sacrifice who have had the gonorrhea. But he
that sheds his seed in his sleep, if he go down into cold water, has the
same privilege with those that have lawfully accompanied with their wives.
And for the lepers, he suffered them not to come into the city at all,
nor to live with any others, as if they were in effect dead persons; but
if any one had obtained by prayer to God, the recovery from that distemper,
and had gained a healthful complexion again, such a one returned thanks
to God, with several sorts of sacrifices; concerning which we will speak
hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="265" unit="section" /><p>Whence one cannot but smile at those who say that Moses was himself
afflicted with the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and that he became
the conductor of those who on that account left that country, and led them
into the land of Canaan; for had this been true, Moses would not have made
these laws to his own dishonor, which indeed it was more likely he would
have opposed, if others had endeavored to introduce them; and this the
rather, because there are lepers in many nations, who yet are in honor,
and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but who have been great
captains of armies, and been intrusted with high offices in the commonwealth,
and have had the privilege of entering into holy places and temples; so
that nothing hindered, but if either Moses himself, or the multitude that
was with him, had been liable to such a misfortune in the color of his
skin, he might have made laws about them for their credit and advantage,
and have laid no manner of difficulty upon them. Accordingly, it is a plain
case, that it is out of violent prejudice only that they report these things
about us. But Moses was pure from any such distemper, and lived with countrymen
who were pure of it also, and thence made the laws which concerned others
that had the distemper. He did this for the honor of God. But as to these
matters, let every one consider them after what manner he pleases.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="269" unit="section" /><p>As to the women, when they have born a child, Moses forbade them
to come into the temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty days were
over, supposing it to be a boy; but if she hath born a girl, the law is
that she cannot be admitted before twice that number of days be over. And
when after the before-mentioned time appointed for them, they perform their
sacrifices, the priests distribute them before God.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="270" unit="section" /><p>But if any one suspect that his wife has been guilty of adultery,
he was to bring a tenth deal of barley flour; they then cast one handful
to God and gave the rest of it to the priests for food. One of the priests
set the woman at the gates that are turned towards the temple, and took
the veil from her head, and wrote the name of God on parchment, and enjoined
her to swear that she had not at all injured her husband; and to wish that,
if she had violated her chastity, her right thigh might be put out of joint;
that her belly might swell; and that she might die thus: but that if her
husband, by the violence of his affection, and of the jealousy which arose
from it, had been rashly moved to this suspicion, that she might bear a
male child in the tenth month. Now when these oaths were over, the priest
wiped the name of God out of the parchment, and wrung the water into a
vial. He also took some dust out of the temple, if any happened to be there,
and put a little of it into the vial, and gave it her to drink; whereupon
the woman, if she were unjustly accused, conceived with child, and brought
it to perfection in her womb: but if she had broken her faith of wedlock
to her husband, and had sworn falsely before God, she died in a reproachful
manner; her thigh fell off from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy.
And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices, and about the purifications
thereto belonging, which Moses provided for his countrymen. He also prescribed
the following laws to them: -</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">SEVERAL LAWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="274" unit="section" /><p>AS for adultery, Moses forbade it entirely, as esteeming it a happy
thing that men should be wise in the affairs of wedlock; and that it was
profitable both to cities and families that children should be known to
be genuine. He also abhorred men's lying with their mothers, as one of
the greatest crimes; and the like for lying with the father's wife, and
with aunts, and sisters, and sons' wives, as all instances of abominable
wickedness. He also forbade a man to lie with his wife when she was defiled
by her natural purgation: and not to come near brute beasts; nor to approve
of the lying with a male, which was to hunt after unlawful pleasures on
account of beauty. To those who were guilty of such insolent behavior,
he ordained death for their punishment.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="276" unit="section" /><p>As for the priests, he prescribed to them a double degree of purity
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These words of Josephus are remarkable, that the lawgiver of the Jews required
of the priests a double degree of parity, in comparison of that required
of the people, of which he gives several instances immediately. It was
for certain the case also among the first Christians, of the clergy, in
comparison of the laity, as the Apostolical Constitutions and Canons every
where inform us,</note> for
he restrained them in the instances above, and moreover forbade them to
marry harlots. He also forbade them to marry a slave, or a captive, and
such as got their living by cheating trades, and by keeping inns; as also
a woman parted from her husband, on any account whatsoever. Nay, he did
not think it proper for the high priest to marry even the widow of one
that was dead, though he allowed that to the priests; but he permitted
him only to marry a virgin, and to retain her. Whence it is that the high
priest is not to come near to one that is dead, although the rest are not
prohibited from coming near to their brethren, or parents, or children,
when they are dead; but they are to be unblemished in all respects. He
ordered that the priest who had any blemish, should have his portion indeed
among the priests, but he forbade him to ascend the altar, or to enter
into the holy house. He also enjoined them, not only to observe purity
in their sacred ministrations, but in their daily conversation, that it
might be unblamable also. And on this account it is that those who wear
the sacerdotal garments are without spot, and eminent for their purity
and sobriety: nor are they permitted to drink wine so long as they wear
those garments. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We must here note with Reland, that the precept given to the priests of
not drinking wine while they wore the sacred garments, is equivalent; to
their abstinence from it all the while they ministered in the temple; because
they then always, and then only, wore those sacred garments, which were
laid up there from one time of ministration to another.</note>
Moreover, they offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no defect whatsoever.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="280" unit="section" /><p>And truly Moses gave them all these precepts, being such as were
observed during his own lifetime; but though he lived now in the wilderness,
yet did he make provision how they might observe the same laws when they
should have taken the land of Canaan. He gave them rest to the land from
ploughing and planting every seventh year, as he had prescribed to them
to rest from working every seventh day; and ordered, that then what grew
of its own accord out of the earth should in common belong to all that
pleased to use it, making no distinction in that respect between their
own countrymen and foreigners: and he ordained, that they should do the
same after seven times seven years, which in all are fifty years; and that
fiftieth year is called by the Hebrews <emph>The Jubilee</emph>, wherein debtors
are freed from their debts, and slaves are set at liberty; which slaves
became such, though they were of the same stock, by transgressing some
of those laws the punishment of which was not capital, but they were punished
by this method of slavery. This year also restores the land to its former
possessors in the manner following: - When the Jubilee is come, which name
denotes <emph>liberty</emph>, he that sold the land, and he that bought it, meet
together, and make an estimate, on one hand, of the fruits gathered; and,
on the other hand, of the expenses laid out upon it. If the fruits gathered
come to more than the expenses laid out, he that sold it takes the land
again; but if the expenses prove more than the fruits, the present possessor
receives of the former owner the difference that was wanting, and leaves
the land to him; and if the fruits received, and the expenses laid out,
prove equal to one another, the present possessor relinquishes it to the
former owners. Moses would have the same law obtain as to those houses
also which were sold in villages; but he made a different law for such
as were sold in a city; for if he that sold it tendered the purchaser his
money again within a year, he was forced to restore it; but in case a whole
year had intervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he had bought. This
was the constitution of the laws which Moses learned of God when the camp
lay under Mount Sinai, and this he delivered in writing to the Hebrews.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="287" unit="section" /><p>Now when this settlement of laws seemed to be well over, Moses thought
fit at length to take a review of the host, as thinking it proper to settle
the affairs of war. So he charged the heads of the tribes, excepting the
tribe of Levi, to take an exact account of the number of those that were
able to go to war; for as to the Levites, they were holy, and free from
all such burdens. Now when the people had been numbered, there were found
six hundred thousand that were able to go to war, from twenty to fifty
years of age, besides three thousand six hundred and fifty. Instead of
Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of Joseph, among the heads of tribes;
and Ephraim instead of Joseph. It was indeed the desire of Jacob himself
to Joseph, that he would give him his sons to be his own by adoption, as
I have before related.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="289" unit="section" /><p>When they set up the tabernacle, they received it into the midst
of their camp, three of the tribes pitching their tents on each side of
it; and roads were cut through the midst of these tents. It was like a
well-appointed market; and every thing was there ready for sale in due
order; and all sorts of artificers were in the shops; and it resembled
nothing so much as a city that sometimes was movable, and sometimes fixed.
The priests had the first places about the tabernacle; then the Levites,
who, because their whole multitude was reckoned from thirty days old, were
twenty-three thousand eight hundred and eighty males; and during the time
that the cloud stood over the tabernacle, they thought proper to stay in
the same place, as supposing that God there inhabited among them; but when
that removed, they journeyed also.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="291" unit="section" /><p>Moreover, Moses was the inventor of the form of their trumpet, which
was made of silver. Its description is this: - In length it was little
less than a cubit. It was composed of a narrow tube, somewhat thicker than
a flute, but with so much breadth as was sufficient for admission of the
breath of a man's mouth: it ended in the form of a bell, like common trumpets.
Its sound was called in the Hebrew tongue <emph>Asosra</emph>. Two of these being
made, one of them was sounded when they required the multitude to come
together to congregations. When the first of them gave a signal, the heads
of the tribes were to assemble, and consult about the affairs to them properly
belonging; but when they gave the signal by both of them, they called the
multitude together. Whenever the tabernacle was removed, it was done in
this solemn order: - At the first alarm of the trumpet, those whose tents
were on the east quarter prepared to remove; when the second signal was
given, those that were on the south quarter did the like; in the next place,
the tabernacle was taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst of six
tribes that went before, and of six that followed, all the Levites assisting
about the tabernacle; when the third signal was given, that part which
had their tents towards the west put themselves in motion; and at the fourth
signal those on the north did so likewise. They also made use of these
trumpets in their sacred ministrations, when they were bringing their sacrifices
to the altar as well on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the [festival] days;
and now it was that Moses offered that sacrifice which was called the <emph>Passover
in the Wilderness</emph>, as the first he had offered after the departure
out of Egypt.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">MOSES REMOVED FROM MOUNT SINAI, AND CONDUCTED THE PEOPLE
TO THE BORDERS OF THE CANAANITES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="295" unit="section" /><p>A LITTLE while afterwards he rose up, and went from Mount Sinai; and,
having passed through several mansions, of which we will speak he came
to a place called <emph>Hazeroth</emph>, where the multitude began again to be
mutinous, and to Moses for the misfortunes they had suffered their travels;
and that when he had persuaded to leave a good land, they at once had lost
land, and instead of that happy state he had them, they were still wandering
in their miserable condition, being already in want water; and if the manna
should happen to fail, must then utterly perish. Yet while they spake many
and sore things against the there was one of them who exhorted them to
be unmindful of Moses, and of what great pains he had been at about their
common safety; not to despair of assistance from God. The multitude thereupon
became still more unruly, and mutinous against Moses than before. Hereupon
Moses, although he was so basely abused by them encouraged them in their
despairing conditioned and promised that he would procure them a quantity
of flesh-meat, and that not for a few days only, but for many days. This
they were not to believe; and when one of them asked, whence he could obtain
such vast plenty of what he promised, he replied, "Neither God nor
I, we hear such opprobrious language from will leave off our labors for
you; and this soon appear also." As soon as ever he had this, the
whole camp was filled with quails, they stood round about them, and gathered
great numbers. However, it was not long ere God punished the Hebrews for
their insolence, those reproaches they had used towards him, no small number
of them died; and still to this day the place retains the memory of this
destruction and is named <emph>Kibrothhattaavah</emph>, which is, <emph>Graves of
Lust.</emph></p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES SENT SOME PERSONS TO SEARCH OUT THE LAND OF THE
CANAANITES, AND THE LARGENESS OF THEIR CITIES; AND FURTHER THAT WHEN THOSE
WHO WERE SENT WERE RETURNED, AFTER FORTY DAYS AND REPORTED THAT THEY SHOULD
NOT BE A MATCH FOR THEM, AND EXTOLLED THE STRENGH OF THE CANAANITES THE
MULTITUDE WERE DISTURBED AND FELL INTO DESPAIR; AND WERE RESOLVED TO STONE
MOSES, AND TO RETURN BACK AGAIN INTO EGYPT, AND SERVE THE EGYPTIANS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="300" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Moses had led the Hebrews away from thence to a place called
<emph>Paran</emph>, which was near to the borders of the Canaanites, and a place
difficult to be continued in, he gathered the multitude together to a congregation;
and standing in the midst of them, he said, "Of the two things that
God determined to bestow upon us, liberty, and the possession of a Happy
Country, the one of them ye already are partakers of, by the gift of God,
and the other you will quickly obtain; for we now have our abode near the
borders of the Canaanites, and nothing can hinder the acquisition of it,
when we now at last are fallen upon it: I say, not only no king nor city,
but neither the whole race of mankind, if they were all gathered together,
could do it. Let us therefore prepare ourselves for the work, for the Canaanites
will not resign up their land to us without fighting, but it must be wrested
from them by great struggles in war. Let us then send spies, who may take
a view of the goodness of the land, and what strength it is of; but, above
all things, let us be of one mind, and let us honor God, who above all
is our helper and assister."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="303" unit="section" /><p>When Moses had said thus, the multitude requited him with marks of
respect; and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent men, one out of each
tribe, who, passing over all the land of Canaan, from the borders of Egypt,
came to the city Hamath, and to Mount Lebanon; and having learned the nature
of the land, and of its inhabitants, they came home, having spent forty
days in the whole work. They also brought with them of the fruits which
the land bare; they also showed them the excellency of those fruits, and
gave an account of the great quantity of the good things that land afforded,
which were motives to the multitude to go to war. But then they terrified
them again with the great difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the
rivers were so large and deep that they could not be passed over; and that
the hills were so high that they could not travel along for them; that
the cities were strong with walls, and their firm fortifications round
about them. They told them also, that they found at Hebron the posterity
of the giants. Accordingly these spies, who had seen the land of Canaan,
when they perceived that all these difficulties were greater there than
they had met with since they came out of Egypt, they were aftrighted at
them themselves, and endeavored to affright the multitude also.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="306" unit="section" /><p>So they supposed, from what they had heard, that it was impossible
to get the possession of the country. And when the congregation was dissolved,
they, their wives and children, continued their lamentation, as if God
would not indeed assist them, but only promised them fair. They also again
blamed Moses, and made a clamor against him and his brother Aaron, the
high priest. Accordingly they passed that night very ill, and with contumelious
language against them; but in the morning they ran to a congregation, intending
to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to return back into Egypt.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="308" unit="section" /><p>But of the spies, there were Joshua the son of Nun, of the tribe
of Ephraim, and Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were afraid of the consequence,
and came into the midst of them, and stilled the multitude, and desired
them to be of good courage; and neither to condemn God, as having told
them lies, nor to hearken to those who had aftrighted them, by telling
them what was not true concerning the Canaanites, but to those that encouraged
them to hope for good success; and that they should gain possession of
the happiness promised them, because neither the. height of mountains,
nor the depth of rivers, could hinder men of true courage from attempting
them, especially while God would take care of them beforehand, and be assistant
to them. "Let us then go," said they, "against our enemies,
and have no suspicion of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us, and
following those that are to be our leaders." Thus did these two exhort
them, and endeavor to pacify the rage they were in. But Moses and Aaron
fell on the ground, and besought God, not for their own deliverance, but
that he would put a stop to what the people were unwarily doing, and would
bring their minds to a quiet temper, which were now disordered by their
present passion. The cloud also did now appear, and stood over the tabernacle,
and declared to them the presence of God to be there.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES WAS DISPLEASED AT THIS, AND FORETOLD THAT GOD WAS
ANGRY AND THAT THEY SHOULD CONTINUE IN THE WILDERNESS FOR FORTY YEARS AND
NOT, DURING THAT TIME, EITHER RETURN INTO EGYPT OR TAKE POSSESSION OF CANAAN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="311" unit="section" /><p>MOSES came now boldly to the multitude, and informed them that God
was moved at their abuse of him, and would inflict punishment upon them,
not indeed such as they deserved for their sins, but such as parents inflict
on their children, in order to their correction. For, he said, that when
he was in the tabernacle, and was bewailing with ears that destruction
which was coming upon them God put him in mind what things he had done
for them, and what benefits they had received from him, and yet how ungrateful
they had been to him that just now they had been induced, through the timorousness
of the spies, to think that their words were truer than his own promise
to them; and that on this account, though he would not indeed destroy them
all, nor utterly exterminate their nation, which he had honored more than
any other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take possession
of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy its happiness; but would make them wander
in the wilderness, and live without a fixed habitation, and without a city,
for forty years together, as a punishment for this their transgression;
but that he had promised to give that land to our children, and that he
would make them the possessors of those good things which, by your ungoverned
passions, you have deprived yourselves of.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="315" unit="section" /><p>When Moses had discoursed thus to them according to the direction
of God, the multitude, grieved, and were in affliction; and entreated Most
to procure their reconciliation to God, and to permit them no longer
to wander in the wilderness, but bestow cities upon them. But he replied,
that God would not admit of any such trial, for that God was not moved
to this determination from any human levity or anger, but that he had judicially
condemned them to that punishment. Now we are not to disbelieve that Moses,
who was but a single person, pacified so many ten thousands when they werre
in anger, and converted them to a mildness temper; for God was with him,
and prepared way to his persuasions of the multitude; and as they had often
been disobedient, they were now sensible that such disobedience was disadvantageous
to them and that they had still thereby fallen into calamities.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="317" unit="section" /><p>But this man was admirable for his virtue, and powerful in making
men give credit to what he delivered, not only during the time of his natural
life, but even there is still no one of the Hebrews who does not act even
now as if Moses were present, and ready to punish him if he should do any
thing that is indecent; nay, there is no one but is obedient to what laws
he ordained, although they might be concealed in their transgressions.
There are also many other demonstrations that his power was more than human,
for still some there have been, who have come from the parts beyond Euphrates,
a journey of four months, through many dangers, and at great expenses,
in honor of our temple; and yet, when they had offered their oblations,
could not partake of their own sacrifices, because Moses had forbidden
it, by somewhat in the law that did not permit them, or somewhat that had
befallen them, which our ancient customs made inconsistent therewith; some
of these did not sacrifice at all, and others left their sacrifices in
an imperfect condition; many were not able, even at first, so much as to
enter the temple, but went their ways in this as preferring a submission
to the laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own inclinations, they
had no fear upon them that anybody could convict them, but only out of
a reverence to their own conscience. Thus this legislation, which appeared
to be divine, made this man to be esteemed as one superior to his own nature.
Nay, further, a little before the beginning of this war, when Claudius
was emperor of the Romans, and Ismael was our high priest, and when so
great a famine <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See Antiq, B. XX. ch. 2. sect, 6. and Acts 11:28.</note>
was come upon us, that one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four drachmae,
and when no less than seventy cori of flour were brought into the temple,
at the feast of unleavened bread, (these cori are thirty-one Sicilian,
but forty-one Athenian medimni,) not one of the priests was so hardy as
to eat one crumb of it, even while so great a distress was upon the land;
and this out of a dread of the law, and of that wrath which God retains
against acts of wickedness, even when no one can accuse the actors. Whence
we are not to wonder at what was then done, while to this very day the
writings left by Moses have so great a force, that even those that hate
us do confess, that he who established this settlement was God, and that
it was by the means of Moses, and of his virtue; but as to these matters,
let every one take them as he thinks fit.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="4" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book IV</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS.
FROM THE REJECTION OF THAT GENERATION TO THE DEATH OF
MOSES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">FIGHT OF THE HEBREWS WITH THE CANAANITES WITHOUT THE CONSENT
OF MOSES; AND THEIR DEFEAT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>NOW this life of the Hebrews in the wilderness was so disagreeable
and troublesome to them, and they were so uneasy at it, that although God
had forbidden them to meddle with the Canaanites, yet could they not be
persuaded to be obedient to the words of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing
they should be able to beat their enemies, without his approbation, they
accused him, and suspected that he made it his business to keep in a distressed
condition, that they might always stand in need of his assistance. Accordingly
they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, and said that God gave them
his assistance, not out of regard to Moses's intercessions, but because
he took care of their entire nation, on account of their forefathers, whose
affairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on account
of their own virtue that he had formerly procured them their liberty, and
would be assisting to them, now they were willing to take pains for it.
They also said that they were possessed of abilities sufficient for the
conquest of their enemies, although Moses should have a mind to alienate
God from them; that, however, it was for their advantage to be their own
masters, and not so far to rejoice in their deliverance from the indignities
they endured under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny of Moses over
them, and to suffer themselves to be deluded, and live according to his
pleasure, as though God did only foretell what concerns us out of his kindness
to him, as if they were not all the posterity of Abraham; that God made
him alone the author of all the knowledge we have, and we must still learn
it from him; that it would be a piece of prudence to oppose his arrogant
pretenses, and to put their confidence in God, and to resolve to take possession
of that land which he had promised them, and not to give ear to him, who
on this account, and under the pretense of Divine authority, forbade them
so to do. Considering, therefore, the distressed state they were in at
present, and that in those desert places they were still to expect things
would be worse with them, they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, as
submitting only to God, their supreme Commander, and not waiting for any
assistance from their legislator.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="7" unit="section" /><p>When, therefore, they had come to this resolution, as being best
for them, they went against their enemies; but those enemies were not dismayed
either at the attack itself, or at the great multitude that made it, and
received them with great courage. Many of the Hebrews were slain; and the
remainder of the army, upon the disorder of their troops, were pursued,
and fled, after a shameful manner, to their camp. Whereupon this unexpected
misfortune made them quite despond; and they hoped for nothing that was
good; as gathering from it, that this affliction came from the wrath of
God, because they rashly went out to war without his approbation.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="9" unit="section" /><p>But when Moses saw how deeply they were affected with this defeat,
and being afraid lest the enemies should grow insolent upon this victory,
and should be desirous of gaining still greater glory, and should attack
them, he resolved that it was proper to withdraw the army into the wilderness
to a further distance from the Canaanites: so the multitude gave themselves
up again to his conduct, for they were sensible that, without his care
for them, their affairs could not be in a good condition; and he caused
the host to remove, and he went further into the wilderness, as intending
there to let them rest, and not to permit them to fight the Canaanites
before God should afford them a more favorable opportunity.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE SEDITION OF CORAH AND OF THE MULTITUDE AGAINST MOSES,
AND AGAINST HIS BROTHER, CONCERNING THE PRIESTHOOD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>THAT which is usually the case of great armies, and especially upon
ill success, to be hard to be pleased, and governed with difficulty, did
now befall the Jews; for they being in number six hundred thousand, and
by reason of their great multitude not readily subject to their governors,
even in prosperity, they at this time were more than usually angry, both
against one another and against their leader, because of the distress they
were in, and the calamities they then endured. Such a sedition overtook
them, as we have not the like example either among the Greeks or the Barbarians,
by which they were in danger of being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding
saved by Moses, who would not remember that he had been almost stoned to
death by them. Nor did God neglect to prevent their ruin; but, notwithstanding
the indignities they had offered their legislator and the laws, and disobedience
to the commandments which he had sent them by Moses, he delivered them
from those terrible calamities which, without his providential care, had
been brought upon them by this sedition. So I will first explain the cause
whence this sedition arose, and then will give an account of the sedition
itself; as also of what settlements made for their government after it
was over.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="14" unit="section" /><p>Corah, a Hebrew of principal account, both by his family and by his
wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that could easily
persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses was in an exceeding
great dignity, and was at it, and envied him on that account, (he of the
same tribe with Moses, and of kin to him,) was particularly grieved, because
he thought he better deserved that honorable post on account of great riches,
and not inferior to him in his birth. So he raised a clamor against him
among the Levites, who were of the same tribe, and among his kindred, saying,
"That it was a very sad thing that they should overlook Moses, while
hunted after and paved the way to glory for himself, and by ill arts should
obtain it, under the pretense of God's command, while, contrary to laws,
he had given the priesthood to Aaron, the common suffrage of the multitude,
but by his own vote, as bestowing dignities in a way on whom he pleased."
He added, "That this concealed way of imposing on them was harder
to be borne than if it had been done by an open force upon them, because
he did now not only their power without their consent, but even they were
unapprised of his contrivances against them; for whosoever is conscious
to himself that he deserves any dignity, aims to get it by persuasion,
and not by an arrogant method of violence; those that believe it impossible
to obtain honors justly, make a show of goodness, and do not introduce
force, but by cunning tricks grow wickedly powerful. That it was proper
for the multitude to punish such men, even while they think themselves
concealed in their designs, and not suffer them to gain strength till they
have them for their open enemies. For what account," added he, "is
Moses able to give, why he has bestowed the priesthood on Aaron and his
sons? for if God had determined to bestow that honor on one of the tribe
of Levi, I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses
by my family, and superior to him both in riches and in age: but if God
had determined to bestow it on the eldest be, that of Reuben might have
it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram, and [On, the son of] Peleth,
would have it; for these are the oldest men of that tribe, and potent on
account of their great wealth also."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="20" unit="section" /><p>Now Corah, when he said this, had a mind to appear to take care of
the public welfare, but in reality he was endeavoring to procure to have
that dignity transferred by the multitude to himself. Thus did he, out
of a malignant design, but with discourse to those of his own tribe; when
these words did gradually spread to more people, and when the hearers still
added to what tended to the scandals that were cast upon the whole army
was full of them. Now of those that conspired with Corah, there were two
hundred and fifty, and those of the principal men also, who were eager
to have the priesthood taken away from Moses's brother, and to bring him
into disgrace: nay, the multitude themselves were provoked to be seditious,
and attempted to stone Moses, wad gathered themselves together after an
indecent manner, with confusion and disorder. And now all were, in a tumultuous
manner, raising a before the tabernacle of God, to prosecute the tyrant,
and to relieve the multitude from their slavery under him who, under color
of the Divine laid violent injunctions upon them; for had it been God who
chose one that was to the office of a priest, he would have raised person
to that dignity, and would not produced such a one as was inferior to many
others nor have given him that office; and that in he had judged it fit
to bestow it on Aaron, he would have permitted it to the multitude to bestow
it, and not have left it to be bestowed by his own brother.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="24" unit="section" /><p>Now although Moses had a great while ago foreseen this calumny of
Corah, and had seen the people were irritated, yet was he not affrighted
at it; but being of good courage, because given them right advice about
their affairs, and knowing that his brother had been made partaker of the
priesthood at the command of God, and not by his own favor to him, he came
to the assembly; and as for the multitude, he said not a word to them,
but spake as loud to Corah as he could; and being very skillful in making
speeches, and having this natural talent, among others, that he could greatly
move the multitude with his discourses, he said, "O Corah, both thou
and all these with thee (pointing to the two hundred and fifty men) seem
to be worthy of this honor; nor do I pretend but that this whole company
may be worthy of the like dignity, although they may not be so rich or
so great as you are: nor have I taken and given this office to my brother
because he excelled others in riches, for thou exceedest us both in the
greatness of thy wealth; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Reland
here takes notice, that although our Bibles say little or nothing of these
riches of Corah, yet that both the Jews and Mahommedans, as well as Josephus,
are full of it.</note>
nor indeed because he was of an eminent family, for God, by giving us the
same common ancestor, has made our families equal: nay, nor was it out
of brotherly affection, which another might yet have justly done; for certainly,
unless I had bestowed this honor out of regard to God, and to his laws,
I had not passed by myself, and given it to another, as being nearer of
kin to myself than to my brother, and having a closer intimacy with myself
than I have with him; for surely it would not be a wise thing for me to
expose myself to the dangers of offending, and to bestow the happy employment
on this account upon another. But I am above such base practices: nor would
God have overlooked this matter, and seen himself thus despised; nor would
he have suffered you to be ignorant of what you were to do, in order to
please him; but he hath himself chosen one that is to perform that sacred
office to him, and thereby freed us from that care. So that it was not
a thing that I pretend to give, but only according to the determination
of God; I therefore propose it still to be contended for by such as please
to put in for it, only desiring that he who has been already preferred,
and has already obtained it, may be allowed now also to offer himself for
a candidate. He prefers your peace, and your living without sedition, to
this honorable employment, although in truth it was with your approbation
that he obtained it; for though God were the donor, yet do we not offend
when we think fit to accept it with your good-will; yet would it have been
an instance of impiety not to have taken that honorable employment when
he offered it; nay, it had been exceedingly unreasonable, when God had
thought fit any one should have it for all time to come, and had made it
secure and firm to him, to have refused it. However, he himself will judge
again who it shall be whom he would have to offer sacrifices to him, and
to have the direction of matters of religion; for it is absurd that Corah,
who is ambitious of this honor, should deprive God of the power of giving
it to whom he pleases. Put an end, therefore, to your sedition and disturbance
on this account; and tomorrow morning do every one of you that desire the
priesthood bring a censer from home, and come hither with incense and fire:
and do thou, O Corah, leave the judgment to God, and await to see on which
side he will give his determination upon this occasion, but do not thou
make thyself greater than God. Do thou also come, that this contest about
this honorable employment may receive determination. And I suppose we may
admit Aaron without offense, to offer himself to this scrutiny, since he
is of the same lineage with thyself, and has done nothing in his priesthood
that can be liable to exception. Come ye therefore together, and offer
your incense in public before all the people; and when you offer it, he
whose sacrifice God shall accept shall be ordained to the priesthood, and
shall be clear of the present calumny on Aaron, as if I had granted him
that favor because he was my brother."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THOSE THAT STIRRED UP THIS SEDITION WERE DESTROYED, ACCORDING
TO THE WILL OF GOD; AND HOW AARON, MOSES'S BROTHER BOTH HE AND HIS POSTERITY,
RETAINED THE PRIESTHOOD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="35" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Moses had said this, the multitude left off the turbulent behavior
they had indulged, and the suspicion they had of Moses, and commended what
he had said; for those proposals were good, and were so esteemed of the
people. At that time therefore they dissolved the assembly. But on the
next day they came to the congregation, in order to be present at the sacrifice,
and at the determination that was to be made between the candidates for
the priesthood. Now this congregation proved a turbulent one, and the multitude
were in great suspense in expectation of what was to be done; for some
of them would have been pleased if Moses had been convicted of evil practices,
but the wiser sort desired that they might be delivered from the present
disorder and disturbance; for they were afraid, that if this sedition went
on, the good order of their settlement would rather be destroyed; but the
whole body of the people do naturally delight in clamors against their
governors, and, by changing their opinions upon the harangues of every
speaker, disturb the public tranquillity. And now Moses sent messengers
for Abiram and Dathan, and ordered them to come to the assembly, and wait
there for the holy offices that were to be performed. But they answered
the messenger, that they would not obey his summons; nay, would not overlook
Moses's behavior, who was growing too great for them by evil practices.
Now when Moses heard of this their answer, he desired the heads of the
people to follow him, and he went to the faction of Dathan, not thinking
it any frightful thing at all to go to these insolent people; so they made
no opposition, but went along with him. But Dathan, and his associates,
when they understood that Moses and the principal of the people were coming
to them, came out, with their wives and children, and stood before their
tents, and looked to see what Moses would do. They had also their servants
about them to defend themselves, in case Moses should use force against
them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="40" unit="section" /><p>But he came near, and lifted up his hands to heaven, and cried out
with a loud voice, in order to be heard by the whole multitude, and said,
"O Lord of the creatures that are in the heaven, in the earth, and
in the sea; for thou art the most authentic witness to what I have done,
that it has all been done by thy appointment, and that it was thou that
affordedst us assistance when we attempted any thing, and showedst mercy
on the Hebrews in all their distresses; do thou come now, and hear all
that I say, for no action or thought escapes thy knowledge; so that thou
wilt not disdain to speak what is true, for my vindication, without any
regard to the ungrateful imputations of these men. As for what was done
before I was born, thou knowest best, as not learning them by report, but
seeing them, and being present with them when they were done; but for what
has been done of late, and which these men, although they know them well
enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be thou my witness. When I lived a
private quiet life, I left those good things which, by my own diligence,
and by thy counsel, I enjoyed with Raguel my father-in-law; and I gave
myself up to this people, and underwent many miseries on their account.
I also bore great labors at first, in order to obtain liberty for them,
and now in order to their preservation; and have always showed myself ready
to assist them in every distress of theirs. Now, therefore, since I am
suspected by those very men whose being is owing to my labors, come thou,
as it is reasonable to hope thou wilt; thou, I say, who showedst me that
fire at mount Sinai, and madest me to hear its voice, and to see the several
wonders which that place afforded thou who commandedst me to go to Egypt,
and declare thy will to this people; thou who disturbest the happy estate
of the Egyptians, and gavest us the opportunity of flying away from our
under them, and madest the dominion of Pharaoh inferior to my dominion;
thou who didst make the sea dry land for us, when we knew not whither to
go, and didst overwhelm the Egyptians with those destructive waves which
had been divided for us; thou who didst bestow upon us the security of
weapons when we were naked; thou who didst make the fountains that were
corrupted to flow, so as to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us with
water that came out of the rocks, when we were in want of it; thou who
didst preserve our lives with [quails, which was] food from the sea, when
the fruits of the ground failed us; thou didst send us such food from heaven
as had never been seen before; thou who didst suggest to us the knowledge
of thy laws, and appoint to us a of government, - come thou, I say, O Lord
of the whole world, and that as such a Judge and a Witness to me as cannot
be bribed, and show how I never admitted of any gift against justice from
any of the Hebrews; and have never condemned a man that ought to have been
acquitted, on account of one that was rich; and have never attempted to
hurt this commonwealth. I am now and am suspected of a thing the remotest
from my intentions, as if I had given the preisthood to Aaron, not at thy
command, but out own favor to him; do thou at this time demonstrate that
all things are administered by thy providence and that nothing happens
by chance, but is governed by thy will, and thereby attains its end: as
also demonstrate that thou takest care that have done good to the Hebrews;
demonstrate this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram and Dathan, who condemn
thee as an insensible Being, and one overcome by my contrivances. This
thou do by inflicting such an open punishment on these men who so madly
fly in the face of thy glory, as will take them out of the world, not in
an manner, but so that it may appear they do die after the manner of other
men: let that ground which they tread upon open about them and consume
them, with their families and goods. This will be a demonstration of thy
power to all and this method of their sufferings will be an instruction
of wisdom for those that entertain profane sentiments of thee. By this
means I shall be a good servant, in the precepts thou hast given by me.
But if the calumnies they have raised against me be true, mayst thou preserve
these men from every evil accident, and bring all that destruction on me
which I have imprecated upon them. And when thou hast inflicted punishment
on those that have endeavored to deal unjustly with this people, bestow
upon them concord and peace. Save this multitude that follow thy commandments,
and preserve them free from harm, and let them not partake of the punishment
of those that have sinned; for thou knowest thyself it is not just, that
for the wickedness of those men the whole body of the Israelites should
suffer punishment."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="51" unit="section" /><p>When Moses had said this, with tears in his eyes, the ground was
moved on a sudden; and the agitation that set it in motion was like that
which the wind produces in waves of the sea. The people were all aftrighted;
and the ground that was about their tents sunk down at the great noise,
with a terrible sound, and carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious
into itself, who so entirely perished, that there was not the least appearance
that any man had ever been seen there, the earth that had opened itself
about them, closing again, and becoming entire as it was before, insomuch
that such as saw it afterward did not perceive that any such accident had
happened to it. Thus did these men perish, and become a demonstration of
the power of God. And truly, any one would lament them, not only on account
of this calamity that befell them, which yet deserves our commiseration,
but also because their kindred were pleased with their sufferings; for
they forgot the relation they bare to them, and at the sight of this sad
accident approved of the judgment given against them; and because they
looked upon the people about Dathan as pestilent men, they thought they
perished as such, and did not grieve for them.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="54" unit="section" /><p>And now Moses called for those that contended about the priesthood,
that trial might be made who should be priest, and that he whose sacrifice
God was best pleased with might be ordained to that function. There attended
two hundred and fifty men, who indeed were honored by the people, not only
on account of the power of their ancestors, but also on account of their
own, in which they excelled the others: Aaron also and Corah came forth,
and they all offered incense, in those censers of theirs which they brought
with them, before the tabernacle. Hereupon so great a fire shone out as
no one ever saw in any that is made by the hand of man, neither in those
eruptions out of the earth that are caused by subterraneous burn-rags,
nor in such fires as arise of their own accord in the woods, when the agitation
is caused by the trees rubbing one against another: but this fire was very
bright, and had a terrible flame, such as is kindled at the command of
God; by whose irruption on them, all the company, and Corah himself, were
destroyed, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
appears here, and from the Samaritan Pentateuch, and, in effect, from the
psalmist, as also from the Apostolical Constitutions, from Clement's First
Epistle to the Corinthians, from Ignatius's Epistle to the Magnesians,
and from Eusebius, that Corah was not swallowed up with the Reubenites,
but burned with the Levites of his own tribe. See Essay on the Old Testament,
p. 64, 65.</note>
and this so entirely, that their very bodies left no remains behind them.
Aaron alone was preserved, and not at all hurt by the fire, because it
was God that sent the fire to burn those only who ought to be burned. Hereupon
Moses, after these men were destroyed, was desirous that the memory of
this judgment might be delivered down to posterity, and that future ages
might be acquainted with it; and so he commanded Eleazar, the son of Aaron,
to put their censers near the brazen altar, that they might be a memorial
to posterity of what these men suffered, for supposing that the power of
God might be eluded. And thus Aaron was now no longer esteemed to have
the priesthood by the favor of Moses, but by the public judgment of God;
and thus he and his children peaceably enjoyed that honor afterward.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT HAPPENED TO THE HEBREWS DURING THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS IN
THE WILDERNESS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="59" unit="section" /><p>HOWEVER, this sedition was so far from ceasing upon this destruction,
that it grew much stronger, and became more intolerable. And the occasion
of its growing worse was of that nature, as made it likely the calamity
would never cease, but last for a long time; for the men, believing already
that nothing is done without the providence of God, would have it that
these things came thus to pass not without God's favor to Moses; they therefore
laid the blame upon him that God was so angry, and that this happened not
so much because of the wickedness of those that were punished, as because
Moses procured the punishment; and that these men had been destroyed without
any sin of theirs, only because they were zealous about the Divine worship;
as also, that he who had been the cause of this diminution of the people,
by destroying so many men, and those the most excellent of them all, besides
his escaping any punishment himself, had now given the priesthood to his
brother so firmly, that nobody could any longer dispute it with him; for
no one else, to be sure, could now put in for it, since he must have seen
those that first did so to have miserably perished. Nay, besides this,
the kindred of those that were destroyed made great entreaties to the multitude
to abate the arrogance of Moses, because it would be safest for them so
to do.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="63" unit="section" /><p>Now Moses, upon his hearing for a good while that the people were
tumultuous, was afraid that they would attempt some other innovation, and
that some great and sad calamity would be the consequence. He called the
multitude to a congregation, and patiently heard what apology they had
to make for themselves, without opposing them, and this lest he should
imbitter the multitude: he only desired the heads of the tribes to bring
their rods, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Concerning
these twelve rods of the twelve tribes of Israel, see St. Clement's account,
much larger than that in our Bibles, 1 Epist. sect. 45; as is Josephus's
present account in measure larger also.</note>
with the names of their tribes inscribed upon them, and that he should
receive the priesthood in whose rod God should give a sign. This was agreed
to. So the rest brought their rods, as did Aaron also, who had written
the tribe of Levi on his rod. These rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle
of God. On the next day he brought out the rods, which were known from
one another by those who brought them, they having distinctly noted them,
as had the multitude also; and as to the rest, in the same form Moses had
received them, in that they saw them still; but they also saw buds and
branches grown out of Aaron's rod, with ripe fruits upon them; they were
almonds, the rod having been cut out of that tree. The people were so amazed
at this strange sight, that though Moses and Aaron were before under some
degree of hatred, they now laid that hatred aside, and began to admire
the judgment of God concerning them; so that hereafter they applauded what
God had decreed, and permitted Aaron to enjoy the priesthood peaceably.
And thus God ordained him priest three several times, and he retained that
honor without further disturbance. And hereby this sedition of the Hebrews,
which had been a great one, and had lasted a great while, was at last composed.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="67" unit="section" /><p>And now Moses, because the tribe of Levi was made free from war and
warlike expeditions, and was set apart for the Divine worship, lest they
should want and seek after the necessaries of life, and so neglect the
temple, commanded the Hebrews, according to the will of God, that when
they should gain the possession of the land of Canaan, they should assign
forty-eight good and fair cities to the Levites; and permit them to enjoy
their suburbs, as far as the limit of two thousand cubits would extend
from the walls of the city. And besides this, he appointed that the people
should pay the tithe of their annual fruits of the earth, both to the Levites
and to the priests. And this is what that tribe receives of the multitude;
but I think it necessary to set down what is paid by all, peculiarly to
the priests.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="69" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly he commanded the Levites to yield up to the priests thirteen
of their forty-eight cities, and to set apart for them the tenth part of
the tithes which they every year receive of the people; as also, that it
was but just to offer to God the first-fruits of the entire product of
the ground; and that they should offer the first-born of those four-footed
beasts that are appointed for sacrifices, if it be a male, to the priests,
to be slain, that they and their entire families may eat them in the holy
city; but that the owners of those first-born which are not appointed for
sacrifices in the laws of our country, should bring a shekel and a half
in their stead: but for the first-born of a man, five shekels: that they
should also have the first-fruits out of the shearing of the sheep; and
that when any baked bread corn, and made loaves of it, they should give
somewhat of what they had baked to them. Moreover, when any have made a
sacred vow, I mean those that are called <emph>Nazarites</emph>, that suffer
their hair to grow long, and use no wine, when they consecrate their hair,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Grotius,
on Numbers 6:18, takes notice that the Greeks also, aswell as the Jews,
sometimes consecrated the hair of their heads to the gods.</note> and
offer it for a sacrifice, they are to allot that hair for the priests [to
be thrown into the fire]. Such also as dedicate themselves to God, as a
corban, which denotes what the Greeks call a <emph>gift</emph>, when they are
desirous of being freed from that ministration, are to lay down money for
the priests; thirty shekels if it be a woman, and fifty if it be a man;
but if any be too poor to pay the appointed sum, it shall be lawful for
the priests to determine that sum as they think fit. And if any slay beasts
at home for a private festival, but not for a religious one, they are obliged
to bring the maw and the cheek, [or breast,] and the right shoulder of
the sacrifice, to the priests. With these Moses contrived that the priests
should be plentifully maintained, besides what they had out of those offerings
for sins which the people gave them, as I have set it down in the foregoing
book. He also ordered, that out of every thing allotted for the priests,
their servants, [their sons,] their daughters, and their wives, should
partake, as well as themselves, excepting what came to them out of the
sacrifices that were offered for sins; for of those none but the males
of the family of the priests might eat, and this in the temple also, and
that the same day they were offered.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="76" unit="section" /><p>When Moses had made these constitutions, after the sedition was over,
he removed, together with the whole army, and came to the borders of Idumea.
He then sent ambassadors to the king of the Idumeans, and desired him to
give him a passage through his country; and agreed to send him what hostages
he should desire, to secure him from an injury. He desired him also, that
he would allow his army liberty to buy provisions; and, if he insisted
upon it, he would pay down a price for the very water they should drink.
But the king was not pleased with this embassage from Moses: nor did he
allow a passage for the army, but brought his people armed to meet Moses,
and to hinder them, in case they should endeavor to force their passage.
Upon which Moses consulted God by the oracle, who would not have him begin
the war first; and so he withdrew his forces, and traveled round about
through the wilderness.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="78" unit="section" /><p>Then it was that Miriam, the sister of Moses, came to her end, having
completed her fortieth year <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus
here uses this phrase, "when the fortieth year was completed,"
for when it was begun; as does St. Luke when the day of Pentecost was completed,"
Acts 2:1.</note>
since she left Egypt, on the first <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether
Miriam died, as Josephus's. Greek copies imply, on the first day of the
month, may be doubted, because the Latin copies say it was on the tenth,
and so say the Jewish calendars also, as Dr. Bernard assures us. It is
said her sepulcher is still extant near Petra, the old capital city of
Arabia Petraea, at this day; as also that of Aaron, not far off.</note>
day of the lunar month Xanthicus. They then made a public funeral for her,
at a great expense. She was buried upon a certain mountain, which they
call <emph>Sin</emph>: and when they had mourned for her thirty days, Moses purified
the people after this manner: He brought a heifer that had never been used
to the plough or to husbandry, that was complete in all its parts, and
entirely of a red color, at a little distance from the camp, into a place
perfectly clean. This heifer was slain by the high priest, and her blood
sprinkled with his finger seven times before the tabernacle of God; after
this, the entire heifer was burnt in that state, together with its skin
and entrails; and they threw cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet wool,
into the midst of the fire; then a clean man gathered all her ashes together,
and laid them in a place perfectly clean. When therefore any persons were
defiled by a dead body, they put a little of these ashes into spring water,
with hyssop, and, dipping part of these ashes in it, they sprinkled them
with it, both on the third day, and on the seventh, and after that they
were clean. This he enjoined them to do also when the tribes should come
into their own land.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="82" unit="section" /><p>Now when this purification, which their leader made upon the mourning
for his sister, as it has been now described, was over, he caused the army
to remove and to march through the wilderness and through Arabia; and when
he came to a place which the Arabians esteem their metropolis, which was
formerly called <emph>Arce</emph>, but has now the name of<emph> Petra</emph>, at this
place, which was encompassed with high mountains, Aaron went up one of
them in the sight of the whole army, Moses having before told him that
he was to die, for this place was over against them. He put off his pontifical
garments, and delivered them to Eleazar his son, to whom the high priesthood
belonged, because he was the elder brother; and died while the multitude
looked upon him. He died in the same year wherein he lost his sister, having
lived in all a hundred twenty and three years. He died on the first day
of that lunar month which is called by the Athenians <emph>Hecatombaeon</emph>, by
the Macedonians <emph>Lous</emph>, but by the Hebrews <emph>Abba.</emph></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MOSES CONQUERED SIHON AND OG KINGS OF THE AMORITES, AND
DESTROYED THEIR WHOLE ARMY AND THEN DIVIDED THEIR LAND BY LOT TO TWO TRIBES
AND A HALF OF THE HEBREWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="85" unit="section" /><p>THE people mourned for Aaron thirty days, and when this mourning
was over, Moses removed the army from that place, and came to the river
Arnon, which, issuing out of the mountains of Arabia, and running through
all that wilderness, falls into the lake Asphaltitis, and becomes the limit
between the land of the Moabites and the land of the Amorites. This land
is fruitful, and sufficient to maintain a great number of men, with the
good things it produces. Moses therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the
king of this country, desiring that he would grant his army a passage,
upon what security he should please to require; he promised that he should
be no way injured, neither as to that country which Sihon governed, nor
as to its inhabitants; and that he would buy his provisions at such a price
as should be to their advantage, even though he should desire to sell them
their very water. But Sihon refused his offer, and put his army into battle
array, and was preparing every thing in order to hinder their passing over
Arnon.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="87" unit="section" /><p>When Moses saw that the Amorite king was disposed to enter upon hostilities
with them, he thought he ought not to bear that insult; and, determining
to wean the Hebrews from their indolent temper, and prevent the disorders
which arose thence, which had been the occasion of their former sedition,
(nor indeed were they now thoroughly easy in their minds,) he inquired
of God, whether he would give him leave to fight? which when he had done,
and God also promised him the victory, he was himself very courageous,
and ready to proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encouraged the soldiers;
and he desired of them that they would take the pleasure of fighting, now
God gave them leave so to do. They then, upon the receipt of this permission,
which they so much longed for, put on their whole armor, and set about
the work without delay. But the Amorite king was not now like to himself
when the Hebrews were ready to attack him; but both he himself was affrighted
at the Hebrews, and his army, which before had showed themselves to be
of good courage, were then found to be timorous: so they could not sustain
the first onset, nor bear up against the Hebrews, but fled away, as thinking
this would afford them a more likely way for their escape than fighting,
for they depended upon their cities, which were strong, from which yet
they reaped no advantage when they were forced to fly to them; for as soon
as the Hebrews saw them giving ground, they immediately pursued them close;
and when they had broken their ranks, they greatly terrified them, and
some of them broke off from the rest, and ran away to the cities. Now the
Hebrews pursued them briskly, and obstinately persevered in the labors
they had already undergone; and being very skillful in slinging, and very
dexterous in throwing of darts, or any thing else of that kind, and also
having nothing but light armor, which made them quick in the pursuit, they
overtook their enemies; and for those that were most remote, and could
not be overtaken, they reached them by their slings and their bows, so
that many were slain; and those that escaped the slaughter were sorely
wounded, and these were more distressed with thirst than with any of those
that fought against them, for it was the summer season; .and when the greatest
number of them were brought down to the river out of a desire to drink,
as also when others fled away by troops, the Hebrews came round them, and
shot at them; so that, what with darts and what with arrows, they made
a slaughter of them all. Sihon their king was also slain. So the Hebrews
spoiled the dead bodies, and took their prey. The land also which they
took was full of abundance of fruits, and the army went all over it without
fear, and fed their cattle upon it; and they took the enemies prisoners,
for they could no way put a stop to them, since all the fighting men were
destroyed. Such was the destruction which overtook the Amorites, who
were neither sagacious in counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereupon the
Hebrews took possession of their land, which is a country situate between
three rivers, and naturally resembled an island: the river Arnon being
its southern ; the river Jabbok determining its northern side, which running
into Jordan loses its own name, and takes the other; while Jordan itself
runs along by it, on its western coast.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="96" unit="section" /><p>When matters were come to this state, Og, the king of Gilead and
Gaulanitis, fell upon the Israelites. He brought an army with him, and
in haste to the assistance of his friend Sihon: but though he found him
already slain, yet did he resolve still to come and fight the Hebrews,
supposing he should be too hard for them, and being desirous to try their
valor; but failing of his hope, he was both himself slain in the battle,
and all his army was destroyed. So Moses passed over the river Jabbok,
and overran the kingdom of Og. He overthrew their cities, and slew all
their inhabitants, who yet exceeded in riches all the men in that part
of the continent, on account of the goodness of the soil, and the great
quantity of their wealth. Now Og had very few equals, either in the largeness
of his body, or handsomeness of his appearance. He was also a man of great
activity in the use of his hands, so that his actions were not unequal
to the vast largeness and handsome appearance of his body. And men could
easily guess at his strength and magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath,
the royal city of the Ammonites; its structure was of iron, its breadth
four cubits, and its length a cubit more than double thereto. However,
his fall did not only improve the circumstances of the Hebrews for the
present, but by his death he was the occasion of further good success to
them; for they presently took those sixty cities, which were encompassed
with excellent walls, and had been subject to him, and all got both in
general and in particular a great prey.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING BALAAM THE PROPHET AND WHAT KIND OF MAN HE WAS,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>NOW Moses, when he had brought his army to Jordan; pitched his camp
in the great plain over against Jericho. This city is a very happy situation,
and very fit for producing palm-trees and balsam. And now the Israelites
began to be very proud of themselves, and were very eager for fighting.
Moses then, after he had offered for a few days sacrifices of thanksgiving
to God, and feasted the people, sent a party of armed men to lay waste
the country of the Midianites, and to take their cities. Now the occasion
which he took for making war upon them was this that follows :--</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="102" unit="section" /><p>When Balak, the king of the Moabites, who had from his ancestors
a friendship and league with the Midianites, saw how great the Israelites
were grown, he was much affrighted on account of his own and his kingdom's
danger; for he was not acquainted with this, that the Hebrews would not
meddle with any other country, but were to be contented with the possession
of the land of Canaan, God having forbidden them to go any farther <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What
Josephus here remarks is well worth our remark in this place also; viz.
that the Israelites were never to meddle with the Moabites, or Ammonites,
or any other people, but those belonging to the land of Canaan, and the
countries of Sihon and Og beyond Jordan, as far as the desert and Euphrates,
and that therefore no other people had reason to fear the conquests of
the Israelites; but that those countries given them by God were their proper
and peculiar portion among the nations, and that all who endeavored to
dispossess them might ever be justly destroyed by them.</note>
So he, with more haste than wisdom, resolved to make an attempt upon them
by words; but he did not judge it prudent to fight against them, after
they had such prosperous successes, and even became out of ill successes
more happy than before, but he thought to hinder them, if he could, from
growing greater, and so he resolved to send ambassadors to the Midianites
about them. Now these Midianites knowing there was one Balaam, who lived
by Euphrates, and was the greatest of the prophets at that time, and one
that was in friendship with them, sent some of their honorable princes
along with the ambassadors of Balak, to entreat the prophet to come to
them, that he might imprecate curses to the destruction of the Israelites.
So Balsam received the ambassadors, and treated them very kindly; and when
he had supped, he inquired what was God's will, and what this matter was
for which the Midianites entreated him to come to them. But when God opposed
his going, he came to the ambassadors, and told them that he was himself
very willing and desirous to comply with their request, but informed them
that God was opposite to his intentions, even that God who had raised him
to great reputation on account of the truth of his predictions; for that
this army, which they entreated him to come and curse, was in the favor
of God; on which account he advised them to go home again, and not to persist
in their enmity against the Israelites; and when he had given them that
answer, he dismissed the ambassadors.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="107" unit="section" /><p>Now the Midianites, at the earnest request and fervent entreaties
of Balak, sent other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiring to gratify the
men, inquired again of God; but he was displeased at [second] trial <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Note
that Josephus never supposes Balaam to be an idolater, nor to seek idolatrous
enchantments, or to prophesy falsely, but to be no other than an ill-disposed
prophet of the true God; and intimates that God's answer the second time,
permitting him to go, was ironical, and on design that he deceived (which
sort of deception, by way of punishment for former crimes, Josephus never
scruples to admit, as ever esteeming such wicked men justly and providentially
deceived). But perhaps we had better keep here close to the text which
says Numbers 23:20, 21, that God only permitted Balaam to go along with
the ambassadors, in case they came and called him, or positively insisted
on his going along with them, on any terms; whereas Balaam seems out of
impatience to have risen up in the morning, and saddled his ass, and rather
to have called them, than staid for their calling him, so zealous does
he seem to have been for his reward of divination, his wages of unrighteousness,
Numbers 23:7, 17, 18, 37; 2 Peter 2:15; Jude 5, 11; which reward or wages
the truly religious prophets of God never required nor accepted, as our
Josephus justly takes notice in the cases of Samuel, Antiq. B. V. ch. 4.
sect. 1, and Daniel, Antiq. B. X. ch. 11. sect. 3. See also Genesis 14:22,
23; 2 Kings 5:15, 16, 26, 27; and Acts 8;17-24.</note>
and bid him by no means to contradict the ambassadors. Now Balsam did not
imagine that God gave this injunction in order to deceive him, so he went
along with the ambassadors; but when the divine angel met him in the way,
when he was in a narrow passage, and hedged in with a wall on both sides,
the ass on which Balaam rode understood that it was a divine spirit that
met him, and thrust Balaam to one of the walls, without regard to the stripes
which Balaam, when he was hurt by the wall, gave her; but when the ass,
upon the angel's continuing to distress her, and upon the stripes which
were given her, fell down, by the will of God, she made use of the voice
of a man, and complained of Balaam as acting unjustly to her; that whereas
he had no fault find with her in her former service to him, he now inflicted
stripes upon her, as not understanding that she was hindered from serving
him in what he was now going about, by the providence of God. And when
he was disturbed by reason of the voice of the ass, which was that of a
man, the angel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him for the stripes
he had given his ass; and informed him that the brute creature was not
in fault, but that he was himself come to obstruct his journey, as being
contrary to the will of God. Upon which Balaam was afraid, and was preparing
to return back again: yet did God excite him to go on his intended journey,
but added this injunction, that he should declare nothing but what he himself
should suggest to his mind.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="112" unit="section" /><p>When God had given him this charge, he came to Balak; and when the
king had entertained him in a magnificent manner, he desired him to go
to one of the mountains to take a view of the state of the camp of the
Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the mountain, and brought the prophet
along with him, with a royal attendance. This mountain lay over their heads,
and was distant sixty furlongs from the camp. Now when he saw them, he
desired the king to build him seven altars, and to bring him as many bulls
and rams; to which desire the king did presently conform. He then slew
the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-offerings, that he might observe
some signal of the flight of the Hebrews. Then said he, "Happy is
this people, on whom God bestows the possession of innumerable good things,
and grants them his own providence to be their assistant and their guide;
so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed
superior to them in virtue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best
rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave
those rules to your excellent children; and this out of the regard that
God bears to you, and the provision of such things for you as may render
you happier than any other people under the sun. You shall retain that
land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command
of your children; and both all the earth, as well as the seas, shall be
filled with your glory: and you shall be sufficiently numerous to supply
the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabitants
out of your stock. However, O blessed army! wonder that you are become
so many from one father: and truly, the land of Canaan can now hold you,
as being yet comparatively few; but know ye that the whole world is proposed
to be your place of habitation for ever. The multitude of your posterity
also shall live as well in the islands as on the continent, and that more
in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are become so many,
God will not relinquish the care of you, but will afford you an abundance
of all good things in times of peace, with victory and dominion in times
of war. May the children of your enemies have an inclination to fight against
you; and may they be so hardy as to come to arms, and to assault you in
battle, for they will not return with victory, nor will their return be
agreeable to their children and wives. To so great a degree of valor will
you be raised by the providence of God, who is able to diminish the affluence
of some, and to supply the wants of others."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="118" unit="section" /><p>Thus did Balaam speak by inspiration, as not being in his own power,
but moved to say what he did by the Divine Spirit. But then Balak was displeased,
and said he had broken the contract he had made, whereby he was to come,
as he and his confederates had invited him, by the promise of great presents:
for whereas he came to curse their enemies, he had made an encomium upon
them, and had declared that they were the happiest of men. To which Balaam
replied, "O Balak, if thou rightly considerest this whole matter,
canst thou suppose that it is in our power to be silent, or to say any
thing, when the Spirit of God seizes upon us? - for he puts such words
as he pleases in our mouths, and such discourses as we are not ourselves
conscious of. I well remember by what entreaties both you and the Midianites
so joyfully brought me hither, and on that account I took this journey.
It was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to what
you desired of me; but God is more powerful than the purposes I had made
to serve you; for those that take upon them to foretell the affairs of
mankind, as from their own abilities, are entirely unable to do it, or
to forbear to utter what God suggests to them, or to offer violence to
his will; for when he prevents us and enters into us, nothing that we say
is our own. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the
several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he
was so favorable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life
and eternal glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me:
but now, because it is my desire to oblige thee thyself, as well as the
Midianites, whose entreaties it is not decent for me to reject, go to,
let us again rear other altars, and offer the like sacrifices that we did
before, that I may see whether I can persuade God to permit me to bind
these men with curses." Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would
not, even upon second sacrifices, consent to his cursing the Israelites.
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether
Josephus had in his copy but two attempts of Balaam in all to curse Israel;
or whether by this his twice offering sacrifice, he meant twice besides
that first time already mentioned, which yet is not very probable; cannot
now be certainly determined. In the mean time, all other copies have three
such attempts of Balaam to curse them in the present history.</note> Then
fell Balaam upon his face, and foretold what calamities would befall the
several kings of the nations, and the most eminent cities, some of which
of old were not so much as inhabited; which events have come to pass among
the several people concerned, both in the foregoing ages, and in this,
till my own memory, both by sea and by land. From which completion of all
these predictions that he made, one may easily guess that the rest will
have their completion in time to come.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="126" unit="section" /><p>But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not cursed, sent
away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any honor. Whereupon, when he
was just upon his journey, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent for
Balak, and for the princes of the Midianites, and spake thus to them: -
"O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present, (for I am obliged
even without the will of God to gratify you,) it is true no entire destruction
can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague,
nor by scarcity of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected
accident be their entire ruin; for the providence of God is concerned to
preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity
to come upon them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes,
and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low,
may still befall them; but after that they will flourish again, to the
terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. So that if you
have a mind to gain a victory over them for a short space of time, you
will obtain it by following my directions: - Do you therefore set out the
handsomest of such of your daughters as are most eminent for beauty, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Such a large and distinct account of this perversion of the Israelites
by the Midianite women, of which our other copies give us but short intimations,
Numbers 31:16 2 Peter 2:15; Jude 11; Revelation 2:14, is preserved, as
Reland informs us, in the Samaritan Chronicle, in Philo, and in other writings
of the Jews, as well as here by Josephus.</note>
and proper to force and conquer the modesty of those that behold them,
and these decked and trimmed to the highest degree able. Then do you send
them to be near camp, and give them in charge, that the young men of the
Hebrews desire their allow it them; and when they see they are enamored
of them, let them take leaves; and if they entreat them to stay, let give
their consent till they have persuaded leave off their obedience to their
own laws, the worship of that God who established them to worship the gods
of the Midianites and for by this means God will be angry at them <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This grand maxim, That God's people of Israel could never be hurt nor destroyed,
but by drawing them to sin against God, appears to be true, by the entire
history of that people, both in the Bible and in Josephus; and is often
taken notice of in them both. See in particular a most remarkable Ammonite
testimony to this purpose, Judith 5:5-21.</note>.
Accordingly, when Balaam had suggested counsel to them, he went his way.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="131" unit="section" /><p>So when the Midianites had sent their daughters, as Balaam had exhorted
them, the Hebrew men were allured by their beauty, and came with them,
and besought them not to grudge them the enjoyment of their beauty, nor
to deny them their conversation. These daughters of Midianites received
their words gladly, and consented to it, and staid with them; but when
they brought them to be enamored of them, and their inclinations to them
were grown to ripeness, they began to think of departing from them: then
it was that these men became greatly disconsolate at the women's departure,
and they were urgent with them not to leave them, but begged they would
continue there, and become their wives; and they promised them they should
be owned as mistresses all they had. This they said with an oath, and called
God for the arbitrator of what they promised; and this with tears in their
eyes, and all such marks of concern, as might shew how miserable they thought
themselves without them, and so might move their compassion for them. So
the women, as soon as they perceived they had made their slaves, and had
caught them with their conservation began to speak thus to them: -</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="134" unit="section" /><p>"O you illustrious young men! we have of our own at home, and
great plenty of good things there, together with the natural, affectionate
parents and friends; nor is it out of our want of any such things that
we came to discourse with you; nor did we admit of your invitation with
design to prostitute the beauty of our bodies for gain; but taking you
for brave and worthy men, we agreed to your request, that we might treat
you with such honors as hospitality required: and now seeing you say that
you have a great affection for us, and are troubled when you think we are
departing, we are not averse to your entreaties; and if we may receive
such assurance of your good-will as we think can be alone sufficient, we
will be glad to lead our lives with you as your wives; but we are afraid
that you will in time be weary of our company, and will then abuse us,
and send us back to our parents, after an ignominious manner." And
they desired that they would excuse them in their guarding against that
danger. But the young men professed they would give them any assurance
they should desire; nor did they at all contradict what they requested,
so great was the passion they had for them. "If then," said they,
"this be your resolution, since you make use of such customs
and conduct of life as are entirely different from all other men, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus here puts into the mouths of these Midianite women, who came
to entice the Israelites to lewdness and idolatry, viz. that their worship
of the God of Israel, in opposition to their idol gods, implied their living
according to the holy laws which the true God had given them by Moses,
in opposition to those impure laws which were observed under their false
gods, well deserves our consideration; and gives us a substantial reason
for the great concern that was ever shown under the law of Moses to preserve
the Israelites from idolatry, and in the worship of the true God; it being
of no less consequence than, Whether God's people should be governed by
the holy laws of the true God, or by the impure laws derived from demons,
under the pagan idolatry.</note>
insomuch that your kinds of food are peculiar to yourselves, and your kinds
of drink not common to others, it will be absolutely necessary, if you
would have us for your wives, that you do withal worship our gods. Nor
can there be any other demonstration of the kindness which you say you
already have, and promise to have hereafter to us, than this, that
you worship the same gods that we do. For has any one reason to complain,
that now you are come into this country, you should worship the proper
gods of the same country? especially while our gods are common to all men,
and yours such as belong to nobody else but yourselves." So they said
they must either come into such methods of divine worship as all others
came into, or else they must look out for another world, wherein they may
live by themselves, according to their own laws.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="139" unit="section" /><p>Now the young men were induced by the fondness they had for these
women to think they spake very well; so they gave themselves up to what
they persuaded them, and transgressed their own laws, and supposing there
were many gods, and resolving that they would sacrifice to them according
to the laws of that country which ordained them, they both were delighted
with their strange food, and went on to do every thing that the women would
have them do, though in contradiction to their own laws; so far indeed
that this transgression was already gone through the whole army of the
young men, and they fell into a sedition that was much worse than the former,
and into danger of the entire abolition of their own institutions; for
when once the youth had tasted of these strange customs, they went with
insatiable inclinations into them; and even where some of the principal
men were illustrious on account of the virtues of their fathers, they also
were corrupted together with the rest.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="141" unit="section" /><p>Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of Simeon accompanied with Cozbi,
a Midianitish women, who was the daughter of Sur, a man of authority in
that country; and being desired by his wife to disregard the laws of Moses,
and to follow those she was used to, he complied with her, and this both
by sacrificing after a manner different from his own, and by taking a stranger
to wife. When things were thus, Moses was afraid that matters should grow
worse, and called the people to a congregation, but then accused nobody
by name, as unwilling to drive those into despair who, by lying concealed,
might come to repentance; but he said that they did not do what was either
worthy of themselves, or of their fathers, by preferring pleasure to God,
and to the living according to his will; that it was fit they should change
their courses while their affairs were still in a good state, and think
that to be true fortitude which offers not violence to their laws, but
that which resists their lusts. And besides that, he said it was not a
reasonable thing, when they had lived soberly in the wilderness, to act
madly now when they were in prosperity; and that they ought not to lose,
now they have abundance, what they had gained when they had little: - and
so did he endeavor, by saying this, to correct the young inert, and to
bring them to repentance for what they had done.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="145" unit="section" /><p>But Zimri arose up after him, and said, "Yes, indeed, Moses,
thou art at liberty to make use of such laws as thou art so fond of, and
hast, by accustoming thyself to them, made them firm; otherwise, if things
had not been thus, thou hadst often been punished before now, and hadst
known that the Hebrews are not easily put upon; but thou shalt not have
me one of thy followers in thy tyrannical commands, for thou dost nothing
else hitherto, but, under pretense of laws, and of God, wickedly impose
on us slavery, and gain dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us of
the sweetness of life, which consists in acting according to our own wills,
and is the right of free-men, and of those that have no lord over them.
Nay, indeed, this man is harder upon the Hebrews then were the Egyptians
themselves, as pretending to punish, according to his laws, every one's
acting what is most agreeable to himself; but thou thyself better deservest
to suffer punishment, who presumest to abolish what every one acknowledges
to be what is good for him, and aimest to make thy single opinion to have
more force than that of all the rest; and what I now do, and think to be
right, I shall not hereafter deny to be according to my own sentiments.
I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a strange woman, and thou hearest
what I do from myself as from one that is free, for truly I did not intend
to conceal myself. I also own that I sacrificed to those gods to whom you
do not think it fit to sacrifice; and I think it right to come at truth
by inquiring of many people, and not like one that lives under tyranny,
to suffer the whole hope of my life to depend upon one man; nor shall any
one find cause to rejoice who declares himself to have more authority over
my actions than myself."</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="150" unit="section" /><p>Now when Zimri had said these things, about what he and some others
had wickedly done, the people held their peace, both out of fear of what
might come upon them, and because they saw that their legislator was not
willing to bring his insolence before the public any further, or openly
to contend with him; for he avoided that, lest many should imitate the
impudence of his language, and thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this
the assembly was dissolved. However, the mischievous attempt had proceeded
further, if Zimri had not been first slain, which came to pass on the following
occasion: - Phineas, a man in other respects better than the rest of the
young men, and also one that surpassed his contemporaries in the dignity
of his father, (for he was the son of Eleazar the high priest, and the
grandson of [Aaron] Moses's brother,) who was greatly troubled at what
was done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to inflict punishment on him,
before his unworthy behavior should grow stronger by impunity, and in order
to prevent this transgression from proceeding further, which would happen
if the ringleaders were not punished. He was of so great magnanimity, both
in strength of mind and body, that when he undertook any very dangerous
attempt, he did not leave it off till he overcame it, and got an entire
victory. So he came into Zimri's tent, and slew him with his javelin, and
with it he slew Cozbi also, Upon which all those young men that had a regard
to virtue, and aimed to do a glorious action, imitated Phineas's boldness,
and slew those that were found to be guilty of the same crime with Zimri.
Accordingly many of those that had transgressed perished by the magnanimous
valor of these young men; and the rest all perished by a plague, which
distemper God himself inflicted upon them; so that all those their kindred,
who, instead of hindering them from such wicked actions, as they ought
to have done, had persuaded them to go on, were esteemed by God as partners
in their wickedness, and died. Accordingly there perished out of the army
no fewer than fourteen <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The mistake in all Josephus's copies, Greek and Latin which have here fourteen
thousand instead of twenty-four thousand, is so flagrant, that our very
learned editors, Bernard and Hudson, have put the latter number directly
into the text. I choose rather to put it in brackets.</note>
[twenty-four] thousand at this time.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="156" unit="section" /><p>This was the cause why Moses was provoked to send an army to destroy
the Midianites, concerning which expedition we shall speak presently, when
we have first related what we have omitted; for it is but just not to pass
over our legislator's due encomium, on account of his conduct here, because,
although this Balaam, who was sent for by the Midianites to curse the Hebrews,
and when he was hindered from doing it by Divine Providence, did still
suggest that advice to them, by making use of which our enemies had well
nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the Hebrews with their wiles, till
some of them were deeply infected with their opinions; yet did he do him
great honor, by setting down his prophecies in writing. And while it was
in his power to claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they
were his own predictions, there being no one that could be a witness against
him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his attestation to him,
and did him the honor to make mention of him on this account. But let every
one think of these matters as he pleases.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE HEBREWS FOUGHT WITH THE MIDIANITES, AND OVERCAME
THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="159" unit="section" /><p>Now Moses sent an army against the land of Midian, for the causes
forementioned, in all twelve thousand, taking an equal number out of every
tribe, and appointed Phineas for their commander; of which Phineas we
made mention a little before, as he that had guarded the laws of the Hebrews,
and had inflicted punishment on Zimri when he had transgressed them. Now
the Midianites perceived beforehand how the Hebrews were coming, and would
suddenly be upon them: so they assembled their army together, and fortified
the entrances into their country, and there awaited the enemy's coming.
When they were come, and they had joined battle with them, an immense multitude
of the Midianites fell; nor could they be numbered, they were so very many:
and among them fell all their kings, five in number, viz. Evi, Zur, Reba,
Hur, and Rekem, who was of the same name with a city, the chief and capital
of all Arabia, which is still now so called by the whole Arabian nation,
<emph>Arecem</emph>, from the name of the king that built it; but is by the Greeks
called <emph>Petra</emph>. Now when the enemies were discomfited, the Hebrews
spoiled their country, and took a great prey, and destroyed the men that
were its inhabitants, together with the women; only they let the virgins
alone, as Moses had commanded Phineas to do, who indeed came back, bringing
with him an army that had received no harm, and a great deal of prey; fifty-two
thousand beeves, seventy-five thousand six hundred sheep, sixty thousand
asses, with an immense quantity of gold and silver furniture, which the
Midianites made use of in their houses; for they were so wealthy, that
they were very luxurious. There were also led captive about thirty-two
thousand virgins. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The slaughter of all the Midianite women that had prostituted themselves
to the lewd Israelites, and the preservation of those that had not been
guilty therein; the last of which were no fewer than thirty-two thousand,
both here and Numbers 31:15-17, 35, 40, 46, and both by the particular
command of God; are highly remarkable, and show that, even in nations otherwise
for their wickedness doomed to destruction, the innocent were sometimes
particularly and providentially taken care of, and delivered from that
destruction; which directly implies, that it was the wickedness of the
nations of Canaan, and nothing else, that occasioned their excision. See
Genesis 15;16; 1 Samuel 15:18, 33; Apost. Constit. B. VIII. ch. 12. p.
402. In the first of which places, the reason of the delay of the punishment
of the Amorites is given, because "their iniquity was not yet full."
In the secured, Saul is ordered to go and "destroy the sinners, the
Amalekites;" plainly implying that they were therefore to be destroyed,
because they were sinners, and not otherwise. In the third, the reason
is given why king Agag was not to be spared, viz. because of his former
cruelty: "As thy sword hath made the (Hebrew) women childless, so
shall thy mother be made childless among women by the Hebrews." In
the last place, the apostles, or their amanuensis Clement, gave this reason
for the necessity of the coming of Christ, that "men had formerly
perverted both the positive law, and that of nature; and had cast out of
their mind the memory of the Flood, the burning of Sodom, the plagues of
the Egyptians, and the slaughter of the inhabitants of Palestine,"
as signs of the most amazing impenitence and insensibility, under the punishments
of horrid wickedness.</note>
So Moses parted the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth part to Eleazar
and the two priests, and another fiftieth part to the Levites; and distributed
the rest of the prey among the people. After which they lived happily,
as having obtained an abundance of good things by their valor, and there
being no misfortune that attended them, or hindered their enjoyment of
that happiness.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="165" unit="section" /><p>But Moses was now grown old, and appointed Joshua for his successor,
both to receive directions from God as a prophet, and for a commander of
the army, if they should at any time stand in need of such a one; and this
was done by the command of God, that to him the care of the public should
be committed. Now Joshua had been instructed in all those kinds of learning
which concerned the laws and God himself, and Moses had been his instructor.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="166" unit="section" /><p>At this time it was that the two tribes of Gad and Reuben, and the
half tribe of Manasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as well as in
all other kinds of prosperity; whence they had a meeting, and in a body
came and besought Moses to give them, as their peculiar portion, that land
of the Amorites which they had taken by right of war, because it was fruitful,
and good for feeding of cattle; but Moses, supposing that they were afraid
of fighting with the Canaanites, and invented this provision for their
cattle as a handsome excuse for avoiding that war, he called them <emph>arrant
cowards</emph>, and said they had only contrived a decent excuse for that
cowardice; and that they had a mind to live in luxury and ease, while all
the rest were laboring with great pains to obtain the land they were desirous
to have; and that they were not willing to march along, and undergo the
remaining hard service, whereby they were, under the Divine promise, to
pass over Jordan, and overcome those our enemies which God had shown them,
and so obtain their land. But these tribes, when they saw that Moses was
angry with them, and when they could not deny but he had a just cause to
be displeased at their petition, made an apology for themselves; and said,
that it was not on account of their fear of dangers, nor on account of
their laziness, that they made this request to him, but that they might
leave the prey they had gotten in places of safety, and thereby might be
more expedite, and ready to undergo difficulties, and to fight battles.
They added this also, that when they had built cities, wherein they might
preserve their children, and wives, and possessions, if he would bestow
them upon them, they would go along with the rest of the army. Hereupon
Moses was pleased with what they said; so he called for Eleazar the high
priest, and Joshua, and the chief of the tribes, and permitted these tribes
to possess the land of the Amorites; but upon this condition, that they
should join with their kinsmen in the war until all things were settled.
Upon which condition they took possession of the country, and built them
strong cities, and put into them their children and their wives, and whatsoever
else they had that might be an impediment to the labors of their future
marches.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="172" unit="section" /><p>Moses also now built those ten cities which were to be of the number
of the forty-eight [for the Levites;]; three of which he allotted to those
that slew any person involuntarily, and fled to them; and he assigned the
same time for their banishment with that of the life of that high priest
under whom the slaughter and flight happened; after which death of the
high priest he permitted the slayer to return home. During the time of
his exile, the relations of him that was slain may, by this law, kill the
manslayer, if they caught him without the bounds of the city to which he
fled, though this permission was not granted to any other person. Now the
cities which were set apart for this flight were these: Bezer, at the borders
of Arabia; Ramoth, of the land of Gilead; and Golan, in the land of Bashan.
There were to be also, by Moses's command, three other cities allotted
for the habitation of these fugitives out of the cities of the Levites,
but not till after they should be in possession of the land of Canaan.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="174" unit="section" /><p>At this time the chief men of the tribe of Manasseh came to Moses,
and informed him that there was an eminent man of their tribe dead, whose
name was Zelophehad, who left no male children, but left daughters; and
asked him whether these daughters might inherit his land or not. He made
this answer, That if they shall marry into their own tribe, they shall
carry their estate along with them; but if they dispose of themselves in
marriage to men of another tribe, they shall leave their inheritance in
their father's tribe. And then it was that Moses ordained, that every one's
inheritance should continue in his own tribe.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE POLITY SETTLED BY MOSES; AND HOW HE DISAPPEARED FROM
AMONG MANKIND.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="176" unit="section" /><p>WHEN forty years were completed, within thirty days, Moses gathered
the congregation together near Jordan, where the city Abila now stands,
a place full of palm-trees; and all the people being come together, he
spake thus to them: -</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="177" unit="section" /><p>"O you Israelites and fellow soldiers, who have been partners
with me in this long and uneasy journey; since it is now the will of God,
and the course of old age, at a hundred and twenty, requires it that I
should depart out of this life; and since God has forbidden me to be a
patron or an assistant to you in what remains to be done beyond Jordan;
I thought it reasonable not to leave off my endeavors even now for your
happiness, but to do my utmost to procure for you the eternal enjoyment
of good things, and a memorial for myself, when you shall be in the fruition
of great plenty and prosperity. Come, therefore, let me suggest to you
by what means you may he happy, and may leave an eternal prosperous possession
thereof to your children after you, and then let me thus go out of the
world; and I cannot but deserve to be believed by you, both on account
of the great things I have already done for you, and because, when souls
are about to leave the body, they speak with the sincerest freedom. O children
of Israel! there is but one source of happiness for all mankind, the favor
of God <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here, in this one sentence, sums up his notion of Moses's very
long and very serious exhortations in the book of Deuteronomy; and his
words are so true, and of such importance, that they deserve to be had
in constant remembrance.</note>
for he alone is able to give good things to those that deserve them, and
to deprive those of them that sin against him; towards whom, if you behave
yourselves according to his will, and according to what I, who well understand
his mind, do exhort you to, you will both be esteemed blessed, and
will be admired by all men; and will never come into misfortunes, nor cease
to be happy: you will then preserve the possession of the good things you
already have, and will quickly obtain those that you are at present in
want of, - only do you be obedient to those whom God would have you to
follow. Nor do you prefer any other constitution of government before the
laws now given you; neither do you disregard that way of Divine worship
which you now have, nor change it for any other form: and if you do this,
you will be the most courageous of all men, in undergoing the fatigues
of war, and will not be easily conquered by any of your enemies; for while
God is present with you to assist you, it is to be expected that you will
be able to despise the opposition of all mankind; and great rewards of
virtue are proposed for you, if you preserve that virtue through your whole
lives. Virtue itself is indeed the principal and the first reward, and
after that it bestows abundance of others; so that your exercise of virtue
towards other men will make your own lives happy, and render you more glorious
than foreigners can be, and procure you an undisputed reputation with posterity.
These blessings you will be able to obtain, in case you hearken to and
observe those laws which, by Divine revelation, I have ordained for you;
that is, in case you withal meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I
am going from you myself, rejoicing in the good things you enjoy; and I
recommend you to the wise conduct of your law, to the becoming order of
your polity, and to the virtues of your commanders, who will take care
of what is for your advantage. And that God, who has been till now your
Leader, and by whose goodwill I have myself been useful to you, will not
put a period now to his providence over you, but as long as you desire
to have him your Protector in your pursuits after virtue, so long will
you enjoy his care over you. Your high priest also Eleazar, as well as
Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your tribes, will go before you,
and suggest the best advices to you; by following which advices you will
continue to be happy: to whom do you give ear without reluctance, as sensible
that all such as know well how to be governed, will also know how to govern,
if they be promoted to that authority themselves. And do not you esteem
liberty to consist in opposing such directions as your governors think
fit to give you for your practice, - as at present indeed you place your
liberty in nothing else but abusing your benefactors; which error if you
can avoid for the time to come, your affairs will be in a better condition
than they have hitherto been. Nor do you ever indulge such a degree of
passion in these matters, as you have oftentimes done when you have been
very angry at me; for you know that I have been oftener in danger of death
from you than from our enemies. What I now put you in mind of, is not done
in order to reproach you; for I do not think it proper, now I am going
out of the world, to bring this to your remembrance, in order to leave
you offended at me, since, at the time when I underwent those hardships
from you, I was not angry at you; but I do it in order to make you wiser
hereafter, and to teach you that this will be for your security; I mean,
that you never be injurious to those that preside over you, even when you
are become rich, as you will he to a great degree when you have passed
over Jordan, and are in possession of the land of Canaan. Since, when you
shall have once proceeded so far by your wealth, as to a contempt and disregard
of virtue, you will also forfeit the favor of God; and when you have made
him your enemy, you will be beaten in war, and will have the land which
you possess taken away again from you by your enemies, and this with great
reproaches upon your conduct. You will be scattered over the whole world,
and will, as slaves, entirely fill both sea and land; and when once you
have had the experience of what I now say, you will repent, and remember
the laws you have broken, when it is too late. Whence I would advise you,
if you intend to preserve these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive
when you have conquered them, but to look upon it as for your advantage
to destroy them all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste of their
manners, and thereby corrupt your own proper institutions. I also do further
exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and their groves, and whatsoever
temples they have among them, and to burn all such, their nation, and their
very memory with fire; for by this means alone the safety of your own happy
constitution can be firmly secured to you. And in order to prevent your
ignorance of virtue, and the degeneracy of your nature into vice, I have
also ordained you laws, by Divine suggestion, and a form of government,
which are so good, that if you regularly observe them, you will be esteemed
of all men the most happy."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>When he had spoken thus, he gave them the laws and the constitution
of government written in a book. Upon which the people fell into tears,
and appeared already touched with the sense that they should have a great
want of their conductor, because they remembered what a number of dangers
he had passed through, and what care he had taken of their preservation:
they desponded about what would come upon them after he was dead, and thought
they should never have another governor like him; and feared that God would
then take less care of them when Moses was gone, who used to intercede
for them. They also repented of what they had said to him in the wilderness
when they were angry, and were in grief on those accounts, insomuch that
the whole body of the people fell into tears with such bitterness, that
it was past the power of words to comfort them in their affliction. However,
Moses gave them some consolation; and by calling them off the thought how
worthy he was of their weeping for him, he exhorted them to keep to that
form of government he had given them; and then the congregation was dissolved
at that time.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="196" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which
was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses; and shall thereby inform
those that read these Antiquities, what our original settlements were,
and shall then proceed to the remaining histories. Now those settlements
are all still in writing, as he left them; and we shall add nothing by
way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; only we shall
so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular
system; for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally
scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of
God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this observation
beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been
guilty of an offense herein. Now part of our constitution will include
the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses
left concerning our common conversation and intercourse one with another,
I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and
the occasions of those laws; which I propose to myself, with God's assistance,
to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="199" unit="section" /><p>When you have possessed yourselves of the land of Canaan, and have
leisure to enjoy the good things of it, and when you have afterward determined
to build cities, if you will do what is pleasing to God, you will have
a secure state of happiness. Let there be then one city of the land of
Canaan, and this situate in the most agreeable place for its goodness,
and very eminent in itself, and let it be that which God shall choose for
himself by prophetic revelation. Let there also be one temple therein,
and one altar, not reared of hewn stones, but of such as you gather together
at random; which stones, when they are whited over with mortar, will have
a handsome appearance, and be beautiful to the sight. Let the ascent to
it be not by steps <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This law, both here and Exodus 20:25, 26, of not going up to God's altar
by ladder-steps, but on an acclivity, seems not to have belonged to the
altar of the tabernacle, which was in all but three cubits high, Exodus
27:4; nor to that of Ezekiel, which was expressly to be gone up to by steps,
ch. 43:17; but rather to occasional altars of any considerable altitude
and largeness; as also probably to Solomon's altar, to which it is here
applied by Josephus, as well as to that in Zorobabel's and Herod's temple,
which were, I think, all ten cubits high. See 2 Chronicles 4:1, and Antiq.
B. VIII. ch. 3. sect. 7. The reason why these temples, and these only,
were to have this ascent on an acclivity, and not by steps, is obvious,
that before the invention of stairs, such as we now use, decency could
not be otherwise provided for in the loose garments which the priests wore,
as the law required. See Lamy of the Tabernacle and Temple, p. 444.</note>
but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar
nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the
Hebrews is but one.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="202" unit="section" /><p>He that blasphemeth God, let him be stoned; and let him hang upon
a tree all that day, and then let him be buried in an ignominious and obscure
manner.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="203" unit="section" /><p>Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the
Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and
this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former
benefits, and may entreat him for those they shall want hereafter; and
let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another
by such meetings and feastings together, for it is a good thing for those
that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of laws, not
to be unacquainted with each other; which acquaintance will be maintained
by thus conversing together, and by seeing and talking with one another,
and so renewing the memorials of this union; for if they do not thus converse
together continually, they will appear like mere strangers to one another.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which
you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed
sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacrifices
that are to be celebrated in the holy city; for it is fit that you should
enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you to possess, so as may
be to the honor of the donor.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="206" unit="section" /><p>You are not to offer sacrifices out of the hire of a woman who is
a harlot <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The hire of public or secret harlots was given to Venus in Syria, as Lucian
informs us, p. 878; and against some such vile practice of the old idolaters
this law seems to have been made.</note>
for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that arises from such abuses
of nature; of which sort none can be worse than this prostitution of the
body. In like manner no one may take the price of the covering of a bitch,
either of one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence
sacrifice to God.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="207" unit="section" /><p>Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such;
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The Apostolical Constitutions, B. II. ch. 26. sect. 31, expound this law
of Moses, Exodus 22. 28, "Thou shalt not revile or blaspheme the gods,"
or magistrates, which is a much more probable exposition than this of Josephus,
of heathen gillis, as here, and against Apion, B. II. ch. 3. sect. 31.
What book of the law was thus publicly read, see the note on Antiq. B.
X. ch. 5. sect. 5, and 1 Esd. 9:8-55.</note> nor
may any one steal what belongs to strange temples, nor take away the gifts
that are dedicated to any god.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="208" unit="section" /><p>Let not any one of you wear a garment made of woolen and linen,
for that is appointed to be for the priests alone.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="209" unit="section" /><p>When the multitude are assembled together unto the holy city for
sacrificing every seventh year, at the feast of tabernacles, let the high
priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be heard, and let him read
the laws to all the people; and let neither the women nor the children
be hindered from hearing, no, nor the servants neither; for it is a good
thing that those laws should be engraven in their souls, and preserved
in their memories, that so it may not be possible to blot them out; for
by this means they will not be guilty of sin, when they cannot plead ignorance
of what the laws have enjoined them. The laws also will have a greater
authority among them, as foretelling what they will suffer if they break
them; and imprinting in their souls by this hearing what they command them
to do, that so there may always be within their minds that intention of
the laws which they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the
causes of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as
the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing they can
be taught, and will be the cause of their future felicity.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="212" unit="section" /><p>Let every one commemorate before God the benefits which he bestowed
upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt, and this twice
every day, both when the day begins and when the hour of sleep comes on,
gratitude being in its own nature a just thing, and serving not only by
way of return for past, but also by way of invitation of future favors.
They are also to inscribe the principal blessings they have received from
God upon their doors, and show the same remembrance of them upon their
arms; as also they are to bear on their forehead and their arm those wonders
which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards them, that God's
readiness to bless them may appear every where conspicuous about them.
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether
these phylacteries, and other Jewish memorials of the law here mentioned
by Josephus, and by Muses, (besides the fringes on the borders of their
garments, Numbers 15:37,) were literally meant by God, I much question.
That they have been long observed by the Pharisees and Rabbinical Jews
is certain; however, the Karaites, who receive not the unwritten traditions
of the elders, but keep close to the written law, with Jerome and Grotius,
think they were not literally to be understood; as Bernard and Reland here
take notice. Nor indeed do I remember that, either in the ancienter books
of the Old Testament, or in the books we call Apocrypha, there are any
signs of such literal observations appearing among the Jews, though their
real or mystical signification, i.e. the constant remembrance and observation
of the laws of God by Moses, be frequently inculcated in all the sacred
writings.</note></p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="214" unit="section" /><p>Let there be seven men to judge in every city, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here, as well as elsewhere, sect. 38, of his Life, sect. 14, and of the
War, B. II. ch. 20. sect. 5, are but seven judges appointed for small cities,
instead of twenty-three in the modern Rabidns; which modern Rabbis are
always but of very little authority in comparison of our Josephus.</note>
and these such as have been before most zealous in the exercise of virtue
and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of
the tribe of Levi. Let those that are chosen to judge in the several
cities be had in great honor; and let none be permitted to revile any others
when these are present, nor to carry themselves in an insolent manner to
them; it being natural that reverence towards those in high offices among
men should procure men's fear and reverence towards God. Let those that
judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be right, unless
any one can show that they have taken bribes, to the perversion of justice,
or can allege any other accusation against them, whereby it may appear
that they have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not fit that causes
should be openly determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of
the suitors, but that the judges should esteem what is right before all
other things, otherwise God will by that means be despised, and esteemed
inferior to those, the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence;
for justice is the power of God. He therefore that gratifies those in great
dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself. But if these judges
be unable to give a just sentence about the causes that come before them,
(which case is not unfrequent in human affairs,) let them send the cause
undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high priest, the prophet,
and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem good to them.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="219" unit="section" /><p>But let not a single witness be credited, but three, or two at the
least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by their good lives.
But let not the testimony of women be admitted, on account of the levity
and boldness of their sex <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I have never observed elsewhere, that in the Jewish government women were
not admitted as legal witnesses in courts of justice. None of our copies
of the Pentateuch say a word of it. It is very probable, however, that
this was the exposition of the scribes and Pharisees, and the practice
of the Jews in the days of Josephus.</note>
Nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility
of their soul; since it is probable that they may not speak truth, either
out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But if any one be believed
to have borne false witness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all
the very same punishments which he against whom he bore witness was to
have suffered.</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="220" unit="section" /><p>If a murder be committed in any place, and he that did it be not
found, nor is there any suspicion upon one as if he had hated the man,
and so had killed him, let there be a very diligent inquiry made after
the man, and rewards proposed to any one who will discover him; but if
still no information can be procured, let the magistrates and senate of
those cities that lie near the place in which the murder was committed,
assemble together, and measure the distance from the place where the dead
body lies; then let the magistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase
a heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a place therein where there
is no land ploughed or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews of the
heifer; then the priests and Levites, and the senate of that city, shall
take water and wash their hands over the head of the heifer; and they shall
openly declare that their hands are innocent of this murder, and that they
have neither done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it.
They shall also beseech God to be merciful to them, that no such horrid
act may any more be done in that land.</p>
<milestone n="17" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="223" unit="section" /><p>Aristocracy, and the way of living under it, is the best constitution:
and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government;
and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your governors,
and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme
governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your
own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually;
let him submit to the laws, and esteem God's commands to be his highest
wisdom; but let him do nothing without the high priest and the votes of
the senators: let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after
abundance of riches, nor a multitude of horses, whereby he may grow too
proud to submit to the laws. And if he affect any such things, let him
be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be inconsistent
with your welfare.</p>
<milestone n="18" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="225" unit="section" /><p>Let it not be esteemed lawful to remove boundaries, neither our
own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you do not take
those landmarks away which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken limitation
of rights made by God himself, to last for ever; since this going beyond
limits, and gaining ground upon others, is the occasion of wars and seditions;
for those that remove boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert
the laws.</p>
<milestone n="19" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="226" unit="section" /><p>He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits
before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God,
nor is he to make use of that fruit himself, for it is not produced in
its proper season; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable
time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master's use; but let
the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth car, for then it is in
its proper season. And let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy
city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting
with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year
the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases.</p>
<milestone n="20" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted with
vines, for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that plant, and be
not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough your land with oxen,
and not to oblige other animals to come under the same yoke with them;
but to till your land with those beasts that are of the same kind with
each other. The seeds are also to be pure, and without mixture, and not
to be compounded of two or three sorts, since nature does not rejoice in
the union of things that are not in their own nature alike; nor are you
to permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is reason
to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts of different kinds
to men, though it takes its first rise from evil practices about such smaller
things. Nor is any thing to be allowed, by imitation whereof any degree
of subversion may creep into the constitution. Nor do the laws neglect
small matters, but provide that even those may be managed after an unblamable
manner.</p>
<milestone n="21" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="231" unit="section" /><p>Let not those that reap, and gather in the corn that is reaped,
gather in the gleanings also; but let them rather leave some handfuls for
those that are in want of the necessaries of life, that it may be a support
and a supply to them, in order to their subsistence. In like manner when
they gather their grapes, let them leave some smaller bunches for the poor,
and let them pass over some of the fruits of the olive-trees, when they
gather them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of
their own; for the advantage arising from the exact collection of all,
will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from the gratitude
of the poor. And God will provide that the land shall more willingly produce
what shall be for the nourishment of its fruits, in case you do not merely
take care of your own advantage, but have regard to the support of others
also. Nor are you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the
ears of corn in the thrashing-floor; for it is not just to restrain our
fellow-laboring animals, and those that work in order to its production,
of this fruit of their labors. Nor are you to prohibit those that pass
by at the time when your fruits are ripe to touch them, but to give them
leave to fill themselves full of what you have; and this whether they be
of your own country or strangers, - as being glad of the opportunity of
giving them some part of your fruits when they are ripe; but let it not
be esteemed lawful for them to carry any away. Nor let those that gather
the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain those whom they
meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder those
that desire it, to partake of the good things that come into the world
according to God's will, and this while the season is at the height, and
is hastening away as it pleases God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness,
are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of
them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the
owners and lords, on account of the kindred there is between them. Nay,
let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these
tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season; for that
is not to be deemed as idly spent, which any one out of kindness communicates
to another, since God bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for
themselves to reap the advantage, but also to give to others in a way of
generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to others
his peculiar kindness to the people of Israel, and how freely he communicates
happiness to them, while they abundantly communicate out of their great
superfluities to even these foreigners also. But for him that acts contrary
to this law, let him be beaten with forty stripes save one <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This penalty of "forty stripes save one," here mentioned, and
sect. 23, was five times inflicted on St. Paul himself by the Jews, 2 Corinthians
11:24</note>
by the public executioner; let him undergo this punishment, which is a
most ignominious one for a free-man, and this because he was such a slave
to gain as to lay a blot upon his dignity; for it is proper for you who
have had the experience of the afflictions in Egypt, and of those in the
wilderness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances;
and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and
providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy,
to such as stand in need of it.</p>
<milestone n="22" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="240" unit="section" /><p>Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are to pay
every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the festivals, you are
to bring every third year a third tithe to be distributed to those that
want; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus's plain and express interpretation of this law of Moses, Deuteronomy
14:28, 29; 26:12, etc., that the Jews were bound every third year to pay
three tithes, that to the Levites, that for sacrifices at Jerusalem, and
this for the indigent, the widow, and the orphans, is fully confirmed by
the practice of good old Tobit, even when he was a captive in Assyria,
against the opinions of the Rabbins, Tobit 1:6-8.</note>
to women also that are widows, and to children that are orphans. But as
to the ripe fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into
the temple; and when they have blessed God for that land which bare them,
and which he had given them for a possession, when they have also offered
those sacrifices which the law has commanded them to bring, let them give
the first-fruits to the priests. But when any one hath done this, and hath
brought the tithe of all that he hath, together with those first-fruits
that are for the Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to
go home, let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God,
that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had in Egypt,
and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets them enjoy the fruits
thereof; and when he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid the
tithes [and other dues] according to the laws of Moses, let him entreat
God that he will be ever merciful and gracious to him, and continue so
to be to all the Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath
already given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow
upon them.</p>
<milestone n="23" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="244" unit="section" /><p>Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that are free,
and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a virgin, let him
not corrupt another man's wife, and marry her, nor grieve her former husband.
Nor let free men marry slaves, although their affections should strongly
bias any of them so to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the
persons themselves, to govern those their affections. And further, no one
ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, arising from the
prostitution of her body, God will not receive; for by these means the
dispositions of the children will be liberal and virtuous; I mean, when
they are not born of base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of such
as marry women that are not free. If any one has been espoused to a woman
as to a virgin, and does not afterward find her so to be, let him bring
his action, and accuse her, and let him make use of such indications <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These tokens of virginity, as the Hebrew and Septuagint style them, Deuteronomy
22:15, 17, 20, seem to me very different from what our later interpreters
suppose. They appear rather to have been such close linen garments as were
never put off virgins, after, a certain age, till they were married, but
before witnesses, and which, while they were entire, were certain evidences
of such virginity. See these, Antiq. B. VII. ch. 8. sect. 1; 2 Samuel 13:18;
Isaiah 6:1 Josephus here determines nothing what were these particular
tokens of virginity or of corruption: perhaps he thought he could not easily
describe them to the heathens, without saying what they might have thought
a breach of modesty; which seeming breach of modesty laws cannot always
wholly avoid.</note>
to prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the father or
the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after them nearest of kin
to her, defend her If the damsel obtain a sentence in her favor, that she
had not been guilty, let her live with her husband that accused her; and
let him not have any further power at all to put her away, unless she give
him very great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way contradicted.
But for him that brings an accusation and calumny against his wife in an
impudent and rash manner, let him be punished by receiving forty stripes
save one, and let him pay fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel
be convicted, as having been corrupted, and is one of the common people,
let her be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she
were lawfully married; but if she were the daughter of a priest, let her
be burnt alive. If any one has two wives, and if he greatly respect and
be kind to one of them, either out of his affection to her, or for her
beauty, or for some other reason, while the other is of less esteem with
him; and if the son of her that is beloved be the younger by birth than
another born of the other wife, but endeavors to obtain the right of primogeniture
from his father's kindness to his mother, and would thereby obtain a double
portion of his father's substance, for that double portion is what I have
allotted him in the laws, - let not this be permitted; for it is unjust
that he who is the elder by birth should be deprived of what is due to
him, on the father's disposition of his estate, because his mother was
not equally regarded by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to
another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be put to
death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, because he persuaded
the woman willingly to submit to a most impure action, and to prefer it
to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she was persuaded to yield herself
to be corrupted, either for pleasure or for gain. However, if a man light
on a woman when she is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present
to come to her assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath
corrupted a virgin not yet espoused marry her; but if the father of the
damsel be not willing that she should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels
as the price of her prostitution. He that desires to be divorced from his
wife for any cause <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These words of Josephus are very like those of the Pharisees to our Savior
upon this very subject, Matthew 19:3, "Is it lawful for a man to put
away his wife for every cause?"</note>
whatsoever, (and many such causes happen among men,) let him in writing
give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by
this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before
this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be permitted so to do: but
if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband
would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him.
If a woman's husband die, and leave her without children, let his brother
marry her, and let him call the son that is born to him by his brother's
name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance, for this procedure
will be for the benefit of the public, because thereby families will not
fail, and the estate will continue among the kindred; and this will be
for the solace of wives under their affliction, that they are to be married
to the next relation of their former husbands. But if the brother will
not marry her, let the woman come before the senate, and protest openly
that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but will injure the
memory of his deceased brother, while she is willing to continue in the
family, and to hear him children. And when the senate have inquired of
him for what reason it is that he is averse to this marriage, whether he
gives a bad or a good reason, the matter must come to this issue, That
the woman shall loose the sandals of the brother, and shall spit in his
face, and say, He deserves this reproachful treatment from her, as having
injured the memory of the deceased. And then let him go away out of the
senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long; and let her
marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage. But now, if
any man take captive, either a virgin, or one that hath been married, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here it is supposed that this captive's husband, if she were before a married
woman, was dead before, or rather was slain in this very battle, otherwise
it would have been adultery in him that married her.</note>
and has a mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to bring her to bed
to him, or to live with her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven,
and hath put on her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends
that were slain in the battle, that by this means she may give vent to
her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to feasting and
matrimony; for it is good for him that takes a woman, in order to have
children by her, to be complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely
to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath no regard to what is agreeable
to her. But when thirty days are past, as the time of mourning, for so
many are sufficient to prudent persons for lamenting the dearest friends,
then let them proceed to the marriage; but in case when he hath satisfied
his lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not have
it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away whither she pleases,
and have that privilege of a free woman.</p>
<milestone n="24" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="260" unit="section" /><p>As to those young men that despise their parents, and do not pay
them honor, but offer them affronts, either because they are ashamed of
them or think themselves wiser than they, - in the first place, let their
parents admonish them in words, (for they are by nature of authority sufficient
for becoming their judges,) and let them say thus to them: - That they
cohabited together, not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation
of their riches, by joining both their stocks together, but that they might
have children to take care of them in their old age, and might by them
have what they then should want. And say further to him, "That when
thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness, and gave God the greatest
thanks for thee, and brought time up with great care, and spared for nothing
that appeared useful for thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what
was most excellent. And now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins
of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications
Of thy contempt of us; reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time
to come; considering that God is displeased with those that are insolent
towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race
of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonor which falls upon those
that have the same name, when they do not meet with dire returns from their
children. And on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which
punishment mayst thou never have the experience." Now if the insolence
of young men be thus cured, let them escape the reproach which their former
errors deserved; for by this means the lawgiver will appear to be good,
and parents happy, while they never behold either a son or a daughter brought
to punishment. But if it happen that these words and instructions, conveyed
by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be useless, then the offender
renders the laws implacable enemies to the insolence he has offered his
parents; let him therefore be brought forth <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See Herod the Great insisting on the execution of this law, with relation
to two of his own sons, before the judges at Berytus, Antiq. B. XVI. ch.
11. sect. 2.</note>
by these very parents out of the city, with a multitude following him,
and there let him be stoned; and when he has continued there for one whole
day, that all the people may see him, let him be buried in the night. And
thus it is that we bury all whom the laws condemn to die, upon any account
whatsoever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried; nor let
any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a punishment beyond what
justice requires.</p>
<milestone n="25" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="266" unit="section" /><p>Let no one lend to any one of the Hebrews upon usury, neither usury
of what is eaten or what is drunken, for it is not just to make advantage
of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen; but when thou hast been
assistant to his necessities, think it thy gain if thou obtainest their
gratitude to thee; and withal that reward which will come to thee from
God, for thy humanity towards him.</p>
<milestone n="26" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="267" unit="section" /><p>Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits, whether
dry or wet, (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by the blessing
of God, be to their own mind,) let the borrowers bring them again, and
restore them with pleasure to those who lent them, laying them up, as it
were, in their own treasuries, and justly expecting to receive them thence,
if they shall want them again. But if they be without shame, and do not
restore it, let not the lender go to the borrower's house, and take a pledge
himself, before judgment be given concerning it; but let him require the
pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself, without the least opposition
to him that comes upon him under the protection of the law. And if he that
gave the pledge be rich, let the creditor retain it till what he lent be
paid him again; but if he be poor, let him that takes it return it before
the going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment, that
the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God himself naturally
showing mercy to the poor. It is also not lawful to take a millstone, nor
any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge, that the debtor, may not be
deprived of instruments to get their food withal, and lest they be undone
by their necessity.</p>
<milestone n="27" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="271" unit="section" /><p>Let death be the punishment for stealing a man; but he that hath
purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill a man that
is stealing something out of his house, let him be esteemed guiltless,
although the man were only breaking in at the wall. Let him that hath stolen
cattle pay fourfold what is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which
let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay
what mulet is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was adjudged to
pay it.</p>
<milestone n="28" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="273" unit="section" /><p>If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve him six
years, and on the seventh let him go free. But if he have a son by a woman
servant in his purchaser's house, and if, on account of his good-will to
his master, and his natural affection to his wife and children, he will
be his servant still, let him be set free only at the coming of the year
of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, and let him then take away with
him his children and wife, and let them be free also.</p>
<milestone n="29" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="274" unit="section" /><p>If any one find gold or silver on the road, let him inquire after
him that lost it, and make proclamation of the place where he found it,
and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it right to make his
own profit by the loss of another. And the same rule is to be observed
in cattle found to have wandered away into a lonely place. If the owner
be not presently discovered, let him that is the finder keep it with himself,
and appeal to God that he has not purloined what belongs to another.</p>
<milestone n="30" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="275" unit="section" /><p>It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress, when
in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavor to preserve it,
as having a sympathy with it in its pain.</p>
<milestone n="31" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="276" unit="section" /><p>It is also a duty to show the roads to those who do not know them,
and not to esteem it a matter for sport, when we hinder others' advantages,
by setting them in a wrong way.</p>
<milestone n="32" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="277" unit="section" /><p>In like manner, let no one revile a person blind or dumb.</p>
<milestone n="33" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="279" unit="section" /><p>If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron, let
him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the same punishment
on him that smote him: but if when he is carried home he lie sick many
days, and then die, let him that smote him not escape punishment; but if
he that is smitten escape death, and yet be at great expense for his cure,
the smiter shall pay for all that has been expended during the time of
his sickness, and for all that he has paid the physician. He that kicks
a woman with child, so that the woman miscarry, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Philo and others appear to have understood this law, Exodus 21:22, 23,
better than Josephus, who seems to allow, that though the infant in the
mother's womb, even after the mother were quick, and so the infant had
a rational soul, were killed by the stroke upon the mother, yet if the
mother escaped, the offender should only be fined, and not put to death;
while the law seems rather to mean, that if the infant in that case be
killed, though the mother escape, the offender must be put to death, and
not only when the mother is killed, as Josehus understood it. It seems
this was the exposition of the Pharisees in the days of Josephus.</note>
let him pay a fine in money, as the judges shall determine, as having diminished
the multitude by the destruction of what was in her womb; and let money
also be given the woman's husband by him that kicked her; but if she die
of the stroke, let him also be put to death, the law judging it equitable
that life should go for life.</p>
<milestone n="34" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="280" unit="section" /><p>Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What we render a witch, according to our modern notions of witchcraft,
Exodus 22:15, Philo and Josephus understood of a poisoner, or one who attempted
by secret and unlawful drugs or philtra, to take away the senses or the
lives of men.</note>
that may cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let
him be put to death, and suffer the very same mischief that he would have
brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared.</p>
<milestone n="35" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="281" unit="section" /><p>He that maimeth any one, let him undergo the like himself, and be
deprived of the same member of which he hath deprived the other, unless
he that is maimed will accept of money instead of it <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This permission of redeeming this penalty with money is not in our copies,
Exodus 21:24, 25; Leviticus 24:20; Deuteronomy 19:21.</note>
for the law makes the sufferer the judge of the value of what he hath suffered,
and permits him to estimate it, unless he will be more severe.</p>
<milestone n="36" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="283" unit="section" /><p>Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his horn,
kill him: but if he pushes and gores any one in the thrashing-floor, let
him be put to death by stoning, and let him not be thought fit for food:
but if his owner be convicted as having known what his nature was, and
hath not kept him up, let him also be put to death, as being the occasion
of the ox's having killed a man. But if the ox have killed a man-servant,
or a maid-servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox pay thirty
shekels <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may here note, that thirty shekels, the price our Savior was sold for
by Judas to the Jews, Matthew 26:15, and 27;3, was the old value of a bought
servant or slave among that people.</note>
to the master of him that was slain; but if it be an ox that is thus smitten
and killed, let both the oxen, that which smote the other and that which
was killed, be sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between
them.</p>
<milestone n="37" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="285" unit="section" /><p>Let those that dig a well or a pit be careful to lay planks over
them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder any persons from
drawing water, but that there may be no danger of falling into them. But
if any one's beast fall into such a well or pit thus digged, and not shut
up, and perish, let the owner pay its price to the owner of the beast.
Let there be a battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall,
that may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing.</p>
<milestone n="38" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="289" unit="section" /><p>Let him that has received any thing in trust for another, take care
to keep it as a sacred and divine thing; and let no one invent any contrivance
whereby to deprive him that hath intrusted it with him of the same, and
this whether he be a man or a woman; no, not although he or she were to
gain an immense sum of gold, and this where he cannot be convicted of it
by any body; for it is fit that a man's own conscience, which knows what
he hath, should in all cases oblige him to do well. Let this conscience
be his witness, and make him always act so as may procure him commendation
from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God, from whom no wicked
man can lie concealed: but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without
any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come
before the seven judges, and swear by God that nothing hath been lost willingly,
or with a wicked intention, and that he hath not made use of any part thereof,
and so let him depart without blame; but if he hath made use of the least
part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him be condemned
to repay all that he had received. After the same manner as in these trusts
it is to be, if any one defraud those that undergo bodily labor for him.
And let it be always remembered, that we are not to defraud a poor man
of his wages, as being sensible that God has allotted these wages to him
instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not at all
to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is not willing to
deprive the laborer of the immediate use of what he hath labored for.</p>
<milestone n="39" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="290" unit="section" /><p>You are not to punish children for the faults of their parents,
but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commiseration,
because they were born of wicked parents, than hatred, because they were
born of bad ones. Nor indeed ought we to impute the sin of children to
their fathers, while young persons indulge themselves in many practices
different from what they have been instructed in, and this by their proud
refusal of such instruction.</p>
<milestone n="40" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="292" unit="section" /><p>Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be had in detestation;
and do you avoid any conversation with them who have deprived themselves
of their manhood, and of that fruit of generation which God has given to
men for the increase of their kind: let such be driven away, as if they
had killed their children, since they beforehand have lost what should
procure them; for evident it is, that while their soul is become effeminate,
they have withal transfused that effeminacy to their body also. In like
manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked
on; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other animals. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This law against castration, even of brutes, is said to be so rigorous
elsewhere, as to inflict death on him that does it. which seems only a
Pharisaical interpretation in the days of Josephus of that law, Leviticus
21:20, and 22:24: only we may hence observe, that the Jews could then have
no oxen which are gelded, but only bulls and cows, in Judea.</note></p>
<milestone n="41" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="294" unit="section" /><p>Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace,
and God will be so merciful as to preserve this excellent settlement free
from disturbance: and may that time never come which may innovate any thing,
and change it for the contrary. But since it must needs happen that mankind
fall into troubles and dangers, either undesignedly or intentionally, come
let us make a few constitutions concerning them, that so being apprised
beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary counsels ready
when you want them, and may not then be obliged to go to seek what is to
be done, and so be unprovided, and fall into dangerous circumstances. May
you be a laborious people, and exercise your souls in virtuous actions,
and thereby possess and inherit the land without wars; while neither any
foreigners make war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition
seize upon it, whereby you may do things that are contrary to your fathers,
and so lose the laws which they have established. And may you continue
in the observation of those laws which God hath approved of, and hath delivered
to you. Let all sort of warlike operations, whether they befall you now
in your own time, or hereafter in the times of your posterity, be done
out of your own borders: but when you are about to go to war, send embassages
and heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a right
thing to make use of words to them before you come to your weapons of war;
and assure them thereby, that although you have a numerous army, with horses
and weapons, and, above these, a God merciful to you, and ready to assist
you, you do however desire them not to compel you to fight against them,
nor to take from them what they have, which will indeed be our gain, but
what they will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves. And
if they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with them;
but if they trust in their own strength, as superior to yours, and will
not do you justice, lead your army against them, making use of God as your
supreme Commander, but ordaining for a lieutenant under him one that is
of the greatest courage among you; for these different commanders, besides
their being an obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are
a disadvantage to those that make use of them. Lead an army pure, and of
chosen men, composed of all such as have extraordinary strength of body
and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the timorous part, lest they
run away in the time of action, and so afford an advantage to your enemies.
Do you also give leave to those that have lately built them houses, and
have not yet lived in them a year's time; and to those that have planted
them vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of their fruits, - to continue
in their own country; as well as those also who have betrothed, or lately
married them wives, lest they have such an affection for these things that
they he too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving themselves for these
enjoyments, they become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives.</p>
<milestone n="42" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="299" unit="section" /><p>When you have pitched your camp, take care that you do nothing that
is cruel. And when you are engaged in a siege; and want timber for the
making of warlike engines, do not you render the land naked by cutting
down trees that bear fruit, but spare them, as considering that they were
made for the benefit of men; and that if they could speak, they would have
a just plea against you, because, though they are not occasions of the
war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in it, and would, if they were
able, remove themselves into another land. When you have beaten your enemies
in battle, slay those that have fought against you; but preserve the others
alive, that they may pay you tribute, excepting the nation of the Canaanites;
for as to that people, you must entirely destroy them.</p>
<milestone n="43" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="301" unit="section" /><p>Take care, especially in your battles, that no woman use the habit
of a man, nor man the garment of a woman.</p>
<milestone n="44" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="302" unit="section" /><p>This was the form of political government which was left us by Moses.
Moreover, he had already delivered laws in writing <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These laws seem to be those above-mentioned, sect, 4, of this chapter.</note>
in the fortieth year [after they came out of Egypt], concerning which we
will discourse in another book. But now on the following days (for he called
them to assemble continually) he delivered blessings to them, and curses
upon those that should not live according to the laws, but should transgress
the duties that were determined for them to observe. After this, he read
to them a poetic song, which was composed in hexameter verse, and left
it to them in the holy book: it contained a prediction of what was to come
to pass afterward; agreeably whereto all things have happened all along,
and do still happen to us; and wherein he has not at all deviated from
the truth. Accordingly, he delivered these books to the priest, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What laws were now delivered to the priests, see the note on Antiq. B.
III. ch. 1. sect. 7,</note>
with the ark; into which he also put the ten commandments, written on two
tables. He delivered to them the tabernacle also, and exhorted the people,
that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should
not forget the injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and
inflict punishment upon them for what mischief they did them when they
were in the wilderness; and that when they had got possession of the land
of the Canaanites, and when they had destroyed the whole multitude of its
inhabitants, as they ought to do, they should erect an altar that should
face the rising sun, not far from the city of Shechem, between the two
mountains, that of Gerizzim, situate on the right hand, and that called
Ebal, on the left; and that the army should be so divided, that six tribes
should stand upon each of the two mountains, and with them the Levites
and the priests. And that first, those that were upon Mount Gerizzim should
pray for the best blessings upon those who were diligent about the worship
of God, and the observation of his laws, and who did not reject what Moses
had said to them; while the other wished them all manner of happiness also;
and when these last put up the like prayers, the former praised them. After
this, curses were denounced upon those that should transgress those laws,
they ,answering one another alternately, by way of confirmation of what
had been said. Moses also wrote their blessings and their curses, that
they might learn them so thoroughly, that they might never be forgotten
by length of time. And when he was ready to die, he wrote these blessings
and curses upon the altar, on each side of it; where he says also the people
stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt-offerings, though after that
day they never offered upon it any other sacrifice, for it was not lawful
so to do. These are the constitutions of Moses; and the Hebrew nation still
live according to them.</p>
<milestone n="45" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="309" unit="section" /><p>On the next day, Moses called the people together, with the women
and children, to a congregation, so as the very slaves were present also,
that they might engage themselves to the observation of these laws by oath;
and that, duly considering the meaning of God in them, they might not,
either for favor of their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed
for any motive whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these
laws, and so might transgress them. That in case any one of their own blood,
or any city, should attempt to confound or dissolve their constitution
of government, they should take vengeance upon them, both all in general,
and each person in particular; and when they had conquered them, should
overturn their city to the very foundations, and, if possible, should not
leave the least footsteps of such madness: but that if they were not able
to take such vengeance, they should still demonstrate that what was done
was contrary to their wills. So the multitude bound themselves by oath
so to do.</p>
<milestone n="46" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="311" unit="section" /><p>Moses taught them also by what means their sacrifices might be the
most acceptable to God; and how they should go forth to war, making use
of the stones (in the high priest's breastplate) for their direction, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the exact place where this altar was to be built, whether nearer Mount
Gerizzim or Mount Ebal, according to Josephus, see Essay on the Old Testament,
p. 168--171.</note>
as I have before signified. Joshua also prophesied while Moses was present.
And when Moses had recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the preservation
of the people, both in their wars and in peace, and had composed them a
body of laws, and procured them an excellent form of government, he foretold,
as God had declared to him "That if they transgressed that institution
for the worship of God, they should experience the following miseries:
- Their land should be full of weapons of war from their enemies, and their
cities should be overthrown, and their temple should be burnt that they
should be sold for slaves, to such men as would have no pity on them in
their afflictions; that they would then repent, when that repentance would
no way profit them under their sufferings." "Yet," said he, "will
that God who founded your nation, restore your cities to your citizens,
with their temple also; and you shall lose these advantages not once only,
but often."</p>
<milestone n="47" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="315" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Moses had encouraged Joshua to lead out the army against
the Canaanites, by telling him that God would assist him in all his undertakings,
and had blessed the whole multitude, he said, "Since I am going to
my forefathers, and God has determined that this should be the day of my
departure to them, I return him thanks while I am still alive and present
with you, for that providence he hath exercised over you, which hath not
only delivered us from the miseries we lay under, but hath bestowed a state
of prosperity upon us; as also, that he hath assisted me in the pains I
took, and in all the contrivances I had in my care about you, in order
to better your condition, and hath on all occasions showed himself favorable
to us; or rather he it was who first conducted our affairs, and brought
them to a happy conclusion, by making use of me as a vicarious general
under him, and as a minister in those matters wherein he was willing to
do you good: on which account I think it proper to bless that Divine Power
which will take care of you for the time to come, and this in order to
repay that debt which I owe him, and to leave behind me a memorial that
we are obliged to worship and honor him, and to keep those laws which are
the most excellent gift of all those he hath already bestowed upon us,
or which, if he continue favorable to us, he will bestow upon us hereafter.
Certainly a human legislator is a terrible enemy when his laws are affronted,
and are made to no purpose. And may you never experience that displeasure
of God which will be the consequence of the neglect of these his laws,
which he, who is your Creator, hath given you<emph>."</emph></p>
<milestone n="48" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="320" unit="section" /><p>When Moses had spoken thus at the end of his life, and had foretold
what would befall to every one of their tribes <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since Josephus assures us here, as is most naturally to be supposed, and
as the Septuagint gives the text, Deuteronomy 33:6, that Moses blessed
every one of the tribes of Israel, it is evident that Simeon was not omitted
in his copy, as it unhappily now is, both in our Hebrew and Samaritan copies.</note>
afterward, with the addition of a blessing to them, the multitude fell
into tears, insomuch that even the women, by beating their breasts, made
manifest the deep concern they had when he was about to die. The children
also lamented still more, as not able to contain their grief; and thereby
declared, that even at their age they were sensible of his virtue and mighty
deeds; and truly there seemed to be a strife betwixt the young and the
old who should most grieve for him. The old grieved because they knew what
a careful protector they were to be deprived of, and so lamented their
future state; but the young grieved, not only for that, but also because
it so happened that they were to be left by him before they had well tasted
of his virtue. Now one may make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and
lamentation of the multitude, from what happened to the legislator himself;
for although he was always persuaded that he ought not to be cast down
at the approach of death, since the undergoing it was agreeable to the
will of God and the law of nature, yet what the people did so overbore
him, that he wept himself. Now as he went thence to the place where he
was to vanish out of their sight, they all followed after him weeping;
but Moses beckoned with his hand to those that were remote from him, and
bade them stay behind in quiet, while he exhorted those that were near
to him that they would not render his departure so lamentable. Whereupon
they thought they ought to grant him that favor, to let him depart according
as he himself desired; so they restrained themselves, though weeping still
towards one another. All those who accompanied him were the senate, and
Eleazar the high priest, and Joshua their commander. Now as soon as they
were come to the mountain called <emph>Abarim</emph>, (which is a very high mountain,
situate over against Jericho, and one that affords, to such as are upon
it, a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent land of Canaan,) he
dismissed the senate; and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua,
and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on the sudden,
and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books
that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say
that, because of his extraordinary virtue, he went to God.</p>
<milestone n="49" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="327" unit="section" /><p>Now Moses lived in all one hundred and twenty years; a third part
of which time, abating one month, he was the people's ruler; and he died
on the last month of the year, which is called by the Macedonians <emph>Dystrus</emph>,
but by us <emph>Adar</emph>, on the first day of the month. He was one that exceeded
all men that ever were in understanding, and made the best use of what
that understanding suggested to him. He had a very graceful way of speaking
and addressing himself to the multitude; and as to his other qualifications,
he had such a full command of his passions, as if he hardly had any such
in his soul, and only knew them by their names, as rather perceiving them
in other men than in himself. He was also such a general of an army as
is seldom seen, as well as such a prophet as was never known, and this
to such a degree, that whatsoever he pronounced, you would think you heard
the voice of God himself. So the people mourned for him thirty days: nor
did ever any grief so deeply affect the Hebrews as did this upon the death
of Moses: nor were those that had experienced his conduct the only persons
that desired him, but those also that perused the laws he left behind him
had a strong desire after him, and by them gathered the extraordinary virtue
he was master of. And this shall suffice for the declaration of the manner
of the death of Moses.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="5" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book V</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOUR HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-SIX YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE DEATH OF ELI.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JOSHUA, THE COMMANDER OF THE HEBREWS, MADE WAR WITH THE
CANAANITES, AND OVERCAME THEM, AND DESTROYED THEM, AND DIVIDED THEIR LAND
BY LOT TO THE TRIBES OF ISRAEL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Moses was taken away from among men, in the manner already described,
and when all the solemnities belonging to the mourning for him were finished,
and the sorrow for him was over, Joshua commanded the multitude to get
themselves ready for an expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho to discover
what forces they had, and what were their intentions; but he put his camp
in order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan at a proper season. And
calling to him the rulers of the tribe of Reuben, and the governors of
the tribe of Gad, and [the half tribe of] Manasseh, for half of this tribe
had been permitted to have their habitation in the country of the Amorites,
which was the seventh part of the land of Canaan, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The
Amorites were one of the seven nations of Canaan. Hence Reland is willing
to suppose that Josephus did not here mean that their land beyond Jordan
was a seventh part of the whole land of Canaan, but meant the Arnorites
as a seventh nation. His reason is, that Josephus, as well as our Bible,
generally distinguish the land beyond Jordan from the land of Canaan; nor
can it be denied, that in strictness they were all fercot: yet after two
tribes and a half of the twelve tribes came to inherit it, it might in
a general way altogether be well included under the land of Canaan, or
Palestine, or Judea, of which we have a clear example here before us in
Josephus, whose words evidently imply, that taking the whole land of Canaan,
or that inhabited by all the twelve tribes together, and parting it into
seven parts, the part beyond Jordan was in quantity of ground one seventh
part of the whole. And this well enough agrees to Reland's own map of that
country, although this land beyond Jordan was so peculiarly fruitful, and
good for pasturage, as the two tribes and a half took notice, Numbers 32:1,
4, 16, that it maintained about a fifth part of the whole people.</note>
he put them in mind what they had promised Moses; and he exhorted them
that, for the sake of the care that Moses had taken of them who had never
been weary of taking pains for them no, not when he was dying, and for
the sake of the public welfare, they would prepare themselves, and readily
perform what they had promised; so he took fifty thousand of them who followed
him, and he marched from Abila to Jordan, sixty furlongs.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="5" unit="section" /><p>Now when he had pitched his camp, the spies came to him immediately,
well acquainted with the whole state of the Canaanites; for at first, before
they were at all discovered, they took a full view of the city of Jericho
without disturbance, and saw which parts of the walls were strong, and
which parts were otherwise, and indeed insecure, and which of the gates
were so weak as might afford an entrance to their army. Now those that
met them took no notice of them when they saw them, and supposed they were
only strangers, who used to be very curious in observing everything in
the city, and did not take them for enemies; but at even they retired to
a certain inn that was near to the wall, whither they went to eat their
supper; which supper when they had done, and were considering how to get
away, information was given to the king as he was at supper, that there
were some persons come from the Hebrews' camp to view the city as spies,
and that they were in the inn kept by Rahab, and were very solicitous that
they might not be discovered. So he sent immediately some to them, and
commanded to catch them, and bring them to him, that he might examine them
by torture, and learn what their business was there. As soon as Rahab understood
that these messengers were coming, she hid the spies under stalks of flax,
which were laid to dry on the top of her house; and said to the messengers
that were sent by the king, that certain unknown strangers had supped with
her a little before sun-setting, and were gone away, who might easily be
taken, if they were any terror to the city, or likely to bring any danger
to the king. So these messengers being thus deluded by the woman, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
plainly appears by the history of these spies, and the innkeeper Rahab's
deception of the king of Jericho's messengers, by telling them what was
false in order to save the lives of the spies, and yet the great commendation
of her faith and good works in the New Testament, Hebrews 11:31; James
2:25, as well as by many other parallel examples, both in the Old Testament
and in Josephus, that the best men did not then scruple to deceive those
public enemies who might justly be destroyed; as also might deceive ill
men in order to save life, and deliver themselves from the tyranny of their
unjust oppressors, and this by telling direct falsehoods; I mean, all this
where no oath was demanded of them, otherwise they never durst venture
on such a procedure. Nor was Josephus himself of any other opinion or practice,
as I shall remark in the note on Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4. sect. 3. And observe,
that I still call this woman Rahab, an innkeeper, not a harlot, the whole
history, both in our copies, and especially in Josephus, implying no more.
It was indeed so frequent a thing, that women who were innkeepers were
also harlots, or maintainers of harlots, that the word commonly used for
real harlots was usually given them. See Dr. Bernard's note here, and Judges
11:1, and Antiq. B. V. ch. 7. sect. 8.</note>
and suspecting no imposition, went their ways, without so much as searching
the inn; but they immediately pursued them along those roads which they
most probably supposed them to have gone, and those particularly which
led to the river, but could hear no tidings of them; so they left off the
pains of any further pursuit. But when the tumult was over, Rahab brought
the men down, and desired them as soon as they should have obtained possession
of the land of Canaan, when it would be in their power to make her amends
for her preservation of them, to remember what danger she had undergone
for their sakes; for that if she had been caught concealing them, she could
not have escaped a terrible destruction, she and all her family with her,
and so bid them go home; and desired them to swear to her to preserve her
and her family when they should take the city, and destroy all its inhabitants,
as they had decreed to do; for so far she said she had been assured by
those Divine miracles of which she had been informed. So these spies acknowledged
that they owed her thanks for what she had done already, and withal swore
to requite her kindness, not only in words, but in deeds. But they gave
her this advice, That when she should perceive that the city was about
to be taken, she should put her goods, and all her family, by way of security,
in her inn, and to hang out scarlet threads before her doors, [or windows,]
that the commander of the Hebrews might know her house, and take care to
do her no harm; for, said they, we will inform him of this matter, because
of the concern thou hast had to preserve us: but if any one of thy family
fall in the battle, do not thou blame us; and we beseech that God, by whom
we have sworn, not then to be displeased with us, as though we had broken
our oaths. So these men, when they had made this agreement, went away,
letting themselves down by a rope from the wall, and escaped, and came
and told their own people whatsoever they had done in their journey to
this city. Joshua also told Eleazar the high priest, and the senate, what
the spies had sworn to Rahab, who continued what had been sworn.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="16" unit="section" /><p>Now while Joshua, the commander, was in fear about their passing
over Jordan, for the river ran with a strong current, and could not be
passed over with bridges, for there never had been bridges laid over it
hitherto; and while he suspected, that if he should attempt to make a bridge,
that their enemies would not afford him thee to perfect it, and for ferry-boats
they had none, - God promised so to dispose of the river, that they might
pass over it, and that by taking away the main part of its waters. So Joshua,
after two days, caused the army and the whole multitude to pass over in
the manner following: - The priests went first of all, having the ark with
them; then went the Levites bearing the tabernacle and the vessels which
belonged to the sacrifices; after which the entire multitude followed,
according to their tribes, having their children and their wives in the
midst of them, as being afraid for them, lest they should be borne away
by the stream. But as soon as the priests had entered the river first,
it appeared fordable, the depth of the water being restrained and the sand
appearing at the bottom, because the current was neither so strong nor
so swift as to carry it away by its force; so they all passed over the
river without fear, finding it to be in the very same state as God had
foretold he would put it in; but the priests stood still in the midst of
the river till the multitude should be passed over, and should get to the
shore in safety; and when all were gone over, the priests came out also,
and permitted the current to run freely as it used to do before. Accordingly
the river, as soon as the Hebrews were come out of it, arose again presently,
and carne to its own proper magnitude as before.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="20" unit="section" /><p>So the Hebrews went on farther fifty furlongs, and pitched their
camp at the distance of ten furlongs from Jericho; but Joshua built an
altar of those stones which all the heads of the tribes, at the command
of the prophets, had taken out of the deep, to be afterwards a memorial
of the division of the stream of this river, and upon it offered sacrifice
to God; and in that place celebrated the passover, and had great plenty
of all the things which they wanted hitherto; for they reaped the corn
of the Canaanites, which was now ripe, and took other things as prey; for
then it was that their former food, which was manna, and of which they
had eaten forty years, failed them.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="22" unit="section" /><p>Now while the Israelites did this, and the Canaanites did not attack
them, but kept themselves quiet within their own walls, Joshua resolved
to besiege them; so on the first day of the feast [of the passover], the
priests carried the ark round about, with some part of the armed men to
be a guard to it. These priests went forward, blowing with their seven
trumpets; and exhorted the army to be of good courage, and went round about
the city, with the senate following them; and when the priests had only
blown with the trumpets, for they did nothing more at all, they returned
to the camp. And when they had done this for six days, on the seventh Joshua
gathered the armed men and all the people together, and told them these
good tidings, That the city should now be taken, since God would on that
day give it them, by the falling down of the walls, and this of their own
accord, and without their labor. However, he charged them to kill every
one they should take, and not to abstain from the slaughter of their enemies,
either for weariness or for pity, and not to fall on the spoil, and be
thereby diverted from pursuing their enemies as they ran away; but to destroy
all the animals, and to take nothing for their own peculiar advantage.
He commanded them also to bring together all the silver and gold, that
it might be set apart as first-fruits unto God out of this glorious exploit,
as having gotten them from the city they first took; only that they should
save Rahab and her kindred alive, because of the oath which the spies had
sworn to her.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="27" unit="section" /><p>When he had said this, and had set his army in order, be brought
it against the city: so they went round the city again, the ark going before
them, and the priests encouraging the people to be zealous in the work;
and when they had gone round it seven times, and had stood still a little,
the wall fell down, while no instruments of war, nor any other force, was
applied to it by the Hebrews.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="28" unit="section" /><p>So they entered into Jericho, and slew all the men that were therein,
while they were aftrighted at the surprising overthrow of the walls, and
their courage was become useless, and they were not able to defend themselves;
so they were slain, and their throats cut, some in the ways, and others
as caught in their houses; nothing afforded them assistance, but they all
perished, even to the women and the children; and the city was filled with
dead bodies, and not one person escaped. They also burnt the whole city,
and the country about it; but they saved alive Rahab, with her family,
who had fled to her inn. And when she was brought to him, Joshua owned
to her that they owed her thanks for her preservation of the spies: so
he said he would not appear to be behind her in his benefaction to her;
whereupon he gave her certain lands immediately, and had her in great esteem
ever afterwards.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="31" unit="section" /><p>And if any part of the city escaped the fire, he overthrew it from
the foundation; and he denounced a curse <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Upon
occasion of this devoting of Jericho to destruction, and the exemplary
punishment of Achar, who broke that duerein or anathema, and of the punishment
of the future breaker of it, Hiel, 1 Kings 16:34, as also of the punishment
of Saul, for breaking the like chefera or anathema, against the Amalekites,
1 Samuel 15., we may observe what was the true meaning of that law, Leviticus
27:28: "None devoted which shall be devoted of shall be redeemed;
but shall be put to death;" i.e. whenever any of the Jews' public
enemies had been, for their wickedness, solemnly devoted to destruction,
according to the Divine command, as were generally the seven wicked nations
of Canaan, and those sinners the Amalekites, 1 Samuel 15:18, it was utterly
unlawful to permit those enemies to be redeemed; but they were to be all
utterly destroyed. See also Numbers 23:2, 3.</note>
against its inhabitants, if any should desire to rebuild it; how, upon
his laying the foundation of the walls, he should be deprived of his eldest
son; and upon finishing it, he should lose his youngest son. But what happened
hereupon we shall speak of hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="32" unit="section" /><p>Now there was an immense quantity of silver and gold, and besides
those of brass also, that was heaped together out of the city when it was
taken, no one transgressing the decree, nor purloining for their own peculiar
advantage; which spoils Joshua delivered to the priests, to be laid up
among their treasures. And thus did Jericho perish.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="33" unit="section" /><p>But there was one Achar, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That
the name of this chief was not Achan, as in the common copies, but Achar,
as here in Josephus, and in the Apostolical Constit. B. VII. ch. 2., and
elsewhere, is evident by the allusion to that name in the curse of Joshua,
"Why hast thou troubled us? — the Lord shall trouble thee;" where
the Hebrew word alludes only to the name Achar, but not to Achan. Accordingly,
this Valley of Achar, or Achor, was and is a known place, a little north
of Gilgal, so called from the days of Joshua till this day. See Joshua
7:26; Isaiah 65:10; Hosea 2:15; and Dr. Bernard's notes here.</note>
the son [of Charmi, the son] of Zebedias, of the tribe of Judah, who finding
a royal garment woven entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that weighed
two hundred shekels; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here
Dr. Bernard very justly observes, that a few words are dropped out of Josephus's
copies, on account of the repetition of the word shekels, and that it ought
to be read thus: — "A piece of gold that weighed fifty shekels, and
one of silver that weighed two hundred shekels," as in our other copies,
Joshua 7:21.</note>
and thinking it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by running some
hazard, had found, he must give away, and offer it to God, who stood in
no need of it, while he that wanted it must go without it, - made a deep
ditch in his own tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing he should
not only be concealed from his fellow soldiers, but from God himself also.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="34" unit="section" /><p>Now the place where Joshua pitched his camp was called Gilgal, which
denotes <emph>liberty</emph>; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I
agree here with Dr. Bernard, and approve of Josephus's interpretation of
Gilgal for liberty. See Joshua 5:9.</note>
for since now they had passed over Jordan, they looked on themselves as
freed from the miseries which they had undergone from the Egyptians, and
in the wilderness.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="35" unit="section" /><p>Now, a few days after the calamity that befell Jericho, Joshua sent
three thousand armed men to take Ai, a city situate above Jericho; but,
upon the sight of the people of Ai, with them they were driven back, and
lost thirty-six of their men. When this was told the Israelites, it made
them very sad, and exceeding disconsolate, not so much because of the relation
the men that were destroyed bare to them, though those that were destroyed
were all good men, and deserved their esteem, as by the despair it occasioned;
for while they believed that they were already, in effect, in possession
of the land, and should bring back the army out of the battles without
loss, as God had promised beforehand, they now saw unexpectedly their enemies
bold with success; so they put sackcloth over their garments, and continued
in tears and lamentation all the day, without the least inquiry after food,
but laid what had happened greatly to heart.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="38" unit="section" /><p>When Joshua saw the army so much afflicted, and possessed with forebodings
of evil as to their whole expedition, he used freedom with God, and said,
"We are not come thus far out of any rashness of our own, as though
we thought ourselves able to subdue this land with our own weapons, but
at the instigation of Moses thy servant for this purpose, because thou
hast promised us, by many signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for
a possession, and that thou wouldst make our army always superior in war
to our enemies, and accordingly some success has already attended upon
us agreeably to thy promises; but because we have now unexpectedly been
foiled, and have lost some men out of our army, we are grieved at it, as
fearing what thou hast promised us, and what Moses foretold us, cannot
be depended on by us; and our future expectation troubles us the more,
because we have met with such a disaster in this our first attempt. But
do thou, O Lord, free us from these suspicions, for thou art able to find
a cure for these disorders, by giving us victory, which will both take
away the grief we are in at present, and prevent our distrust as to what
is to come."</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="42" unit="section" /><p>These intercessions Joshua put up to God, as he lay prostrate on
his face: whereupon God answered him, That he should rise up, and purify
his host from the pollution that had got into it; that "things consecrated
to me have been impudently stolen from me," and that "this has
been the occasion why this defeat had happened to them;" and that
when they should search out and punish the offender, he would ever take
care they should have the victory over their enemies. This Joshua told
the people; and calling for Eleazar the high priest, and the men in authority,
he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked
action was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the
lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked
action was found to belong to the family of Zachar; and when the inquiry
was made man by man, they took Achar, who, upon God's reducing him
to a terrible extremity, could not deny the fact: so he confessed the theft,
and produced what he had taken in the midst of them, whereupon he was immediately
put to death; and attained no more than to be buried in the night in a
disgraceful manner, and such as was suitable to a condemned malefactor.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="45" unit="section" /><p>When Joshua had thus purified the host, he led them against Ai:
and having by night laid an ambush round about the city, he attacked the
enemies as soon as it was day; but as they advanced boldly against the
Israelites, because of their former victory, he made them believe he retired,
and by that means drew them a great way from the city, they still supposing
that they were pursuing their enemies, and despised them, as though the
case had been the same with that in the former battle; after which Joshua
ordered his forces to turn about, and placed them against their front.
He then made the signals agreed upon to those that lay in ambush, and so
excited them to fight; so they ran suddenly into the city, the inhabitants
being upon the walls, nay, others of them being in perplexity, and coming
to see those that were without the gates. Accordingly, these men took the
city, and slew all that they met with; but Joshua forced those that came
against him to come to a close fight, and discomfited them, and made them
run away; and when they were driven towards the city, and thought it had
not been touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and perceived it was
burnt, with their wives and children, they wandered about in the fields
in a scattered condition, and were no way able to defend themselves, because
they had none to support them. Now when this calamity was come upon the
men of Ai, there were a great number of children, and women, and servants,
and an immense quantity of other furniture. The Hebrews also took herds
of cattle, and a great deal of money, for this was a rich country. So when
Joshua came to Gilgal, he divided all these spoils among the soldiers.</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="49" unit="section" /><p>But the Gibeonites, who inhabited very near to Jerusalem, when they
saw what miseries had happened to the inhabitants of Jericho; and to those
of Ai, and suspected that the like sore calamity would come as far as themselves,
they did not think fit to ask for mercy of Joshua; for they supposed they
should find little mercy from him, who made war that he might entirely
destroy the nation of the Canaanites; but they invited the people of Cephirah
and Kiriathjearim, who were their neighbors, to join in league with them;
and told them that neither could they themselves avoid the danger they
were all in, if the Israelites should prevent them, and seize upon them:
so when they had persuaded them, they resolved to endeavor to escape the
forces of the Israelites. Accordingly, upon their agreement to what they
proposed, they sent ambassadors to Joshua to make a league of friendship
with him, and those such of the citizens as were best approved of, and
most capable of doing what was most advantageous to the multitude. Now
these ambassadors thought it dangerous to confess themselves to be Canaanites,
but thought they might by this contrivance avoid the danger, namely, by
saying that they bare no relation to the Canaanites at all, but dwelt at
a very great distance from them: and they said further, that they came
a long way, on account of the reputation he had gained for his virtue;
and as a mark of the truth of what they said, they showed him the habit
they were in, for that their clothes were new when they came out, but were
greatly worn by the length of thee they had been on their journey; for
indeed they took torn garments, on purpose that they might make him believe
so. So they stood in the midst of the people, and said that they were sent
by the people of Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which were very
remote from the land where they now were, to make such a league of friendship
with them, and this on such conditions as were customary among their forefathers;
for when they understood that, by the favor of God, and his gift to them,
they were to have the possession of the land of Canaan bestowed upon them,
they said that they were very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted
into the number of their citizens. Thus did these ambassadors speak; and
showing them the marks of their long journey, they entreated the Hebrews
to make a league of friendship with them. Accordingly Joshua, believing
what they said, that they were not of the nation of the Canaanites, entered
into friendship with them; and Eleazar the high priest, with the senate,
sware to them that they would esteem them their friends and associates,
and would attempt nothing that should be unfair against them, the multitude
also assenting to the oaths that were made to them. So these men, having
obtained what they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went home: but
when Joshua led his army to the country at the bottom of the mountains
of this part of Canaan, he understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far
from Jerusalem, and that they were of the stock of the Canaanites; so he
sent for their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put
upon him; but they alleged, on their own behalf, that they had no other
way to save themselves but that, and were therefore forced to have recourse
to it. So he called for Eleazar the high priest, and for the senate, who
thought it right to make them public servants, that they might not break
the oath they had made to them; and they ordained them to be so. And this
was the method by which these men found. safety and security under the
calamity that was ready to overtake them.</p>
<milestone n="17" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="58" unit="section" /><p>But the king of Jerusalem took it to heart that the Gibeonites had
gone over to Joshua; so he called upon the kings of the neighboring nations
to join together, and make war against them. Now when the Gibeonites saw
these kings, which were four, besides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived
that they had pitched their camp at a certain fountain not far from their
city, and were getting ready for the siege of it, they called upon Joshua
to assist them; for such was their case, as to expect to be destroyed by
these Canaanites, but to suppose they should be saved by those that came
for the destruction of the Canaanites, because of the league of friendship
that was between them. Accordingly, Joshua made haste with his whole army
to assist them, and marching day and night, in the morning he fell upon
the enemies as they were going up to the siege; and when he had discomfited
them, he followed them, and pursued them down the descent of the hills.
The place is called Bethhoron; where he also understood that God assisted
him, which he declared by thunder and thunderbolts, as also by the falling
of hail larger than usual. Moreover, it happened that the day was lengthened
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether
this lengthening of the day, by the standing still of the sun and moon,
were physical and real, by the miraculous stoppage of the diurnal motion
of the earth for about half a revolution, or whether only apparent, by
aerial phosphori imitating the sun and moon as stationary so long, while
clouds and the night hid the real ones, and this parhelion or mock sun
affording sufficient light for Joshua's pursuit and complete victory, (which
aerial phosphori in other shapes have been more than ordinarily common
of late years,) cannot now be determined: philosophers and astronomers
will naturally incline to this latter hypothesis. In the mean thee, the
fact itself was mentioned in the book of Jasher, now lost, Joshua 10:13,
and is confirmed by Isaiah, 28:21, Habakkuk, 3:11, and by the son of Sirach,
Ecclus. 46:4. In the 18th Psalm of Solomon, yet. it is also said of the
luminaries, with relation, no doubt, to this and the other miraculous standing
still and going back, in the days of Joshua and Hezekiah, "They have
not wandered, from the day that he created them; they have not forsaken
their way, from ancient generations, unless it were when God enjoined them
[so to do] by the command of his servants." See Authent. Rec. part
i. p. 154.</note> that
the night might not come on too soon, and be an obstruction to the zeal
of the Hebrews in pursuing their enemies; insomuch that Joshua took the
kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at Makkedah, and put them to death.
Now, that the day was lengthened at this thee, and was longer than ordinary,
is expressed in the books laid up in the temple. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of
the books laid up in the temple, see the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 1.
sect. 7.</note></p>
<milestone n="18" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="62" unit="section" /><p>These kings which made war with, and were ready to fight the Gibeonites,
being thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to the mountainous parts of
Canaan; and when he had made a great slaughter of the people there, and
took their prey, he came to the camp at Gilgal. And now there went a great
fame abroad among the neighboring people of the courage of the Hebrews;
and those that heard what a number of men were destroyed, were greatly
aftrighted at it: so the kings that lived about Mount Libanus, who were
Canaanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in the plain country, with
auxiliaries out of the land of the Philistines, pitched their camp at Beroth,
a city of the Upper Galilee, not far from Cadesh, which is itself also
a place in Galilee. Now the number of the whole army was three hundred
thousand armed footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand
chariots; so that the multitude of the enemies aftrighted both Joshua himself
and the Israelites; and they, instead of being full of hopes of good success,
were superstitiously timorous, with the great terror with which they were
stricken. Whereupon God upbraided them with the fear they were in, and
asked them whether they desired a greater help than he could afford them;
and promised them that they should overcome their enemies; and withal charged
them to make their enemies' horses useless, and to burn their chariots.
So Joshua became full of courage upon these promises of God, and went out
suddenly against the enemies; and after five days' march he came upon them,
and joined battle with them, and there was a terrible fight, and such a
number were slain as could not be believed by those that heard it. He also
went on in the pursuit a great way, and destroyed the entire army of the
enemies, few only excepted, and all the kings fell in the battle; insomuch,
that when there wanted men to be killed, Joshua slew their horses, and
burnt their chariots and passed all over their country without opposition,
no one daring to meet him in battle; but he still went on, taking their
cities by siege, and again killing whatever he took.</p>
<milestone n="19" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="68" unit="section" /><p>The fifth year was now past, and there was not one of the Canaanites
remained any longer, excepting some that had retired to places of great
strength. So Joshua removed his camp to the mountainous country, and placed
the tabernacle in the city of Shiloh, for that seemed a fit place for it,
because of the beauty of its situation, until such thee as their affairs
would permit them to build a temple; and from thence he went to Shechem,
together with all the people, and raised an altar where Moses had beforehand
directed; then did he divide the army, and placed one half of them on Mount
Gerizzim, and the other half on Mount Ebal, on which mountain the altar
was; he also placed there the tribe of Levi, and the priests. And when
they had sacrificed, and denounced the [blessings and the] curses, and
had left them engraven upon the altar, they returned to Shiloh.</p>
<milestone n="20" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="71" unit="section" /><p>And now Joshua was old, and saw that the cities of the Canaanites
were not easily to be taken, not only because they were situate in such
strong places, but because of the strength of the walls themselves, which
being built round about, the natural strength of the places on which the
cities stood, seemed capable of repelling their enemies from besieging
them, and of making those enemies despair of taking them; for when the
Canaanites had learned that the Israelites came out of Egypt in order to
destroy them, they were busy all that time in making their cities strong.
So he gathered the people together to a congregation at Shiloh; and when
they, with great zeal and haste, were come thither, "he observed to them
what prosperous successes they had already had, and what glorious things
had been done, and those such as were worthy of that God who enabled them
to do those things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws which they followed.
He took notice also, that thirty-one of those kings that ventured to give
them battle were overcome, and every army, how great soever it were, that
confided in their own power, and fought with them, was utterly destroyed;
so that not so much as any of their posterity remained. And as for the
cities, since some of them were taken, but the others must be taken in
length of thee, by long sieges, both on account of the strength of their
walls, and of the confidence the inhabitants had in them thereby, he thought
it reasonable that those tribes that came along with them from beyond Jordan,
and had partaken of the dangers they had undergone, being their own kindred,
should now be dismissed and sent home, and should have thanks for the pains
they had taken together with them. As also, he thought it reasonable that
they should send one man out of every tribe, and he such as had the testimony
of extraordinary virtue, who should measure the land faithfully, and without
any fallacy or deceit should inform them of its real magnitude."</p>
<milestone n="21" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="76" unit="section" /><p>Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken to them, found that the multitude
approved of his proposal. So he sent men to measure their country, and
sent with them some geometricians, who could not easily fail of knowing
the truth, on account of their skill in that art. He also gave them a charge
to estimate the measure of that part of the land that was most fruitful,
and what was not so good: for such is the nature of the land of Canaan,
that one may see large plains, and such as are exceeding fit to produce
fruit, which yet, if they were compared to other parts of the country,
might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet, if it be compared with the
fields about Jericho, and to those that belong to Jerusalem, will appear
to be of no account at all; and although it so falls out that these people
have but a very little of this sort of land, and that it is, for the main,
mountainous also, yet does it not come behind other parts, on account of
its exceeding goodness and beauty; for which reason Joshua thought the
land for the tribes should be divided by estimation of its goodness, rather
than the largeness of its measure, it often happening that one acre of
some sort of land was equivalent to a thousand other acres. Now the men
that were sent, which were in number ten, traveled all about, and made
an estimation of the land, and in the seventh month came to him to the
city of Shiloh, where they had set up the tabernacle.</p>
<milestone n="22" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="80" unit="section" /><p>So Joshua took both Eleazar and the senate, and with them the heads
of the tribes, and distributed the land to the nine tribes, and to the
half-tribe of Manasseh, appointing the dimensions to be according to the
largeness of each tribe. So when he had cast lots, Judah had assigned him
by lot the upper part of Judea, reaching as far as Jerusalem, and its breadth
extended to the Lake of Sodom. Now in the lot of this tribe there were
the cities of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Simeon, which was the second,
included that part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia. As to
the Benjamites, their lot fell so, that its length reached from the river
Jordan to the sea, but in breadth it was bounded by Jerusalem and Bethel;
and this lot was the narrowest of all, by reason of the goodness of the
land, for it included Jericho and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of Ephraim
had by lot the land that extended in length from the river Jordan to Gezer;
but in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended at the Great Plain.
The half-tribe of Manasseh had the land from Jordan to the city of Dora;
but its breadth was at Bethsham, which is now called Scythopolis. And after
these was Issachar, which had its limits in length, Mount Carmel and the
river, but its limit in breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of Zebulon's
lot included the land which lay as far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that
which belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe of Aser had that part which
was called the <emph>Valley</emph>, for such it was, and all that part which
lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce belonged to their share, which is
also named Actipus. The Naphthalites received the eastern parts, as far
as the city of Damascus and the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and
the Fountains of Jordan, which rise out of that mountain; that is, out
of that part of it whose limits belong to the neighboring city of Arce.
The Danites' lot included all that part of the valley which respects the
sun-setting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora; as also they had all
Jamnia and Gath, from Ekron to that mountain where the tribe of Judah begins.</p>
<milestone n="23" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>After this manner did Joshua divide the six nations that bear the
name of the sons of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed by the nine
tribes and a half; for Moses had prevented him, and had already distributed
the land of the Amorites, which itself was so called also from one of the
sons of Canaan, to the two tribes and a half, as we have shown already.
But the parts about Sidon, as also those that belonged to the Arkites,
and the Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet regularly disposed of.</p>
<milestone n="24" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="90" unit="section" /><p>But now was Joshua hindered by his age from executing what he intended
to do (as did those that succeeded him in the government, take little care
of what was for the advantage of the public); so he gave it in charge to
every tribe to leave no remainder of the race of the Canaanites in the
land that had been divided to them by lot; that Moses had assured them
beforehand, and they might rest fully satisfied about it, that their own
security and their observation of their own laws depended wholly upon it.
Moreover, he enjoined them to give thirty-eight cities to the Levites,
for they had already received ten in the country of the Amorites; and three
of these he assigned to those that fled from the man-slayers, who were
to inhabit there; for he was very solicitous that nothing should be neglected
which Moses had ordained. These cities were, of the tribe of Judah, Hebron;
of that of Ephraim, Shechem; and of that of Naphthali, Cadesh, which is
a place of the Upper Galilee. He also distributed among them the rest of
the prey not yet distributed, which was very great; whereby they had an
affluence of great riches, both all in general, and every one in particular;
and this of gold and of vestments, and of other furniture, besides a multitude
of cattle, whose number could not be told.</p>
<milestone n="25" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="93" unit="section" /><p>After this was over, he gathered the army together to a congregation,
and spake thus to those tribes that had their settlement in the land of
the Amorites beyond Jordan, - for fifty thousand of them had armed themselves,
and had gone to the war along with them: - "Since that God, who is
the Father and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now given us this land for
a possession, and promised to preserve us in the enjoyment of it as our
own for ever; and since you have with alacrity offered yourselves to assist
us when we wanted that assistance on all occasions, according to his command;
it is but just, now all our difficulties are over, that you should be permitted
to enjoy rest, and that we should trespass on your alacrity to help us
no longer; that so, if we should again stand in need of it, we may readily
have it on any future emergency, and not tire you out so much now as may
make you slower in assisting us another thee. We, therefore, return you
our thanks for the dangers you have undergone with us, and we do it not
at this thee only, but we shall always be thus disposed; and be so good
as to remember our friends, and to preserve in mind what advantages we
have had from them; and how you have put off the enjoyments of your own
happiness for our sakes, and have labored for what we have now, by the
goodwill of God, obtained, and resolved not to enjoy your own prosperity
till you had afforded us that assistance. However, you have, by joining
your labor with ours, gotten great plenty of riches, and will carry home
with you much prey, with gold and silver, and, what is more than all these,
our good-will towards you, and a mind willingly disposed to make a requital
of your kindness to us, in what case soever you shall desire it, for you
have not omitted any thing which Moses beforehand required of you, nor
have you despised him because he was dead and gone from you, so that there
is nothing to diminish that gratitude which we owe to you. We therefore
dismiss you joyful to your own inheritances; and we entreat you to suppose,
that there is no limit to be set to the intimate relation that is between
us; and that you will not imagine, because this river is interposed between
us, that you are of a different race from us, and not Hebrews; for we are
all the posterity of Abraham, both we that inhabit here, and you that inhabit
there; and it is the same God that brought our forefathers and yours into
the world, whose worship and form of government we are to take care of,
which he has ordained, and are most carefully to observe; because while
you continue in those laws, God will also show himself merciful and assisting
to you; but if you imitate the other nations, and forsake those laws, he
will reject your nation." When Joshua had spoken thus, and saluted
them all, both those in authority one by one, and the whole multitude in
common, he himself staid where he was; but the people conducted those tribes
on their journey, and that not without tears in their eyes; and indeed
they hardly knew how to part one from the other.</p>
<milestone n="26" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>Now when the tribe of Reuben, and that of Gad, and as many of the
Manassites as followed them, were passed over the river, they built an
altar on the banks of Jordan, as a monument to posterity, and a sign of
their relation to those that should inhabit on the other side. But when
those on the other side heard that those who had been dismissed had built
an altar, but did not hear with what intention they built it, but supposed
it to be by way of innovation, and for the introduction of strange gods,
they did not incline to disbelieve it; but thinking this defamatory report,
as if it were built for divine worship, was credible, they appeared in
arms, as though they would avenge themselves on those that built the altar;
and they were about to pass over the river, and to punish them for their
subversion of the laws of their country; for they did not think it fit
to regard them on account of their kindred or the dignity of those that
had given the occasion, but to regard the will of God, and the manner wherein
he desired to be worshipped; so these men put themselves in array for war.
But Joshua, and Eleazar the high priest, and the senate, restrained them;
and persuaded them first to make trial by words of their intention, and
afterwards, if they found that their intention was evil, then only to proceed
to make war upon them. Accordingly, they sent as ambassadors to them Phineas
the son of Eleazar, and ten more persons that were in esteem among the
Hebrews, to learn of them what was in their mind, when, upon passing over
the river, they had built an altar upon its banks. And as soon as these
ambassadors were passed over, and were come to them, and a congregation
was assembled, Phineas stood up and said, That the offense they had been
guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be punished by words alone, or
by them only to be amended for the future; yet that they did not so look
at the heinousness of their transgression as to have recourse to arms,
and to a battle for their punishment immediately, but that, on account
of their kindred, and the probability there was that they might be reclaimed,
they took this method of sending an ambassage to them: "That when
we have learned the true reasons by which you have been moved to build
this altar, we may neither seem to have been too rash in assaulting you
by our weapons of war, if it prove that you made the altar for justifiable
reasons, and may then justly punish you if the accusation prove true; for
we can
hardly suppose that you, have been acquainted with the will of God and
have been hearers of those laws which he himself hath given us, now you
are separated from us, and gone to that patrimony of yours, which you,
through the grace of God, and that providence which he exercises over you,
have obtained by lot, can forget him, and can leave that ark and that altar
which is peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods, and imitate the
wicked practices of the Canaanites. Now this will appear to have been a
small crime if you repent now, and proceed no further in your madness,
but pay a due reverence to, and keep in mind the laws of your country;
but if you persist in your sins, we will not grudge our pains to preserve
our laws; but we will pass over Jordan and defend them, and defend God
also, and shall esteem of you as of men no way differing from the Canaanites,
but shall destroy you in the like manner as we destroyed them; for do not
you imagine that, because you are got over the river, you are got out of
the reach of God's power; you are every where in places that belong to
him, and impossible it is to overrun his power, and the punishment he will
bring on men thereby: but if you think that your settlement here will be
any obstruction to your conversion to what is good, nothing need hinder
us from dividing the land anew, and leaving this old land to be for the
feeding of sheep; but you will do well to return to your duty, and to leave
off these new crimes; and we beseech you, by your children and wives, not
to force us to punish you. Take therefore such measures in this assembly,
as supposing that your own safety, and the safety of those that are dearest
to you, is therein concerned, and believe that it is better for you to
be conquered by words, than to continue in your purpose, and to experience
deeds and war therefore."</p>
<milestone n="27" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="111" unit="section" /><p>When Phineas had discoursed thus, the governors of the assembly,
and the whole multitude, began to make an apology for themselves, concerning
what they were accused of; and they said, That they neither would depart
from the relation they bare to them, nor had they built the altar by way
of innovation; that they owned one and the same common God with all the
Hebrews, and that brazen altar which was before the tabernacle, on which
they would offer their sacrifices; that as to the altar they had raised,
on account of which they were thus suspected, it was not built for worship,
"but that it might be a sign and a monument of our relation to you
for ever, and a necessary caution to us to act wisely, and to continue
in the laws of our country, but not a handle for transgressing them, as
you suspect: and let God be our authentic witness, that this was the occasion
of our building this altar: whence we beg you will have a better opinion
of us, and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the
posterity of Abraham well worthy of perdition, in case they attempt to
bring in new rites, and such as are different from our usual practices."</p>
<milestone n="28" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="114" unit="section" /><p>When they had made this answer, and Phineas had commended them for
it, he came to Joshua, and explained before the people what answer they
had received. Now Joshua was glad that he was under no necessity of setting
them in array, or of leading them to shed blood, and make war against men
of their own kindred; and accordingly he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving
to God for the same. So Joshua after that dissolved this great assembly
of the people, and sent them to their own inheritances, while he himself
lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year after this, when he was very
old, he sent for those of the greatest dignity in the several cities, with
those in authority, and the senate, and as many of the common people as
could be present; and when they were come, he put them in mind of all the
benefits God had bestowed on them, which could not but be a great many,
since from a low estate they were advanced to so great a degree of glory
and plenty; and exhorted them to take notice of the intentions of God,
which had been so gracious towards them; and told them that the Deity would
continue their friend by nothing else but their piety; and that it was
proper for him, now that he was about to depart out of this life, to leave
such an admonition to them; and he desired that they would keep in memory
this his exhortation to them.</p>
<milestone n="29" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="117" unit="section" /><p>So Joshua, when he had thus discoursed to them, died, having lived
a hundred and ten years; forty of which he lived with Moses, in order to
learn what might be for his advantage afterwards. He also became their
commander after his death for twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted
not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his intentions to the people, but very
eminent on both accounts. He was of great courage and magnanimity in action
and in dangers, and very sagacious in procuring the peace of the people,
and of great virtue at all proper seasons. He was buried in the city of
Timnab, of the tribe of Ephraim <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since
not only Procopius and Suidas, but an earlier author, Moses Chorenensis,
p. 52, 53, and perhaps from his original author Mariba Carina, one as old
as Alexander the Great, sets down the famous inscription at Tangier concerning
the old Canaanites driven out of Palestine by Joshua, take it here in that
author's own words: "We are those exiles that were governors of the
Canaanites, but have been driven away by Joshua the robber, and are come
to inhabit here." See the note there. Nor is it unworthy of our notice
what Moses Chorenensis adds, p. 53, and this upon a diligent examination,
viz. that "one of those eminent men among the Canaanites came at the
same thee into Armenia, and founded the Genthuniaa family, or tribe; and
that this was confirmed by the manners of the same family or tribe, as
being like those of the Canaanites."</note>
About the same time died Eleazar the high priest, leaving the high priesthood
to his son Phineas. His monument also, and sepulcher, are in the city of
Gabatha.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JOSHUA THEIR COMMANDER, THE ISRAELITES
TRANSGRESSED THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY, AND EXPERIENCED GREAT AFFLICTIONS;
AND WHEN THERE WAS A SEDITION ARISEN, THE TRIBE OF BENJAMIN WAS DESTROYED
EXCEPTING ONLY SIX HUNDRED MEN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By prophesying, when spoken of a high priest, Josephus, both here and frequently
elsewhere, means no more than consulting God by Urim, which the reader
is still to bear in mind upon all occasions. And if St. John, who was contemporary
with Josephus, and of the same country, made use of this style, when he
says that "Caiaphas being high priest that year, prophesied that Jesus
should die for that nation, and not for that nation only, but that also
he should gather together in one the children of God that were scattered
abroad," chap. 11;51, 52, he may possibly mean, that this was revealed
to the high priest by an extraordinary voice from between the cherubims,
when he had his breastplate, or Urim and Thummim, on before; or the most
holy place of the temple, which was no other than the oracle of Urim and
Thummim. Of which above, in the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9.</note>
that according to God's will they should commit the government to the tribe
of Judah, and that this tribe should destroy the race of the Canaanites;
for then the people were concerned to learn what was the will of God. They
also took to their assistance the tribe of Simeon; but upon this condition,
that when those that had been tributary to the tribe of Judah should be
slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="121" unit="section" /><p>But the affairs of the Canaanites were at this thee in a flourishing
condition, and they expected the Israelites with a great army at the city
Bezek, having put the government into the hands of Adonibezek, which name
denotes the <emph>Lord of Bezek</emph>, for <emph>Adoni</emph> in the Hebrew
tongue signifies <emph>Lord</emph>. Now they hoped to have been too hard for
the Israelites, because Joshua was dead; but when the Israelites had joined
battle with them, I mean the two tribes before mentioned, they fought gloriously,
and slew above ten thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; and in
the pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his fingers and toes were cut
off by them, said, "Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie concealed
from God, as I find by what I now endure, while I have not been ashamed
to do the same to seventy-two kings." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This great number of seventy-two reguli, or small kings, over whom Adonibezek
had tyrannized, and for which he was punished according to the lex talionis,
as well as the thirty-one kings of Canaan subdued by Joshua, and named
in one chapter, Joshua 12., and thirty-two kings, or royal auxiliaries
to Benhadad king of Syria, 1 Kings 20:1; Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 14. sect.
1, intimate to us what was the ancient form of government among several
nations before the monarchies began, viz. that every city or large town,
with its neighboring villages, was a distinct government by itself; which
is the more remarkable, because this was certainly the form of ecclesiastical
government that was settled by the apostles, and preserved throughout the
Christian church in the first ages of Christianity. Mr. Addison is of opinion,
that "it would certainly be for the good of mankind to have all the
mighty empires and monarchies of the world cantoned out into petty states
and principalities, which, like so many large families, might lie under
the observation of their proper governors, so that the care of the prince
might extend itself to every individual person under his protection; though
he despairs of such a scheme being brought about, and thinks that if it
were, it would quickly be destroyed." Remarks on Italy, 4to, p. 151.
Nor is it unfit to be observed here, that the Armenian records, though
they give us the history of thirty-nine of their ancientest heroes or governors
after the Flood, before the days of Sardanapalus, had no proper king till
the fortieth, Parerus. See Moses Chorehensis, p. 55. And that Almighty
God does not approve of such absolute and tyrannical monarchies, any one
may learn that reads Deuteronomy 17:14-20, and 1 Samuel 8:1-22; although,
if such kings are set up as own him for their supreme King, and aim to
govern according to his laws, he hath admitted of them, and protected them
and their subjects in all generations.</note>
So they carried him alive as far as Jerusalem; and when he was dead, they
buried him in the earth, and went on still in taking the cities: and when
they had taken the greatest part of them, they besieged Jerusalem; and
when they had taken the lower city, which was not under a considerable
time, they slew all the inhabitants; but the upper city was not to be taken
without great difficulty, through the strength of its walls, and the nature
of the place.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="125" unit="section" /><p>For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron; and when they
had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till then left
the race of giants, who had bodies so large, and countenances so entirely
different from other men, that they were surprising to the sight, and terrible
to the hearing. The bones of these men are still shown to this very day,
unlike to any credible relations of other men. Now they gave this city
to the Levites as an extraordinary reward, with the suburbs of two thousand
cities; but the land thereto belonging they gave as a free gift to Caleb,
according to the injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of the spies
which Moses sent into the land of Canaan. They also gave land for habitation
to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who was the father-in-law to
Moses; for they had left their own country, and followed them, and accompanied
them in the wilderness.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="128" unit="section" /><p>Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon took the cities which were in
the mountainous part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod, of those that
lay near the sea; but Gaza and Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a
flat country, and having a great number of chariots, sorely galled those
that attacked them. So these tribes, when they were grown very rich by
this war, retired to their own cities, and laid aside their weapons of
war.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="129" unit="section" /><p>But the Benjamites, to whom belonged Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants
to pay tribute. So they all left off, the one to kill, and the other to
expose themselves to danger, and had time to cultivate the ground. The
rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin, and did the same; and, contenting
themselves with the tributes that were paid them, permitted the Canaanites
to live in peace.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="130" unit="section" /><p>However, the tribe of Ephraim, when they besieged Bethel, made no
advance, nor performed any thing worthy of the time they spent, and of
the pains they took about that siege; yet did they persist in it, still
sitting down before the city, though they endured great trouble thereby:
but, after some time, they caught one of the citizens that came to them
to get necessaries, and they gave him some assurances that, if he would
deliver up the city to them, they would preserve him and his kindred; so
he aware that, upon those terms, he would put the city into their hands.
Accordingly, he that, thus betrayed the city was preserved with his family;
and the Israelites slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city for
themselves.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="132" unit="section" /><p>After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any more
against their enemies, but applied themselves to the cultivation of the
land, which producing them great plenty and riches, they neglected the
regular disposition of their settlement, and indulged themselves in luxury
and pleasures; nor were they any longer careful to hear the laws that belonged
to their political government: whereupon God was provoked to anger, and
put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his directions, they had spared
the Canaanites; and, after that, how those Canaanites, as opportunity served,
used them very barbarously. But the Israelites, though they were in heaviness
at these admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go
to war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and were
indisposed for taking pains by their luxury, they suffered their aristocracy
to be corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other
such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very
much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great
indolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition upon them, and they proceeded
so far as to fight one against another, from the following occasion: -</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="136" unit="section" /><p>There was a Levite <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus's early date of this history before the beginning of the Judges,
or when there was no king in Israel, Judges 19;1, is strongly confirmed
by the large number of Benjamites, both in the days of Asa and Jehoshaphat,
2 Chronicles 14:8, and 16:17, who yet were here reduced to six hundred
men; nor can those numbers be at all supposed genuine, if they were reduced
so late as the end of the Judges, where our other copies place this reduction.</note>
a man of a vulgar family, that belonged to the tribe of Ephraim, and dwelt
therein: this man married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belonging
to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome with
her beauty; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet with the like
return of affection from her, for she was averse to him, which did more
inflame his passion for her, so that they quarreled one with another perpetually;
and at last the woman was so disgusted at these quarrels, that she left
her husband, and went to her parents in the fourth month. The husband being
very uneasy at this her departure, and that out of his fondness for her,
came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their quarrels, and was
reconciled to her, and lived with them there four days, as being kindly
treated by her parents. On the fifth day he resolved to go home, and went
away in the evening; for his wife's parents were loath to part with their
daughter, and delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one
servant that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; and when
they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs, the servant
advised them to take up their lodgings some where, lest some misfortune
should befall them if they traveled in the night, especially since they
were not far off enemies, that season often giving reason for suspicion
of dangers from even such as are friends; but the husband was not pleased
with this advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among strangers,
for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired rather to go twenty
furlongs farther, and so to take their lodgings in some Israelite city.
Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the
tribe of Benjamin, when it was just dark; and while no one that lived in
the market-place invited him to lodge with him, there came an old man out
of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim, but resided
in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and for what reason he
came thither so late, and why he was looking out for provisions for supper
when it was dark? To which he replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing
his wife from her parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation
was in the tribe of Ephraim: so the old man, as well because of their kindred
as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because they had thus
accidentally met together, took him in to lodge with him. Now certain young
men of the inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman in the market-place,
and admiring her beauty, when they understood that she lodged with the
old man, came to the doors, as contemning the weakness and fewness of the
old man's family; and when the old man desired them to go away, and not
to offer any violence or abuse there, they desired him to yield them up
the strange woman, and then he should have no harm done to him: and when
the old man alleged that the Levite was of his kindred, and that they would
be guilty of horrid wickedness if they suffered themselves to be overcome
by their pleasures, and so offend against their laws, they despised his
righteous admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to
kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations; whereupon, when
he found himself in great distress, and yet was not willing to overlook
his guests, and see them abused, he produced his own daughter to them;
and told them that it was a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their
lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, supposing that he himself should
by this means prevent any injury to be done to those guests. When they
no way abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted
absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to perpetrate
any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take her away by force,
and indulging still more the violence of their inclinations, they took
the woman away to their house, and when they had satisfied their lust upon
her the whole night, they let her go about daybreak. So she came to the
place where she had been entertained, under great affliction at what had
happened; and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suffered,
and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she concluded
that he would never forgive her for what she had done; so she fell down,
and gave up the ghost: but her husband supposed that his wife was only
fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a more melancholy nature had happened,
endeavored to raise her up, resolving to speak comfortably to her, since
she did not voluntarily expose herself to these men's lust, but was forced
away to their house; but as soon as he perceived she was dead, he acted
as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would admit, and laid
his dead wife upon the beast, and carried her home; and cutting her, limb
by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to every tribe, and gave it in
charge to those that carried them, to inform the tribes of those that were
the causes of his wife's death, and of the violence they had offered to
her.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="150" unit="section" /><p>Upon this the people were greatly disturbed at what they saw<emph>,
</emph>and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of such
a thing before; so they gathered themselves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious
and a just anger, and assembling in a great congregation before the tabernacle,
they immediately resolved to take arms, and to treat the inhabitants of
Gibeah as enemies; but the senate restrained them from doing so, and persuaded
them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same
nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation
laid against them; it being part of their law, that they should not bring
an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious,
without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will
repent or not: and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought
to do in obedience to their laws, that is, to send to the inhabitants of
Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and
if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those
offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish
them by taking, up arms against them. Accordingly they sent to the inhabitants
of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair
of the Levite's wife, and required of them those that had done what was
contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved
to die for what they had done; but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not
deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproachful to them, out of
fear of war, to submit to other men's demands upon them; vaunting themselves
to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in their number nor in courage.
The rest of their tribe were also making great preparation for war, for
they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="155" unit="section" /><p>When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah
had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give
his daughter in marriage to a Benjamite, but make war with greater fury
against them than we have learned our forefathers made war against the
Canaanites; and sent out presently an army of four hundred thousand against
them, while the Benjamites' army-was twenty-five thousand and six hundred;
five hundred of whom were excellent at slinging stones with their left
hands, insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Benjamites
beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably
more had been destroyed had not the night came on and prevented it, and
broken off the fight; so the Benjamites returned to the city with joy,
and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had
happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Benjamites beat
them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest
deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. So they came to
Bethel, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus seems here to have made a small mistake, when he took the Hebrew
word Bethel, which denotes the house of God, or the tabernacle, Judges
20:18, for the proper name of a place, Bethel, it no way appearing that
the tabernacle was ever at Bethel; only so far it is true, that Shiloh,
the place of the tabernacle in the days of the Judges, was not far from
Bethel.</note>
a city that was near their camp, and fasted on the next day; and besought
God, by Phineas the high priest, that his wrath against them might cease,
and that he would be satisfied with these two defeats, and give them the
victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly God promised them so
to do, by the prophesying of Phineas.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="160" unit="section" /><p>When therefore they had divided the army into two parts, they laid
the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah by night, while the
other half attacked the Benjamites, who retiring upon the assault, the
Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews retired by slow degrees, as
very desirous to draw them entirely from the city; and the other followed
them as they retired, till both the old men and the young men that were
left in the city, as too weak to fight, came running out together with
them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were
a great way from the city the Hebrews ran away no longer, but turned back
to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that
lay in ambush, who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy.
Now, as soon as ever they perceived themselves to be deceived, they knew
not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which
was in a valley, they were shot at by those that encompassed them, till
they were all destroyed, excepting six hundred, which formed themselves
into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of
their enemies, and fled to the neighboring mountains, and, seizing upon
them, remained there; but the rest of them, being about twenty-five thousand,
were slain. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and
the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities
of the Benjamites; and, indeed, they were enraged to that degree, that
they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to
destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against
the Benjamites. Accordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war,
with their children and wives, excepting four hundred virgins. To such
a degree had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the
suffering of the Levite's wife to avenge, but the slaughter of their own
soldiers.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="166" unit="section" /><p>However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had brought
upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that account, although they
supposed those men had suffered justly for their offense against the laws;
so they recalled by their ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped.
These had seated themselves on a certain rock called <emph>Rimmon</emph>, which
was in the wilderness. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster
that had befallen the Benjamites, but themselves also, by this destruction
of their kindred; and persuaded them to take it patiently; and to come
and unite with them, and not, so far as in them lay, to give their suffrage
to the utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and said to them, "We
give you leave to take the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as
much prey as you are able to carry away with you." So these men with
sorrow confessed, that what had been done was according to the decree of
God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to those that
invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The Israelites also gave
them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives; but as to the
remaining two hundred, they deliberated about it how they might compass
wives enough for them, and that they might have children by them; and whereas
they had, before the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give his
daughter to wife to a Benjamite, some advised them to have no regard to
what they had sworn, because the oath had not been taken advisedly and
judiciously, but in a passion, and thought that they should do nothing
against God, if they were able to save a whole tribe which was in danger
of perishing; and that perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not
when it is done out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention.
But when the senate were affrighted at the very name of perjury, a certain
person told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure
the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what
his proposal was. He said, "That three times in a year, when we meet
in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters accompany us: let then the Benjamites
be allowed to steal away, and marry such women as they can catch, while
we will neither incite them nor forbid them; and when their parents take
it ill, and desire us to inflict punishment upon them, we will tell them,
that they were themselves the cause of what had happened, by neglecting
to guard their daughters, and that they ought not to be over angry at the
Benjamites, since that anger was permitted to rise too high already."
So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this advice, and decreed, That
the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when
the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush
before the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming
of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie
concealed. Accordingly the virgins came along playing, and suspected nothing
of what was coming upon them, and walked after an unguarded manner, so
those that laid scattered in the road, rose up, and caught hold of them:
by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture,
and took good care to recover their former happy state. And thus was this
tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely perishing,
saved in the manner forementioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites; and
accordingly it presently flourished, and soon increased to be a multitude,
and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion
of this war.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE ISRAELITES AFTER THIS MISFORTUNE GREW WICKED AND
SERVED THE ASSYRIANS; AND HOW GOD DELIVERED THEM BY OTHNIEL, WHO RULED
OVER THE FORTY YEARS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="175" unit="section" /><p>NOW it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner with
the tribe of Benjamin; and it came to do so on the occasion following:
- When the Israelites had already left off the exercise of their arms for
war, and were intent upon their husbandry, the Canaanites despised them,
and brought together an army, not because they expected to suffer by them,
but because they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews
ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come dwell in
their own cities the more securely; they prepared therefore their chariots,
and gathered their soldiery together, their cities also combined together,
and drew over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of
Judah, and many more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the
Danites to fly into the mountainous country, and left them not the least
portion of the plain country to set their foot on. Since then these Danites
were not able to fight them, and had not land enough to sustain them, they
sent five of their men into the midland country, to seek for a land to
which they might remove their habitation. So these men went as far as the
neighborhood of Mount Libanus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan,
at the great plain of Sidon, a day's journey from the city; and when they
had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and exceeding fruitful,
they acquainted their tribe with it, whereupon they made an expedition
with the army, and built there the city Dan, of the same name with the
son of Jacob, and of the same name with their own tribe.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that
misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceeded in part from their
contempt of the Divine worship; for when they had once fallen off from
the regularity of their political government, they indulged themselves
further in living according to their own pleasure, and according to their
own will, till they were full of the evil doings that were common among
the Canaanites. God therefore was angry with them, and they lost that their
happy state which they had obtained by innumerable labors, by their luxury;
for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against them, they
lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged,
they were taken by force; nay, there were some who, out of fear, voluntarily
submitted to him, and though the tribute laid upon them was more than they
could bear, yet did they pay it, and underwent all sort of oppression for
eight years; after which thee they were freed from them in the following
manner: -</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="182" unit="section" /><p>There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the tribe
of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an admonition from
God not to overlook the Israelites in such a distress as they were now
in, but to endeavor boldly to gain them their liberty; so when he had procured
some to assist him in this dangerous undertaking, (and few they were, who,
either out of shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire
of changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him,) he first of all
destroyed that garrison which Chushan had set over them; but when it was
perceived that he had not failed in his first attempt, more of the people
came to his assistance; so they joined battle with the Assyrians, and drove
them entirely before them, and compelled them to pass over Euphrates. Hereupon
Othniel, who had given such proofs of his valor, received from the multitude
authority tojudge the people; and when he had ruled over them forty years,
he died.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW OUR PEOPLE SERVED THE MOABITES EIGHTEEN YEARS, AND WERE
THEN DELIVERED FROM SLAVERY BY ONE EHUD WHO RETAINED THE DOMINION EIGHTY
YEARS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="185" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israelites fell again into
disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honor due to him, nor
were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, till Eglon, king
of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders
of their political government, that he made war upon them, and overcame
them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely
subdued their army, and ordered them to pay him tribute. And when he had
built him a royal palace at Jericho, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It appears by the sacred history, Judges 1:16; 3:13, that Eglon's pavilion
or palace was at the City of Palm-Trees, as the place where Jericho had
stood is called after its destruction by Joshua, that is, at or near the
demolished city. Accordingly, Josephus says it was at Jericho, or rather
in that fine country of palm-trees, upon, or near to, the same spot of
ground on which Jericho had formerly stood, and on which it was rebuilt
by Hiel, 1 Kings 16:31. Our other copies that avoid its proper name Jericho,
and call it the City of Palm-Trees only, speak here more accurately than
Josephus.</note>
he omitted no method whereby he might distress them; and indeed he reduced
them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of
the Israelites, on account of their afflictions, and was moved to compassion
by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage
they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them
in the following manner; -</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="188" unit="section" /><p>There was a young man of the tribe of Benjamin, whose name was Ehud,
the son of Gera, a man of very great courage in bold undertakings, and
of a very strong body, fit for hard labor, but best skilled in using his
left hand, in which was his whole strength; and he also dwelt at Jericho.
Now this man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents,
with which he obtained his favor, and insinuated himself into his good
opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king.
Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants
with him, he put a dagger on his right thigh secretly, and went in to him:
it was then summer thee, and the middle of the day, when the guards were
not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they
were gone to dinner. So the young man, when he had offered his presents
to the king, who then resided in a small parlor that stood conveniently
to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone,
the king having bid his servants that attended him to go their ways, because
he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was now sitting on his throne; and
fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give
him a deadly wound; so he raised himself up, and said he had a dream to
impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of
his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and leaving
his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now the
king's servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed
himself to sleep.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Ehud informed the people of Jericho privately of
what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty; who heard
him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country,
that should sound trumpets of rams' horns; for it was our custom to call
the people together by them. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant
of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while; but, towards the
evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they entered into
his parlor, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder,
and knew not what to do; and before the guards could be got together, the
multitude of the Israelites came upon them, so that some of them were slain
immediately, and some were put to flight, and ran away toward the country
of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand.
The Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and pursued them, and slew
them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape
out of their hands; and by this means it was that the Hebrews freed themselves
from slavery under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified
with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held
the government eighty years <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These eighty years for the government of Ehud are necessary to Josephus's
usual large numbers between the exodus and the building of the temple,
of five hundred and ninety-two or six hundred and twelve years, but not
to the smallest number of four hundred and eighty years, 1 Kings 6:1; which
lesser number Josephus seems sometimes to have followed. And since in the
beginning of the next chapter it is said by Josephus, that there was hardly
a breathing time for the Israelites before Jabin came and enslaved them,
it is highly probable that some of the copies in his time had here only
eight years instead of eighty; as had that of Theophilus of Antioch, Ad
Autolye. 1. iii., and this most probably from his copy of Josephus.</note>
He was a man worthy of commendation, even besides what he deserved for
the forementioned act of his. After him Shamgat, the son of Anath, was
elected for their governor, but died in the first year of his government.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE CANAANITES BROUGHT THE ISRAELITES UNDER SLAVERY FOR
TWENTY YEARS; AFTER WHICH THEY WERE DELIVERED BY BARAK AND DEBORAH, WHO
RULED OVER THEM FOR FORTY YEARS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="198" unit="section" /><p>And now it was that the Israelites, taking no warning by their former
misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither worshipping God nor submitting
to the laws, were brought under slavery by Jabin, the king of the Canaanites,
and that before they had a short breathing time after the slavery under
the Moabites; for this Jabin out of Hazor, a city that was situate over
the Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred footmen, and ten thousand
horsemen, with fewer than three thousand chariots. Sisera was commander
of all his army, and was the principal person in the king's favor. He so
sorely beat the Israelites when they fought with him, that he ordered them
to pay tribute.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="200" unit="section" /><p>So they continued to that hardship for twenty years, as not good
enough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God was willing
also hereby the more to subdue their obstinacy and ingratitude towards
himself: so when at length they were become penitent, and were so wise
as to learn that their calamities arose from their contempt of the laws,
they besought Deborah, a certain prophetess among them, (which name in
the Hebrew tongue signifies a <emph>Bee,)</emph> to pray to God to take pity
on them, and not to overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaanites.
So God granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one that
was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies
<emph>Lightning.</emph></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="202" unit="section" /><p>So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten thousand young
men to go against the enemy, because God had said that that number was
sufficient, and promised them victory. But when Barak said that he would
not be the general unless she would also go as a general with him, she
had indignation at what he said "Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that
authority which God hath given thee into the hand of a woman, and I do
not reject it!" So they collected ten thousand men, and pitched their
camp at Mount Tabor, where, at the king's command, Sisera met them, and
pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites, and
Barak himself, were so aftrighted at the multitude of those enemies, that
they were resolved to march off, had not Deborah retained them, and commanded
them to fight the enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them,
and God would be their assistance.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>So the battle began; and when they were come to a close fight, there
came down from heaven a great storm, with a vast quantity of rain and hail,
and the wind blew the rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so darkened
their eyes, that their arrows and slings were of no advantage to them,
nor would the coldness of the air permit the soldiers to make use of their
swords; while this storm did not so much incommode the Israelites, because
it came in their backs. They also took such courage, upon the apprehension
that God was assisting them, that they fell upon the very midst of their
enemies, and slew a great number of them; so that some of them fell by
the Israelites, some fell by their own horses, which were put into disorder,
and not a few were killed by their own chariots. At last Sisera, as soon
as he saw himself beaten, fled away, and came to a woman whose name was
Jael, a Kenite, who received him, when he desired to be concealed; and
when he asked for somewhat to drink, she gave him sour milk, of which he
drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he was asleep, Jael
took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it through his temples into
the floor; and when Barak came a little afterward, she showed Sisera nailed
to the ground: and thus was this victory gained by a woman, as Deborah
had foretold. Barak also fought with Jabin at Hazor; and when he
met with him, he slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew
the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for
forty years.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE MIDIANITES AND OTHER NATIONS FOUGHT AGAINST THE ISRAELITES
AND BEAT THEM, AND AFFLICTED THEIR COUNTRY FOR SEVEN YEARS, HOW THEY WERE
DELIVERED BY GIDEON, WHO RULED OVER THE MULTITUDE FOR FORTY YEARS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="210" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened about
the same time, afterwards the Midianites called the Amalekites and Arabians
to their assistance, and made war against the Israelites, and were too
hard for those that fought against them; and when they had burnt the fruits
of the earth, they carried off the prey. Now when they had done this for
three years, the multitude of the Israelites retired to the mountains,
and forsook the plain country. They also made themselves hollows under
ground, and caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had escaped their
enemies; for the Midianites made expeditions in harvest-time, but permitted
them to plough the land in winter, that so, when the others had taken the
pains, they might have fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued
a famine and a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their
supplications to God, and besought him to save them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of the
tribe of Manasseh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and thrashed
them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their enemies to thrash
them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time somewhat appeared to him
in the shape of a young man, and told him that he was a happy man, and
beloved of God. To which he immediately replied, "A mighty indication
of God's favor to me, that I am forced to use this wine-press instead of
a thrashing-floor!" But the appearance exhorted him to be of good
courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their liberty. He answered,
that it was impossible for him to recover it, because the tribe to which
he belonged was by no means numerous; and because he was but young himself,
and too inconsiderable to think of such great actions. But the other promised
him, that God would supply what he was defective in, and would afford the
Israelites victory under his conduct.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating this to some young men, they
believed him, and immediately there was an army of ten thousand men got
ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon in his sleep, and told him
that mankind were too fond of themselves, and were enemies to such as excelled
in virtue. Now that they might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory
to him, and might not fancy it obtained by their own power, because they
were a great many, and able of themselves to fight their enemies, but might
confess that it was owing to his assistance, he advised him to bring his
army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river, and to esteem
those that bent down on their knees, and so drank, to be men of courage;
but for all those that drank tumultuously, that he should esteem them to
do it out of fear, and as in dread of their enemies. And when Gideon had
done as God had suggested to him, there were found three hundred men that
took water with their hands tumultuously; so God bid him take these men,
and attack the enemy. Accordingly they pitched their camp at the river
Jordan, as ready the next day to pass over it.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="218" unit="section" /><p>But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand that
he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God, being willing
to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his soldiers, and go near
to the Midianites' tents, for that he should from that very place have
his courage raised, and grow bold. So he obeyed, and went and took his
servant Phurah with him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered
that those that were in it were awake, and that one of them was telling
to his fellow soldier a dream of his own, and that so plainly that Gideon
could hear him. The dream was this: - He thought he saw a barley-cake,
such a one as could hardly be eaten by men, it was so vile, rolling through
the camp, and overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of all the soldiers.
Now the other soldier explained this vision to mean the destruction of
the army; and told them what his reason was which made him so conjecture,
viz. That the seed called <emph>barley</emph> was all of it allowed to be of
the vilest sort of seed, and that the Israelites were known to be the vilest
of all the people of Asia, agreeably to the seed of barley, and that what
seemed to look big among the Israelites was this Gideon and the army that
was with him; "and since thou sayest thou didst see the cake overturning
our tents, I am afraid lest God hath granted the victory over us to Gideon."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="222" unit="section" /><p>When Gideon had heard this dream, good hope and courage came upon
him; and he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves, and told them of
this vision of their enemies. They also took courage at what was told them,
and were ready to perform what he should enjoin them. So Gideon divided
his army into three parts, and brought it out about the fourth watch of
the night, each part containing a hundred men: they all bare empty pitchers
and lighted lamps in their hands, that their onset might not be discovered
by their enemies. They had also each of them a ram's horn in his right
hand, which he used instead of a trumpet. The enemy's camp took up a large
space of ground, for it happened that they had a great many camels; and
as they were divided into different nations, so they were all contained
in one circle. Now when the Hebrews did as they were ordered beforehand,
upon their approach to their enemies, and, on the signal given, sounded
with their rams' horns, and brake their pitchers, and set upon their enemies
with their lamps, and a great shout, and cried, "Victory to Gideon,
by God's assistance," a disorder and a fright seized upon the other
men while they were half asleep, for it was night-time, as God would have
it; so that a few of them were slain by their enemies, but the greatest
part by their own soldiers, on account of the diversity of their language;
and when they were once put into disorder, they killed all that they met
with, as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus there was a great slaughter
made. And as the report of Gideon's victory came to the Israelites, they
took their weapons and pursued their enemies, and overtook them in a certain
valley encompassed with torrents, a place which these could not get over;
so they encompassed them, and slew them all, with their kings, Oreb and
Zeeb. But the remaining captains led those soldiers that were left, which
were about eighteen thousand, and pitched their camp a great way off the
Israelites. However, Gideon did not grudge his pains, but pursued them
with all his army, and joining battle with them, cut off the whole enemies'
army, and took the other leaders, Zeba and Zalmuna, and made them captives.
Now there were slain in this battle of the Midianites, and of their auxiliaries
the Arabians, about a hundred and twenty thousand; and the Hebrews took
a great prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses. And
when Gideon was come to his own country of Ophrah, he slew the kings of
the Midianites.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="230" unit="section" /><p>However, the tribe of Ephraim was so displeased at the good success
of Gideon, that they resolved to make war against him, accusing him because
he did not tell them of his expedition against their enemies. But Gideon,
as a man of temper, and that excelled in every virtue, pleaded, that it
was not the result of his own authority or reasoning, that made him attack
the enemy without them; but that it was the command of God, and still the
victory belonged to them as well as those in the army. And by this method
of cooling their passions, he brought more advantage to the Hebrews, than
by the success he had against these enemies, for he thereby delivered them
from a sedition which was arising among them; yet did this tribe afterwards
suffer the punishment of this their injurious treatment of Gideon, of which
we will give an account in due time.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="232" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Gideon would have laid down the government, but was over-persuaded
to take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and distributed justice to them,
as the people came to him in their differences; and what he determined
was esteemed valid by all. And when he died, he was buried in his own country
of Ophrah.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT THE JUDGES WHO SUCCEEDED GIDEON MADE WAR WITH THE ADJOINING
NATIONS FOR A LONG TIME.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="233" unit="section" /><p>NOW Gideon had seventy sons that were legitimate, for he had many
wives; but he had also one that was spurious, by his concubine Drumah,
whose name was Abimelech, who, after his father's death, retired to Shecbem
to his mother's relations, for they were of that place: and when he had
got money of such of them as were eminent for many instances of injustice,
he came with them to his father's house, and slew all his brethren, except
Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be preserved; but Abimelech
made the government tyrannical, and constituted himself a lord, to do what
he pleased, instead of obeying the laws; and he acted most rigidly against
those that were the patrons of justice.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="235" unit="section" /><p>Now when, on a certain time, there was a public festival at Shechem,
and all the multitude was there gathered together, Jotham his brother,
whose escape we before related, went up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs
over the city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard by the multitude,
who were attentive to him. He desired they would consider what he was going
to say to them: so when silence was made, he said, That when the trees
had a human voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together,
they desired that the fig-tree would rule over them; but when that tree
refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that honor which belonged
peculiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that which should be derived to
it from abroad, the trees did not leave off their intentions to have a
ruler, so they thought proper to make the offer of that honor to the vine;
but when the vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree
had used before, and excused itself from accepting the government: and
when the olive-tree had done the same, the brier, whom the trees had desired
to take the kingdom, (it is a sort of wood good for firing,) it promised
to take the government, and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but that
then they must sit down under its shadow, and if they should plot against
it to destroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy them.
He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter; for that when
they had experienced many blessings from Gideon, they overlooked Abimelech,
when he overruled all, and had joined with him in slaying his brethren;
and that he was no better than a fire himself. So when he had said this,
he went away, and lived privately in the mountains for three years, out
of fear of Abimelech.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="240" unit="section" /><p>A little while after this festival, the Shechemites, who had now
repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abimelech
away, both from their city and their tribe; whereupon he contrived how
he might distress their city. Now at the season of vintage, the people
were afraid to go out and gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should
do them some mischief. Now it happened that there had come to them a man
of authority, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, having his armed men
and his kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow
them a guard during their vintage; whereupon he accepted of their desires,
and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the head of his soldiery.
So they gathered their fruit with safety; and when they were at supper
in several companies, they then ventured to curse Abimelech openly; and
the magistrates laid ambushes in places about the city, and caught many
of Abimelech's followers, and destroyed them.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="243" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that had
entertained Abimelech. He sent messengers, and informed him how much Gaal
had irritated the people against him, and excited him to lay ambushes before
the city, for that he would persuade Gaal to go out against him, which
would leave it in his power to be revenged on him; and when that was once
done, he would bring him to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech laid
ambushes, and himself lay with them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking
little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw the armed
men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men were coming; but the
other replied, They were only shadows of huge stones: and when they were
come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the reality, and said, They were not
shadows, but men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul, "Didst not thou
reproach Abimelech for cowardice? why dost thou not then show how very
courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight him?" So Gaal, being
in disorder, joined battle with Abimelech, and some of his men fell; whereupon
he fled into the city, and took his men with him. But Zebul managed his
matters so in the city, that he procured them to expel Gaal out of the
city, and this by accusing him of cowardice in this action with the soldiers
of Ahimelech. But Abimelech, when he had learned that the Shechemites were
again coming out to gather their grapes, placed ambushes before the city,
and when they were coming out, the third part of his army took possession
of the gates, to hinder the citizens from returning in again, while the
rest pursued those that were scattered abroad, and so there was slaughter
every where; and when he had overthrown the city to the very foundations,
for it was not able to bear a siege, and had sown its ruins with salt,
he proceeded on with his army till all the Shechemites were slain. As for
those that were scattered about the country, and so escaped the danger,
they were gathered together unto a certain strong rock, and settled themselves
upon it, and prepared to build a wall about it: and when Abimelech knew
their intentions, he prevented them, and came upon them with his forces,
and laid faggots of dry wood round the place, he himself bringing some
of them, and by his example encouraging the soldiers to do the same. And
when the rock was encompassed round about with these faggots, they set
them on fire, and threw in whatsoever by nature caught fire the most easily:
so a mighty flame was raised, and nobody could fly away from the rock,
but every man perished, with their wives and children, in all about fifteen
hundred men, and the rest were a great number also. And such was the calamity
which fell upon the Shechemites; and men's grief on their account had been
greater than it was, had they not brought so much mischief on a person
who had so well deserved of them, and had they not themselves esteemed
this as a punishment for the same.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="251" unit="section" /><p>Now Abimelech, when he had aftrighted the Israelites with the miseries
he had brought upon the Shechemites, seemed openly to affect greater authority
than he now had, and appeared to set no bounds to his violence, unless
it were with the destruction of all. Accordingly he marched to Thebes,
and took the city on the sudden; and there being a great tower therein,
whereunto the whole multitude fled, he made preparation to besiege it.
Now as he was rushing with violence near the gates, a woman threw a piece
of a millstone upon his head, upon which Abimelech fell down, and desired
his armor-bearer to kill him lest his death should be thought to be the
work of a woman: - who did what he was bid to do. So he underwent this
death as a punishment for the wickedness he had perpetrated against his
brethren, and his insolent barbarity to the Shechemites. Now the calamity
that happened to those Shechemites was according to the prediction of Jotham,
However, the army that was with Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered
abroad, and went to their own homes.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>Now it was that Jair the Gileadite, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Our present copies of Josephus all omit Tola among the judges, though the
other copies have him next after Abimelech, and allot twenty-three years
to his administration, Judges 10:1, 2; yet do all Josephus's commentators
conclude, that in Josephus's sum of the years of the judges, his twenty-three
years are included; hence we are to confess, that somewhat has been here
lost out of his copies.</note>
of the tribe of Manasseh, took the government. He was a man happy in other
respects also, but particularly in his children, who were of a good character.
They were thirty in number, and very skillful in riding on horses, and
were intrusted with the government of the cities of Gilead. He kept the
government twenty-two years, and died an old man; and he was buried in
Camon, a city of Gilead.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="255" unit="section" /><p>And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed uncertainly,
and tended to disorder, and to the contempt of God and of the laws. So
the Ammonites and Philistines had them in contempt, and laid waste the
country with a great army; and when they had taken all Perea, they were
so insolent as to attempt to gain the possession of all the rest. But the
Hebrews, being now amended by the calamities they had undergone, betook
themselves to supplications to God; and brought sacrifices to him, beseeching
him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by their prayers to
leave off his anger against them. So God became more merciful to them,
and was ready to assist them.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="257" unit="section" /><p>When the Ammonites had made an expedition into the land of Gilead,
the inhabitants of the country met them at a certain mountain, but wanted
a commander. Now there was one whose name was Jephtha, who, both on account
of his father's virtue, and on account of that army which he maintained
at his own expenses, was a potent man: the Israelites therefore sent to
him, and entreated him to come to their assistance, and promised him the
dominion over them all his lifetime. But he did not admit of their entreaty;
and accused them, that they did not come to his assistance when he was
unjustly treated, and this in an open manner by his brethren; for they
cast him off, as not having the same mother with the rest, but born of
a strange mother, that was introduced among them by his father's fondness;
and this they did out of a contempt of his inability [to vindicate himself].
So he dwelt in the country of Gilead, as it is called, and received all
that came to him, let them come from what place soever, and paid them wages.
However, when they pressed him to accept the dominion, and sware they would
grant him the government over them all his life, he led them to the war.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="261" unit="section" /><p>And when Jephtha had taken immediate care of their affairs, he placed
his army at the city Mizpeh, and sent a message to the Ammonite [king],
complaining of his unjust possession of their land. But that king sent
a contrary message; and complained of the exodus of the Israelites out
of Egypt, and desired him to go out of the land of the Amorites, and yield
it up to him, as at first his paternal inheritance. But Jephtha returned
this answer: That he did not justly complain of his ancestors about the
land of the Amorites, and ought rather to thank them that they left the
land of the Ammonites to them, since Moses could have taken it also; and
that neither would he recede from that land of their own, which God had
obtained for them, and they had now inhabited [above] three hundred years,
but would fight with them about it.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>And when he had given them this answer, he sent the ambassadors
away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed to perform sacred
offices, and if he came home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living
creature soever should first meet him, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus justly condemns Jephtha, as do the Apostolical Constitutions,
B. VII. ch. 37., for his rash vow, whether it were for sacrificing his
daughter, as Josephus thought, or for dedicating her, who was his only
child, to perpetual virginity, at the tabernacle or elsewhere, which I
rather suppose. If he had vowed her for a sacrifice, she ought to have
been redeemed, Leviticus 27:1-8; but of the sense of ver. 28, 29, as relating
not to things vowed to. God, but devoted to destruction, see the note on
Antiq. B. V. ch. 1. sect. 8.</note>
he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a great victory, and in his
pursuit slew the enemies all along as far as the city of Minnith. He then
passed over to the land of the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities,
and took their prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they
had undergone for eighteen years. But as he came back, he fell into a calamity
no way correspondent to the great actions he had done; for it was his daughter
that came to meet him; she was also an only child and a virgin: upon this
Jephtha heavily lamented the greatness of his affliction, and blamed his
daughter for being so forward in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice
her to God. However, this action that was to befall her was not ungrateful
to her, since she should die upon occasion of her father's victory, and
the liberty of her fellow citizens: she only desired her father to give
her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth with her fellow citizens;
and then she agreed, that at the forementioned thee he might do with her
according to his vow. Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed
his daughter as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither
conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with himself
what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="267" unit="section" /><p>Now the tribe of Ephraim fought against him, because he did not
take them along with him in his expedition against the Ammonites, but because
he alone had the prey, and the glory of what was done to himself. As to
which he said, first, that they were not ignorant how his kindred had fought
against him, and that when they were invited, they did not come to his
assistance, whereas they ought to have come quickly, even before they were
invited. And in the next place, that they were going to act unjustly; for
while they had not courage enough to fight their enemies, they came hastily
against their own kindred: and he threatened them that, with God's assistance,
he would inflict a punishment upon them, unless they would grow wiser.
But when he could not persuade them, he fought with them with those forces
which he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great slaughter among them;
and when they were beaten, he pursued them, and seized on the passages
of Jordan by a part of his army which he had sent before, and slew about
forty-two thousand of them.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="270" unit="section" /><p>So when Jephtha had ruled six years, he died, and was buried in
his own country, Sebee, which is a place in the land of Gilead.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="271" unit="section" /><p>Now when Jephtha was dead, Ibzan took the government, being of the
tribe of Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He had sixty children, thirty
of them sons, and the rest daughters; all whom he left alive behind him,
giving the daughters in marriage to husbands, and taking wives for his
sons. He did nothing in the seven years of his administration that was
worth recording, or deserved a memorial. So he died an old man, and was
buried in his own country.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="272" unit="section" /><p>When Ibzan was dead after this manner, neither did Helon, who succeeded
him in the government, and kept it ten years, do any thing remarkable:
he was of the tribe of Zebulon.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="273" unit="section" /><p>Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the tribe of Ephraim, and born
at the city Pyrathon, was ordained their supreme governor after Helon.
He is only recorded to have been happy in his children; for the public
affairs were then so peaceable, and in such security, that neither did
he perform any glorious action. He had forty sons, and by them left thirty
grandchildren; and he marched in state with these seventy, who were all
very skillful in riding horses; and he left them all alive after him. He
died an old man, and obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE FORTITUDE OF SAMSON, AND WHAT MISCHIEFS HE
BROUGHT UPON THE PHILISTINES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="275" unit="section" /><p>AFTER Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites, and
received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress they were
delivered after this manner: -</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="276" unit="section" /><p>There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he had
few men his equals, and without dispute the principal person of his country.
He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and excelling her contemporaries.
He had no children; and, being uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated
God to give them seed of their own bodies to succeed them; and with that
intent he came constantly into the suburbs <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I can discover no reason why Manoah and his wife came so constantly into
these suburbs to pray for children, but because there was a synagogue or
place of devotion in those suburbs.</note>
together with his wife; which suburbs were in the Great Plain. Now he was
fond of his wife to a degree of madness, and on that account was unmeasurably
jealous of her. Now, when his wife was once alone, an apparition was seen
by her: it was an angel of God, and resembled a young man beautiful and
tall, and brought her the good news that she should have a son, born by
God's providence, that should be a goodly child, of great strength; by
whom, when he was grown up to man's estate, the Philistines should be afflicted.
He exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all
other kinds of drink, (for so had God commanded,) and be entirely contented
with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that message, went his
way, his coming having been by the will of God.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="279" unit="section" /><p>Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what the angel
had said, who showed so great an admiration of the beauty and tallness
of the young man that had appeared to her, that her husband was astonished,
and out of himself for jealousy, and such suspicions as are excited by
that passion: but she was desirous of having her husband's unreasonable
sorrow taken away; accordingly she entreated God to send the angel again,
that he might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the favor
of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her when she was
alone without her husband. She desired the angel to stay so long till she
might bring her husband; and that request being granted, she goes to call
Manoah. When he saw the angel he was not yet free from suspicion, and he
desired him to inform him of all that he had told his wife; but when he
said it was sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then requested
of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born they might return
him thanks, and give him a present. He replied that he did not want any
present, for that he did not bring them the good news of the birth of a
son out of the want of any thing. And when Manoah had entreated him to
stay, and partake of his hospitality, he did not give his consent. However
he was persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah to stay so long as while
he brought him one mark of his hospitality; so he slew a kid of the goats,
and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready, the angel enjoined him to
set the loaves and the flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock; which
when they had done, he touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his
hand, which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with
the loaves; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to heaven,
by means of the smoke, as by a vehicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some
danger would come to them from this sight of God; but his wife bade him
be of good courage, for that God appeared to them for their benefit.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="285" unit="section" /><p>So the woman proved with child, and was careful to observe the injunctions
that were given her; and they called the child, when he was born, Samson,
which name signifies one that is <emph>strong</emph>. So the child grew apace;
and it appeared evidently that he would be a prophet, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here, by a prophet, Josephus seems only to mean one that was born by a
particular providence, lived after the manner of a Nazarite devoted to
God, and was to have an extraordinary commission and strength from God
for the judging and avenging his people Israel, without any proper prophetic
revelations at all.</note>
both by the moderation of his diet, and the permission of his hair to grow.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="286" unit="section" /><p>Now when he once came with his parents to Timhath, a city of the
Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love with a maid
of that country, and he desired of his parents that they would procure
him the damsel for his wife: but they refused so to do, because she was
not of the stock of Israel; yet because this marriage was of God, who intended
to convert it to the benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to
procure her to be espoused to him. And as he was continually coming to
her parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his onset,
and strangled him with his hands, and cast the wild beast into a woody
piece of ground on the inside of the road.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="288" unit="section" /><p>And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm
of bees making their combs in the breast of that lion; and taking three
honey-combs away, he gave them, together with the rest of his presents,
to the damsel. Now the people of Timhath, out of a dread of the young man's
strength, gave him during the time of the wedding-feast (for he then feasted
them all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretense to be his
companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he might not attempt
to give them any disturbance. Now as they were drinking merrily and playing,
Samson said, as was usual at such times, "Come, if I propose you a riddle,
and you can expound it in these seven days' thee, I will give you every
one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom." So
they being very ambitious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with
the gains, desired him to propose his riddle. He, "That a devourer
produced sweet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable."
And when they were not able, in three days' time, to find out the meaning
of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by the means of her
husband, and tell it them; and they threatened to burn her if she did not
tell it them. So when the damsel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at
first refused to do it; but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears,
and made his refusal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed
her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he found bees in his breast, and
carried away three honey-combs, and brought them to her. Thus he, suspecting
nothing of deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed it to those that
desired to know it. Then on the seventh day, whereon they were to expound
the riddle proposed to them, they met together before sun-setting, and
said, "Nothing is more disagreeable than a lion to those that light
on it, and nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it."
To which Samson made this rejoinder: "Nothing is more deceitful than
a woman for such was the person that discovered my interpretation to you."
Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised them, making such
Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey, who were themselves Philistines
also. But he divorced this his wife; and the girl despised his anger, and
was married to his companion, who made the former match between them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="295" unit="section" /><p>At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he resolved
to punish all the Philistines, as well as her: so it being then summer-time,
and the fruits of the land being almost ripe enough for reaping, he caught
three hundred foxes, and joining lighted torches to their tails, he
sent them into the fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits
of the fields perished. Now when the Philistines knew that this was Samson's
doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent their rulers to
Timhath, and burnt his former wife, and her relations, who had been the
occasion of their misfortunes.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="297" unit="section" /><p>Now when Samson had slain many of the Philistines in the plain country,
he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of Judah; for the
Philistines at that time made an expedition against that tribe: but the
people of Judah said that they did not act justly with them, in inflicting
punishments upon them while they paid their tribute, and this only on account
of Samson's offenses. They answered, that in case they would not be blamed
themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into their power.
So they being desirous not to be blamed themselves, came to the rock with
three thousand armed men, and complained to Samson of the bold insults
he had made upon the Philistines, who were men able to bring calamity upon
the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take
him, and to deliver him up to them, and put him into their power; so they
desired him to bear this willingly. Accordingly, when he had received assurance
from them upon oath, that they would do him no other harm than only to
deliver him into his enemies' hands, he came down from the rock, and put
himself into the power of his countrymen. Then did they bind him with two
cords, and lead him on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; and
when they came to a certain place, which is now called <emph>the Jaw-bone,
</emph>on account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of
old it had no particular name at all, the Philistines, who had pitched
their camp not far off, came to meet them with joy and shouting, as having
done a great thing, and gained what they desired; but Samson broke his
bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-bone of an ass that lay down at
his feet, fell upon his enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew
a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="301" unit="section" /><p>Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had performed,
and said that this did not come to pass by the assistance of God, but that
his success was to be ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted himself,
that it was out of a dread of him that some of his enemies fell and the
rest ran away upon his use of the jaw-bone; but when a great thirst came
upon him, he considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony
that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would not be
angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the hands of his enemies,
but afford him help under his affliction, and deliver him from the misfortune
he was under. Accordingly God was moved with his entreaties, and raised
him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock whence it
was that Samson called the place the <gloss>Jaw-bone</gloss>,<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This fountain, called Lehi, or the Jaw-bone, is still in being, as travelers
assure us, and was known by this very name in the days of Josephus, and
has been known by the same name in all those past ages. See Antiq. B. VII.
ch. 12. sect. 4.</note>
and so it is called to this day.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="304" unit="section" /><p>After this fight Samson held the Philistines in contempt, and came
to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the rulers of
Gaza were informed of his coming thither, they seized upon the gates, and
placed men in ambush about them, that he might not escape without being
perceived; but Samson, who was acquainted with their contrivances against
him, arose about midnight, and ran by force upon the gates, with their
posts and beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them
away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over Hebron,
and there laid them down.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="306" unit="section" /><p>However, he at length <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See this justly observed in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII. ch.
37., that Samson's prayer was heard, but that it was before this his transgression.</note>
transgressed the laws of his country, and altered his own regular way of
living, and imitated the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was
the beginning of his miseries; for he fell in love with a woman that was
a harlot among the Philistines: her name was Delilah, and he lived with
her. So those that administered the public affairs of the Philistines came
to her, and, with promises, induced her to get out of Samson what was the
cause of that his strength, by which he became unconquerable to his enemies.
Accordingly, when they were drinking, and had the like conversation together,
she pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get out
of him by subtlety, by what means he so much excelled others in strength.
Samson, in order to delude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses,
replied, that if he were bound with seven such green withs of a vine as
might still be wreathed, he should be weaker than any other man. The woman
said no more then, but told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and
hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within the house; and when he was
disordered in drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible with
the withs; and then upon her awakening him, she told him some of the people
were upon him; but he broke the withs, and endeavored to defend himself,
as though some of the people were upon him. Now this woman, in the constant
conversation Samson had with her, pretended that she took it very ill that
he had such little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not
tell her what she desired, as if she would not conceal what she knew it
was for his interest to have concealed. However, he deluded her again,
and told her, that if they bound him with seven cords, he should lose his
strength. And when, upon doing this, she gained nothing, he told her the
third thee, that his hair should be woven into a web; but when, upon doing
this, the truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah's
prayer, (for he was doomed to fall into some affliction,) was desirous
to please her, and told her that God took care of him, and that he was
born by his providence, and that "thence it is that I suffer my hair
to grow, God having charged me never to poll my head, and thence my strength
is according to the increase and continuance of my hair." When she
had learned thus much, and had deprived him of his hair, she delivered
him up to his enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself
from their attempts upon him; so they put out his eyes, and bound him,
and had him led about among them.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="314" unit="section" /><p>But in process of time Samson's hair grew again. And there was a
public festival among the Philistines, when the rulers, and those of the
most eminent character, were feasting together; (now the room wherein they
were had its roof supported by two pillars ;) so they sent for Samson,
and he was brought to their feast, that they might insult him in their
cups. Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should
not be able to revenge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the
boy that led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest himself,
and desired he would bring him near the pillars; and as soon as he came
to them, he rushed with force against them, and overthrew the house, by
overthrowing its pillars, with three thousand men in it, who were all slain,
and Samson with them. And such was the end of this man, when he had ruled
over the Israelites twenty years. And indeed this man deserves to be admired
for his courage and strength, and magnanimity at his death, and that his
wrath against his enemies went so far as to die himself with them. But
as for his being ensnared by a woman, that is to be ascribed to human nature,
which is too weak to resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to
bear him witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary
virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in Sarasat his
own country, with the rest of his family.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW UNDER ELI'S GOVERNMENT OF THE ISRAELITES BOOZ MARRIED
RUTH, FROM WHOM CAME OBED THE GRANDFATHER OF DAVID.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="318" unit="section" /><p>NOW after the death of Samson, Eli the high priest was governor of
the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine,
Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not
able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi
his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chillon and Mahlon,
and removed his habitation into the land of Moab; and upon the happy prosperity
of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah
for Chillon, and Ruth for Mahlon. But in the compass of ten years, both
Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons, died; and Naomi being
very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome
condition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account
it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it
again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition.
However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her;
and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she could not
dissuade them from it; but when they insisted upon it, she wished them
a more happy wedlock than they had with her sons, and that they might have
prosperity in other respects also; and seeing her own affairs were so low,
she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to think of leaving
their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which
she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind; but she took Ruth along
with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her, but would take her
fortune with her, whatsoever it should prove.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="323" unit="section" /><p>When Ruth was come with her mother-in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who
was near of kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Naomi was so called
by her fellow citizens, according to her true name, she said, "You
might more truly call me <emph>Mara."</emph> Now Naomi signifies in the
Hebrew tongue <emph>happiness</emph>, and Mara, <emph>sorrow</emph>. It was now reaping
thee; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that
they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she
came into Booz's field; and after some thee Booz came thither, and when
he saw the damsel, he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers
concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all
her circumstances, and told them to his master, who kindly embraced her,
both on account of her affection to her mother-in-law, and her remembrance
of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might
experience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but
to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also
gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder
her when she took it away, and bade him give her her dinner, and make her
drink when he did the like to the reapers. Now what corn Ruth received
of him she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening,
and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part
of such food as her neighbors had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also
told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; and when the other had
informed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious
a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days
following, to gather the gleanings with Booz's maidservants.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="328" unit="section" /><p>It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed,
slept in his thrashing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance
she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it
might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly
she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; who went as she bade her, for
she did not think it consistent with her duty to contradict any command
of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Booz, as he was
fast asleep; but when he awaked about midnight, and perceived a woman lying
by him, he asked who she was; - and when she told him her name, and desired
that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more;
but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work,
he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry,
and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had
lain down by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that
might arise on that account, especially when there had been nothing done
that was ill. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should
rest here, - "He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether
he wants to take thee to wife: if he says he does, thou shalt follow him;
but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="332" unit="section" /><p>When she had informed her mother-in-law of this, they were very glad
of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make provision for them.
Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together,
and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; and when
he was come, he said, "Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech
and his sons?" He confessed that he did retain it, and that he did
as he was permitted to do by the laws, because he was their nearest kinsman.
Then said Booz, "Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do
every thing according to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom
thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields."
So the man yielded up both the field and the wife to Booz, who was himself
of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already,
and children also; so Booz called the senate to witness, and bid the woman
to loose his shoe, and spit in his face, according to the law; and when
this was done, Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year's time.
Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women,
called him <emph>Obed</emph>, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient
to her in her old age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies a <emph>servant.
</emph>The son of Obed was Jesse, and David was his son, who was king, and
left his dominions to his sons for one and twenty generations. I was therefore
obliged to relate this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate
the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of
ordinary parentage to dignity and splendor, to which he advanced David,
though he were born of such mean parents.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE BIRTH OF SAMUEL; AND HOW HE FORETOLD THE CALAMITY
THAT BEFELL THE SONS OF ELI.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="338" unit="section" /><p>AND now upon the ill state of the affairs of the Hebrews, they made
war again upon the Philistines. The occasion was this: Eli, the high priest,
had two sons, Hophni and Phineas. These sons of Eli were guilty of injustice
towards men, and of impiety towards God, and abstained from no sort of
wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honorable
employment they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also
were guilty of impurity with the women that came to worship God at the
tabernacle, obliging some to submit to their lust by force, and enticing
others by bribes; nay, the whole course of their lives was no better than
tyranny. Their father therefore was angry at them for such their wickedness,
and expected that God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them
for what they had done. The multitude took it heinously also. And as soon
as God had foretold what calamity would befall Eli's sons, which he did
both to Eli himself and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet but a child,
he openly showed his sorrow for his sons' destruction.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="341" unit="section" /><p>I will first despatch what I have to say about the prophet Samuel,
and after that will proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the miseries
they brought on the whole people of the Hebrews. Elcanah, a Levite, one
of a middle condition among his fellow citizens, and one that dwelt at
Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and
Peninnah. He had children by the latter; but he loved the other best, although
she was barren. Now Elcanah came with his wives to the city Shiloh to sacrifice,
for there it was that the tabernacle of God was fixed, as we have formerly
said. Now when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed at that festival
portions of the flesh to his wives and children, and when Hannah saw the
other wife's children sitting round about their mother, she fell into tears,
and lamented herself on account of her barrenness and lonesomeness; and
suffering her grief to prevail over her husband's consolations to her,
she went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give her seed, and to make
her a mother; and to vow to consecrate the first son she should bear to
the service of God, and this in such a way, that his manner of living should
not be like that of ordinary men. And as she continued at her prayers a
long time, Eli, the high priest, for he sat there before the tabernacle,
bid her go away, thinking she had been disordered with wine; but when she
said she had drank water, but was in sorrow for want of children, and was
beseeching God for them, he bid her be of good cheer, and told her that
God would send her children.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="346" unit="section" /><p>So she came to her husband full of hope, and ate her meal with gladness.
And when they had returned to their own country she found herself with
child, and they had a son born to them, to whom they gave the name of Samuel,
which may be styled one that was <emph>asked of God</emph>. They therefore came
to the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth of the child, and brought
their tithes with them; but the woman remembered the vows she had made
concerning her son, and delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that
he might become a prophet. Accordingly his hair was suffered to grow long,
and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought up in the temple.
But Elcanah had other sons by Hannah, and three daughters.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="348" unit="section" /><p>Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy: and once
when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and he, supposing he
had been called by the high priest, came to him: but when the high priest
said he did not call him, God did so thrice. Eli was then so far illuminated,
that he said to him, "Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now as well as
before: it is God that calls thee; do thou therefore signify it to him,
and say, I am here ready." So when he heard God speak again, he desired
him to speak, and to deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he would
not fail to perform any ministration whatsoever he should make use of him
in; - to which God replied, "Since thou art here ready, learn what
miseries are coming upon the Israelites, - such indeed as words cannot
declare, nor faith believe; for the sons of Eli shall die on one day, and
the priesthood shall be transferred into the family of Eleazar; for Eli
hath loved his sons more than he hath loved my worship, and to such a degree
as is not for their advantage." Which message Eli obliged the prophet
by oath to tell him, for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict him
by telling it. And now Eli had a far more sure expectation of the perdition
of his sons; but the glory of Samuel increased more and more, it being
found by experience that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass accordingly.
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Although there had been a few occasional prophets before, yet was this
Samuel the first of a constant succession of prophets in the Jewish nation,
as is implied in St. Peter's words, Acts 3:24 "Yea, and all the prophets,
from Samuel, and those that follow after, as many as have spoken, have
likewise foretold of those days." See also Acts 13:20. The others
were rather sometime called righteous men, Matthew 10:41; 13:17.</note></p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HEREIN IS DECLARED WHAT BEFELL THE SONS OF ELI, THE ARK,
AND THE PEOPLE AND HOW ELI HIMSELF DIED MISERABLY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="352" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time it was that the Philistines made war against the
Israelites, and pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now when the Israelites
had expected them a little while, the very next day they joined battle,
and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew above four thousand of the
Hebrews, and pursued the rest of their multitude to their camp.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="353" unit="section" /><p>So the Hebrews being afraid of the worst, sent to the senate, and
to the high priest, and desired that they would bring the ark of God, that
by putting themselves in array, when it was present with them, they might
be too hard for their enemies, as not reflecting that he who had condemned
them to endure these calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose
sake it was that this ark came to be honored. So the ark came, and the
sons of the high priest with it, having received a charge from their father,
that if they pretended to survive the taking of the ark, they should come
no more into his presence, for Phineas officiated already as high priest,
his father having resigned his office to him, by reason of his great age.
So the Hebrews were full of courage, as supposing that, by the coming of
the ark, they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also
were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark's coming to the Israelites:
however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to the expectation of both
sides, but when the battle was joined, that victory which the Hebrews expected
was gained by the Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid
of fell to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they
had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently beaten
as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies, and lost about
thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of the high priest; but the
ark was carried away by the enemies.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="357" unit="section" /><p>When the news of this defeat came to Shiloh, with that of the captivity
of the ark, (for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who was in the action,
came as a messenger thither,) the whole city was full of lamentations.
And Eli, the high priest, who sat upon a high throne at one of the gates,
heard their mournful cries, and supposed that some strange thing had befallen
his family. So he sent for the young man; and when he understood what had
happened in the battle, he was not much uneasy as to his sons, or what
was told him withal about the army, as having beforehand known by Divine
revelation that those things would happen, and having himself declared
them beforehand, - for what sad things come unexpectedly they distress
men the most; but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried captive by
their enemies, he was very much grieved at it, because it fell out quite
differently from what he expected; so he fell down from his throne and
died, having in all lived ninety-eight years, and of them retained the
government forty.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="360" unit="section" /><p>On the same day his son Phineas's wife died also, as not able to
survive the misfortune of her husband; for they told her of her husband's
death as she was in labor. However, she bare a son at seven months, who
lived, and to whom they gave the name of Icabod, which name signifies <emph>disgrace,
-</emph> and this because the army received a disgrace at this thee.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="361" unit="section" /><p>Now Eli was the first of the family of Ithamar, the other son of
Aaron, that had the government; for the family of Eleazar officiated as
high priest at first, the son still receiving that honor from the father
which Eleazar bequeathed to his son Phineas; after whom Abiezer his son
took the honor, and delivered it to his son, whose name was Bukki, from
whom his son Ozi received it; after whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking,
had the priesthood, and so he and his posterity until the thee of Solomon's
reign; but then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="6" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book VI</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ELI TO THE DEATH OF SAUL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE DESTRUCTION THAT CAME UPON THE PHILISTINES, AND UPON
THEIR LAND, BY THE WRATH OF GO ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR HAVING CARRIED THE ARK
AWAY CAPTIVE; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER THEY SENT IT BACK TO THE HEBREWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the Philistines had taken the ark of the Hebrews captive, as
I said a little before, they carried it to the city of Ashdod, and put
it by their own god, who was called Dagon, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dagon,
a famous maritime god or idol, is generally supposed to have been like
a man above the navel, and like a fish beneath it.</note>
as one of their spoils; but when they went into his temple the next morning
to worship their god, they found him paying the same worship to the ark,
for he lay along, as having fallen down from the basis whereon he had stood:
so they took him up, and set him on his basis again, and were much troubled
at what had happened; and as they frequently came to Dagon and found him
still lying along, in a posture of adoration to the ark, they were in very
great distress and confusion. At length God sent a very destructive disease
upon the city and country of Ashdod, for they died of the dysentery or
flux, a sore distemper, that brought death upon them very suddenly; for
before the soul could, as usual in easy deaths, be well loosed from the
body, they brought up their entrails, and vomited up what they had eaten,
and what was entirely corrupted by the disease. And as to the fruits of
their country, a great multitude of mice arose out of the earth and hurt
them, and spared neither the plants nor the fruits. Now while the people
of Ashdod were under these misfortunes, and were not able to support themselves
under their calamities, they perceived that they suffered thus because
of the ark, and that the victory they had gotten, and their having taken
the ark captive, had not happened for their good; they therefore sent to
the people of Askelon, and desired that they would receive the ark
among them. This desire of the people of Ashdod was not disagreeable to
those of Askelon, so they granted them that favor. But when they had gotten
the ark, they were in the same miserable condition; for the ark carried
along with it the disasters that the people of Ashdod had suffered, to
those who received it from them. Those of Askelon also sent it away from
themselves to others: nor did it stay among those others neither; for since
they were pursued by the same disasters, they still sent it to the neighboring
cities; so that the ark went round, after this manner, to the five cities
of the Philistines, as though it exacted these disasters as a tribute to
be paid it for its coming among them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="7" unit="section" /><p>When those that had experienced these miseries were tired out with
them, and when those that heard of them were taught thereby not to admit
the ark among them, since they paid so dear a tribute for it, at length
they sought for some contrivance and method how they might get free from
it: so the governors of the five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and Askelon,
as also of Gaza, and Ashclod, met together, and considered what was fit
to be done; and at first they thought proper to send the ark back to its
own people, as allowing that God had avenged its cause; that the miseries
they had undergone came along with it, and that these were sent on their
cities upon its account, and together with it. However, there were those
that said they should not do so, nor suffer themselves to be deluded, as
ascribing the cause of their miseries to it, because it could not have
such power and force upon them; for, had God had such a regard to it, it
would not have been delivered into the hands of men. So they exhorted them
to be quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen them, and to suppose
there was no other cause of it but nature, which, at certain revolutions
of time, produces such mutations in the bodies of men, in the earth, in
plants, and in all things that grow out of the earth. But the counsel that
prevailed over those already described, was that of certain men, who were
believed to have distinguished themselves in former times for their understanding
and prudence, and who, in their present circumstances, seemed above all
the rest to speak properly. These men said it was not right either to send
the ark away, or to retain it, but to dedicate five golden images, one
for every city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of his having taken
care of their preservation, and having kept them alive when their lives
were likely to be taken away by such distempers as they were not able to
bear up against. They also would have them make five golden mice like to
those that devoured and destroyed their country <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Spanheim
informs us here, that upon the coins of Tenedos, and those of other cities,
a field-mouse is engraven, together with Apollo Smintheus, or Apollo, the
driver away of field-mice, on account of his being supposed to have freed
certain tracts of ground from those mice; which coins show how great a
judgment such mice have sometimes been, and how the deliverance from them
was then esteemed the effect of a divine power; which observations are
highly suitable to this history.</note>
to put them in a bag, and lay them upon the ark; to make them a new cart
also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
device of the Philistines, of having a yoke of kine to draw this cart,
into which they put the ark of the Hebrews, is greatly illustrated by Sanchoniatho's
account, under his ninth generation, that Agrouerus, or Agrotes, the husbandman,
had a much-worshipped statue and temple, carried about by one or more yoke
of oxen, or kine, in Phoenicia, in the neighborhood of these Philistines.
See Cumberland's Sanchoniatho, p. 27 and 247; and Essay on the Old Testament,
Append. p. 172.</note>
but to shut up their calves, and keep them from them, lest, by following
after them, they should prove a hinderance to their dams, and that the
dams might return the faster out of a desire of those calves; then to drive
these milch kine that carried the ark, and leave it at a place where three
ways met, and So leave it to the kine to go along which of those ways they
pleased; that in case they went the way to the Hebrews, and ascended to
their country, they should suppose that the ark was the cause of their
misfortunes; but if they turned into another road, they said, "We
will pursue after it, and conclude that it has no such force in it."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="13" unit="section" /><p>So they determined that these men spake well; and they immediately
confirmed their opinion by doing accordingly. And when they had done as
has been already described, they brought the cart to a place where three
ways met, and left it there and went their ways; but the kine went the
right way, and as if some persons had driven them, while the rulers of
the Philistines followed after them, as desirous to know where they would
stand still, and to whom they would go. Now there was a certain village
of the tribe of Judah, the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to that village
did the kine go; and though there was a great and good plain before them
to proceed in, they went no farther, but stopped the cart there. This was
a sight to those of that village, and they were very glad; for it being
then summer-time, and all the inhabitants being then in the fields gathering
in their fruits, they left off the labors of their hands for joy, as soon
as they saw the ark, and ran to the cart, and taking the ark down, and
the vessel that had the images in it, and the mice, they set them upon
a certain rock which was in the plain; and when they had offered a splendid
sacrifice to God, and feasted, they offered the cart and the kine as a
burnt-offering: and when the lords of the Philistines saw this, they returned
back.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="16" unit="section" /><p>But now it was that the wrath of God overtook them, and struck seventy
persons <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These
seventy men, being not so much as Levites, touched the ark in a rash or
profane manner, and were slain by the hand of God for such their rashness
and profaneness, according to the Divine threatenings, Numbers 4:15, 20;
but how other copies come to add such an incredible number as fifty thousand
in this one town, or small city, I know not. See Dr. Wall's Critical Notes
on 1 Samuel 6:19.</note>
of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not being priests, and so not
worthy to touch the ark, had approached to it. Those of that village wept
for these that had thus suffered, and made such a lamentation as was naturally
to be expected on so great a misfortune that was sent from God; and every
one mourned for his own relation. And since they acknowledged themselves
unworthy of the ark's abode with them, they sent to the public senate of
the Israelites, and informed them that the ark was restored by the Philistines;
which when they knew, they brought it away to Kirjathjearim, a city in
the neighborhood of Bethshemesh. In this city lived one Abinadab, by birth
a Levite, and who was greatly commended for his righteous and religious
course of life; so they brought the ark to his house, as to a place fit
for God himself to abide in, since therein did inhabit a righteous man.
His sons also ministered to the Divine service at the ark, and were the
principal curators of it for twenty years; for so many years it continued
in Kirjathjearim, having been but four months with the Philistines.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE EXPEDITION OF THE PHILISTINES AGAINST THE HEBREWS AND
THE HEBREWS' VICTORY UNDER THE CONDUCT OF SAMUEL THE PROPHET, WHO WAS THEIR
GENERAL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="19" unit="section" /><p>Now while the city of Kirjathjearim had the ark with them, the whole
body of the people betook themselves all that time to offer prayers and
sacrifices to God, and appeared greatly concerned and zealous about his
worship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how ready they were to do their
duty, thought this a proper time to speak to them, while they were in this
good disposition, about the recovery of their liberty, and of the blessings
that accompanied the same. Accordingly he used such words to them as he
thought were most likely to excite that inclination, and to persuade them
to attempt it: "O you Israelites," said he, "to whom the
Philistines are still grievous enemies, but to whom God begins to be gracious,
it behooves you not only to be desirous of liberty, but to take the proper
methods to obtain it. Nor are you to be contented with an inclination to
get clear of your lords and masters, while you still do what will procure
your continuance under them. Be righteous then, and cast wickedness out
of your souls, and by your worship supplicate the Divine Majesty with all
your hearts, and persevere in the honor you pay to him; for if you act
thus, you will enjoy prosperity; you will be freed from your slavery, and
will get the victory over your enemies: which blessings it is not possible
you should attain, either by weapons of war, or by the strength of your
bodies, or by the multitude of your assistants; for God has not promised
to grant these blessings by those means, but by being good and righteous
men; and if you will be such, I will be security to you for the performance
of God's promises." When Samuel had said thus, the multitude applauded
his discourse, and were pleased with his exhortation to them, and gave
their consent to resign themselves up to do what was pleasing to God. So
Samuel gathered them together to a certain city called Mizpeh, which, in
the Hebrew tongue, signifies a <emph>watch-tower;</emph> there they drew water,
and poured it out to God, and fasted all day, and betook themselves to
their prayers.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="23" unit="section" /><p>This their assembly did not escape the notice of the Philistines:
so when they had learned that so large a company had met together, they
fell upon the Hebrews with a great army and mighty forces, as hoping to
assault them when they did not expect it, nor were prepared for it. This
thing affrighted the Hebrews, and put them into disorder and terror; so
they came running to Samuel, and said that their souls were sunk by their
fears, and by the former defeat they had received, and "that thence
it was that we lay still, lest we should excite the power of our enemies
against us. Now while thou hast brought us hither to offer up our prayers
and sacrifices, and take oaths [to be obedient], our enemies are making
an expedition against us, while we are naked and unarmed; wherefore we
have no other hope of deliverance but that by thy means, and by the assistance
God shall afford us upon thy prayers to him, we shall obtain deliverance
from the Philistines." Hereupon Samuel bade them be of good cheer,
and promised them that God would assist them; and taking a sucking lamb,
he sacrificed it for the multitude, and besought God to hold his protecting
hand over them when they should fight with the Philistines, and not to
overlook them, nor suffer them to come under a second misfortune. Accordingly
God hearkened to his prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a gracious
intention, and such as was disposed to assist them, he granted them victory
and power over their enemies. Now while the altar had the sacrifice of
God upon it, and had not yet consumed it wholly by its sacred fire, the
enemy's army marched out of their camp, and was put in order of battle,
and this in hope that they should be conquerors, since the Jews <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
is the first place, so far as I remember, in these Antiquities, where Josephus
begins to call his nation Jews, he having hitherto usually, if not constantly,
called them either Hebrews or Israelites. The second place soon follows;
see also ch. 3. sect. 5.</note>
were caught in distressed circumstances, as neither having their weapons
with them, nor being assembled there in order to fight. But things so fell
out, that they would hardly have been credited though they had been foretold
by anybody: for, in the first place, God disturbed their enemies with an
earthquake, and moved the ground under them to such a degree, that he caused
it to tremble, and made them to shake, insomuch that by its trembling,
he made some unable to keep their feet, and made them fall down, and by
opening its chasms, he caused that others should be hurried down into them;
after which he caused such a noise of thunder to come among them, and made
fiery lightning shine so terribly round about them, that it was ready to
burn their faces; and he so suddenly shook their weapons out of their hands,
that he made them fly and return home naked. So Samuel with the multitude
pursued them to Bethcar, a place so called; and there he set up a stone
as a boundary of their victory and their enemies' flight, and called it
the <emph>Stone of Power</emph>, as a signal of that power God had given them
against their enemies.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="29" unit="section" /><p>So the Philistines, after this stroke, made no more expeditions against
the Israelites, but lay still out of fear, and out of remembrance of what
had befallen them; and what courage the Philistines had formerly against
the Hebrews, that, after this victory, was transferred to the Hebrews.
Samuel also made an expedition against the Philistines, and slew many of
them, and entirely humbled their proud hearts, and took from them that
country, which, when they were formerly conquerors in battle, they had
cut off from the Jews, which was the country that extended from the borders
of Gath to the city of Ekron: but the remains of the Canaanites were at
this time in friendship with the Israelites.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SAMUEL WHEN HE WAS SO INFIRM WITH OLD AGE THAT HE COULD
NOT TAKE CARE OF THE PUBLIC AFFAIRS INTRUSTED THEM TO HIS SONS; AND HOW
UPON THE EVIL ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT BY THEM THE MULTITUDE WERE
SO ANGRY, THAT THEY REQUIRED TO HAVE A KING TO GOVERN THEM, ALTHOUGH SAMUEL
WAS MUCH DISPLEASED THEREAT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="31" unit="section" /><p>BUT Samuel the prophet, when he had ordered the affairs of the people
after a convenient manner, and had appointed a city for every district
of them, he commanded them to come to such cities, to have the controversies
that they had one with another determined in them, he himself going over
those cities twice in a year, and doing them justice; and by that means
he kept them in very good order for a long time.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="32" unit="section" /><p>But afterwards he found himself oppressed with old age, and not able
to do what he used to do, so he committed the government and the care of
the multitude to his sons, - the elder of whom was called Joel, and the
name of the younger was Abiah. He also enjoined them to reside and judge
the people, the one at the city of Bethel, and the other at Beersheba,
and divided the people into districts that should be under the jurisdiction
of each of them. Now these men afford us an evident example and demonstration
how some children are not of the like dispositions with their parents;
but sometimes perhaps good and moderate, though born of wicked parents;
and sometimes showing themselves to be wicked, though born of good parents:
for these men turning aside from their father's good courses, and taking
a course that was contrary to them, perverted justice for the 'filthy lucre
of gifts and bribes, and made their determinations not according to truth,
but according to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a costly way
of living; so that as, in the first place, they practiced what was contrary
to the will of God, so did they, in the second place, what was contrary
to the will of the prophet their father, who had taken a great deal of
care, and made a very careful provision that the multitude should be righteous.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="35" unit="section" /><p>But the people, upon these injuries offered to their former constitution
and government by the prophet's sons, were very uneasy at their actions,
and came running to the prophet, who then lived at the city Ramah, and
informed him of the transgressions of his sons; and said, That as he was
himself old already, and too infirm by that age of his to oversee their
affairs in the manner he used to do, so they begged of him, and entreated
him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the
nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punished for
their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account
of his innate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for
he was very fond of an aristocracy, as what made the men that used it of
a divine and happy disposition; nor could he either think of eating or
sleeping, out of his concern and torment of mind at what they had said,
but all the night long did he continue awake and revolved these notions
in his mind.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="38" unit="section" /><p>While he was thus disposed, God appeared to him, and comforted him,
saying, That he ought not to be uneasy at what the multitude desired, because
it was not he, but Himself whom they so insolently despised, and would
not have to be alone their king; that they had been contriving these things
from the very day that they came out of Egypt; that however. in no long
time they would sorely repent of what they did, which repentance yet could
not undo what was thus done for futurity; that they would be sufficiently
rebuked for their contempt, and the ungrateful conduct they have used towards
me, and towards thy prophetic office. "So I command thee to ordain
them such a one as I shall name beforehand to be their king, when thou
hast first described what mischiefs kingly government will bring upon them,
and openly testified before them into what a great change of affairs they
are hasting."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="40" unit="section" /><p>When Samuel had heard this, he called the Jews early in the morning,
and confessed to them that he was to ordain them a king; but he said that
he was first to describe to them what would follow, what treatment they
would receive from their kings, and with how many mischiefs they must struggle.
"For know ye," said he, "that, in the first place, they
will take your sons away from you, and they will command some of them to
be drivers of their chariots, and some to be their horsemen, and the guards
of their body, and others of them to be runners before them, and captains
of thousands, and captains of hundreds; they will also make them their
artificers, makers of armor, and of chariots, and of instruments; they
will make them their husbandmen also, and the curators of their own fields,
and the diggers of their own vineyards; nor will there be any thing which
they will not do at their commands, as if they were slaves bought with
money. They will also appoint your daughters to be confectioners, and cooks,
and bakers; and these will be obliged to do all sorts of work which women
slaves, that are in fear of stripes and torments, submit to. They will,
besides this, take away your possessions, and bestow them upon their
eunuchs, and the guards of their bodies, and will give the herds of your
cattle to their own servants: and to say briefly all at once, you, and
all that is yours, will be servants to your king, and will become no way
superior to his slaves; and when you suffer thus, you will thereby be put
in mind of what I now say. And when you repent of what you have done, you
will beseech God to have mercy upon you, and to grant you a quick deliverance
from your kings; but he will not accept your prayers, but will neglect
you, and permit you to suffer the punishment your evil conduct has deserved."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="43" unit="section" /><p>But the multitude was still so foolish as to be deaf to these predictions
of what would befall them; and too peevish to suffer a determination which
they had injudiciously once made, to be taken out of their mind; for they
could not be turned from their purpose, nor did they regard the words of
Samuel, but peremptorily insisted on their resolution, and desired him
to ordain them a king immediately, and not trouble himself with fears of
what would happen hereafter, for that it was necessary they should have
with them one to fight their battles, and to avenge them of their enemies,
and that it was no way absurd, when their neighbors were under kingly government,
that they should have the same form of government also. So when Samuel
saw that what he had said had not diverted them from their purpose, but
that they continued resolute, he said, "Go you every one home for
the present; when it is fit I will send for you, as soon as I shall have
learned from God who it is that he will give you for your king."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE APPOINTMENT OF A KING OVER THE ISRAELITES, WHOSE NAME
WAS SAUL; AND THIS BY THE COMMAND OF GOD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="45" unit="section" /><p>THER was one of the tribe of Benjamin, a man of a good family, and
of a virtuous disposition; his name was Kish. He had a son, a young man
of a comely countenance, and of a tall body, but his understanding and
his mind were preferable to what was visible in him: they called him Saul.
Now this Kish had some fine she-asses that were wandered out of the pasture
wherein they fed, for he was more delighted with these than with any other
cattle he had; so he sent out his son, and one servant with him, to search
for the beasts; but when he had gone over his own tribe in search after
the asses, he went to other tribes, and when he found them not there neither,
he determined to go his way home, lest he should occasion any concern to
his father about himself. But when his servant that followed him told him
as they were near the city of Ramah, that there was a true prophet in that
city, and advised him to go to him, for that by him they should know the
upshot of the affair of their asses, he replied, That if they should go
to him, they had nothing to give him as a reward for his prophecy, for
their subsistence money was spent. The servant answered, that he had still
the fourth part of a shekel, and he would present him with that; for they
were mistaken out of ignorance, as not knowing that the prophet received
no such reward <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of
this great mistake of Saul and his servant, as if true prophet of God would
accept of a gift or present, for foretelling what was desired of him, see
the note on B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 3.</note>
So they went to him; and when they were before the gates, they lit upon
certain maidens that were going to fetch water, and they asked them which
was the prophet's house. They showed them which it was; and bid them make
haste before he sat down to supper, for he had invited many guests to a
feast, and that he used to sit down before those that were invited. Now
Samuel had then gathered many together to feast with him on this very account;
for while he every day prayed to God to tell him beforehand whom he would
make king, he had informed him of this man the day before, for that he
would send him a certain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin about this
hour of the day; and he sat on the top of the house in expectation of that
time's being come. And when the time was completed, he came down and went
to supper; so he met with Saul, and God discovered to him that this was
he who should rule over them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and saluted him,
and desired him to inform him which was the prophet's house; for he said
he was a stranger and did not know it. When Samuel had told him that he
himself was the person, he led him in to supper, and assured him that the
asses were found which he had been to seek, and that the greatest of good
things were assured to him: he replied, "I am too inconsiderable to
hope for any such thing, and of a tribe to small to have kings made out
of it, and of a family smaller than several other families; but thou tellest
me this in jest, and makest me an object of laughter, when thou discoursest
with me of greater matters than what I stand in need of." However,
the prophet led him in to the feast, and made him sit down, him and his
servant that followed him, above the other guests that were invited, which
were seventy in number <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
seems to me not improbable that these seventy guests of Samuel, as here,
with himself at the head of them, were a Jewish sanhedrim, and that hereby
Samuel intimated to Saul that these seventy-one were to be his constant
counselors, and that he was to act not like a sole monarch, but with the
advice and direction of these seventy-one members of that Jewish sanhedrim
upon all occasions, which yet we never read that he consulted afterward.</note>
and he gave orders to the servants to set the royal portion before Saul.
And when the time of going to bed was come, the rest rose up, and every
one of them went home; but Saul staid with the prophet, he and his servant,
and slept with him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="53" unit="section" /><p>Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised up Saul out of his bed,
and conducted him homeward; and when he was out of the city, he desired
him to cause his servant to go before, but to stay behind himself, for
that he had somewhat to say to him when nobody else was present. Accordingly,
Saul sent away his servant that followed him; then did the prophet take
a vessel of oil, and poured it upon the head of the young man, and kissed
him, and said, "Be thou a king, by the ordination of God, against
the Philistines, and for avenging the Hebrews for what they have suffered
by them; of this thou shalt have a sign, which I would have thee take notice
of: - As soon as thou art departed hence, thou will find three men upon
the road, going to worship God at Bethel; the first of whom thou wilt see
carrying three loaves of bread, the second carrying a kid of the goats,
and the third will follow them carrying a bottle of wine. These three men
will salute thee, and speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of their
loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And thence thou shalt come to a place
called <emph>Rachel's Monument</emph>, where thou shalt meet with those that
will tell thee thy asses are found; after this, when thou comest to Gabatha,
thou shalt overtake a company of prophets, and thou shalt be seized with
the Divine Spirit, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">An
instance of this Divine fury we have after this in Saul, ch. 5. sect. 2,
3; 1 Samuel 11:6. See the like, Judges 3:10; 6:34; 11:29; 13:25; and 14:6.</note>
and prophesy along with them, till every one that sees thee shall be astonished,
and wonder, and say, Whence is it that the son of Kish has arrived at this
degree of happiness? And when these signs have happened to thee, know that
God is with thee; then do thou salute thy father and thy kindred. Thou
shalt also come when I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may offer thank-offerings
to God for these blessings." When Samuel had said this, and foretold
these things, he sent the young man away. Now all things fell out
to Saul according to the prophecy of Samuel.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="58" unit="section" /><p>But as soon as Saul came into the house of his kinsman Abner, whom
indeed he loved better than the rest of his relations, he was asked by
him concerning his journey, and what accidents happened to him therein;
and he concealed none of the other things from him, no, not his coming
to Samuel the prophet, nor how he told him the asses were found; but he
said nothing to him about the kingdom, and what belonged thereto, which
he thought would procure him envy, and when such things are heard, they
are not easily believed; nor did he think it prudent to tell those things
to him, although he appeared very friendly to him, and one whom he loved
above the rest of his relations, considering, I suppose, what human nature
really is, that no one is a firm friend, neither among our intimates, nor
of our kindred; nor do they preserve that kind disposition when God advances
men to great prosperity, but they are still ill-natured and envious at
those that are in eminent stations.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>Then Samuel called the people together to the city Mizpeh, and spake
to them in the words following, which he said he was to speak by the command
of God: - That when he had granted them a state of liberty, and brought
their enemies into subjection, they were become unmindful of his benefits,
and rejected God that he should not be their King, as not considering that
it would be most for their advantage to be presided over by the best of
beings, for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a man for
their king; while kings will use their subjects as beasts, according to
the violence of their own wills and inclinations, and other passions, as
wholly carried away with the lust of power, but will not endeavor so to
preserve the race of mankind as his own workmanship and creation, which,
for that very reason, God would take cake of. "But since you have
come to a fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite
prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and scepters, and
cast lots."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="62" unit="section" /><p>When the Hebrews had so done, the lot fell upon the tribe of Benjamin;
and when the lot was cast for the families of this tribe, that which was
called <emph>Matri</emph> was taken; and when the lot was cast for the single
persons of that family, Saul, the son of Kish, was taken for their king.
When the young man knew this, he prevented [their sending for him], and
immediately went away and hid himself. I suppose that it was because he
would not have it thought that he willingly took the government upon him;
nay, he showed such a degree of command over himself, and of modesty, that
while the greatest part are not able to contain their joy, even in the
gaining of small advantages, but presently show themselves publicly to
all men, this man did not only show nothing of that nature, when he was
appointed to be the lord of so many and so great tribes, but crept away
and concealed himself out of the sight of those he was to reign over, and
made them seek him, and that with a good deal of trouble. So when the people
were at a loss, and solicitous, because Saul disappeared, the prophet besought
God to show where the young man was, and to produce him before them.
So when they had learned of God the place where Saul was hidden, they sent
men to bring him; and when he was come, they set him in the midst of the
multitude. Now he was taller than any of them, and his stature was very
majestic.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="66" unit="section" /><p>Then said the prophet, "God gives you this man to be your king: see
how he is higher than any of the people, and worthy of this dominion."
So as soon as the people had made acclamation, <emph>God save the king</emph>, the
prophet wrote down what would come to pass in a book, and read it in the
hearing of the king, and laid up the book in the tabernacle of God, to
be a witness to future generations of what he had foretold. So when Samuel
had finished this matter, he dismissed the multitude, and came himself
to the city Rainah, for it was his own country. Saul also went away to
Gibeah, where he was born; and many good men there were who paid him the
respect that was due to him; but the greater part were ill men, who despised
him and derided the others, who neither did bring him presents, nor did
they in affection, or even in words, regard to please him.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">SAUL'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE NATION OF THE AMMONITES AND
VICTORY OVER THEM AND THE SPOILS HE TOOK FROM THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="68" unit="section" /><p>AFTER one month, the war which Saul had with Nahash, the king of
the Ammonites, obtained him respect from all the people; for this Nahash
had done a great deal of mischief to the Jews that lived beyond Jordan
by the expedition he had made against them with a great and warlike army.
He also reduced their cities into slavery, and that not only by subduing
them for the present, which he did by force and violence, but by weakening
them by subtlety and cunning, that they might not be able afterward to
get clear of the slavery they were under to him; for he put out the right
eyes <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take
here Theodoret's note, cited by Dr. Hudson: — "He that exposes his
shield to the enemy with his left hand, thereby hides his left eye, and
looks at the enemy with his right eye: he therefore that plucks out that
eye, makes men useless in war."</note>
of those that either delivered themselves to him upon terms, or were taken
by him in war; and this he did, that when their left eyes were covered
by their shields, they might be wholly useless in war. Now when the king
of the Ammonites had served those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led
his army against those that were called <emph>Gileadites</emph>, and having pitched
his camp at the metropolis of his enemies, which was the city of Jabesh,
he sent ambassadors to them, commanding them either to deliver themselves
up, on condition to have their right eyes plucked out, or to undergo a
siege, and to have their cities overthrown. He gave them their choice,
whether they would cut off a small member of their body, or universally
perish. However, the Gileadites were so affrighted at these offers, that
they had not courage to say any thing to either of them, neither that they
would deliver themselves up, nor that they would fight him. But they desired
that he would give them seven days' respite, that they might send ambassadors
to their countrymen, and entreat their assistance; and if they came to
assist them, they would fight; but if that assistance were impossible to
be obtained from them, they said they would deliver themselves up to suffer
whatever he pleased to inflict upon them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="73" unit="section" /><p>So Nabash, contemning the multitude of the Gileadites and the answer
they gave, allowed them a respite, and gave them leave to send to whomsoever
they pleased for assistance. So they immediately sent to the Israelites,
city by city, and informed them what Nabash had threatened to do to them,
and what great distress they were in. Now the people fell into tears and
grief at the hearing of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said; and the
terror they were in permitted them to do nothing more. But when the messengers
were come to the city of king Saul, and declared the dangers in which the
inhabitants of Jabesh were, the people were in the same affliction as those
in the other cities, for they lamented the calamity of those related to
them. And when Saul was returned from his husbandry into the city, he found
his fellow citizens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, he had learned the
cause of the confusion and sadness they were in, he was seized with a divine
fury, and sent away the ambassadors from the inhabitants of Jabesh, and
promised them to come to their assistance on the third day, and to beat
their enemies before sun-rising, that the sun upon its rising might see
that they had already conquered, and were freed from the fears they were
under: but he bid some of them stay to conduct them the right way to Jabesh.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="77" unit="section" /><p>So being desirous to turn the people to this war against the Ammonites
by fear of the losses they should otherwise undergo, and that they might
the more suddenly be gathered together, he cut the sinews of his oxen,
and threatened to do the same to all such as did not come with their armor
to Jordan the next day, and follow him and Samuel the prophet whithersoever
they should lead them. So they came together, out of fear of the losses
they were threatened with, at the appointed time. And the multitude were
numbered at the city Bezek. And he found the number of those that were
gathered together, besides that of the tribe of Judah, to be seven hundred
thousand, while those of that tribe were seventy thousand. So he passed
over Jordan, and proceeded in marching all that night, thirty furlongs,
and came to Jabesh before sun-rising. So he divided the army into three
companies; and fell upon their enemies on every side on the sudden, and
when they expected no such thing; and joining battle with them, they slew
a great many of the Ammonites, as also their king Nabash. This glorious
action was done by Saul, and was related with great commendation of him
to all the Hebrews; and he thence gained a wonderful reputation for his
valor: for although there were some of them that contemned him before,
they now changed their minds, and honored him, and esteemed him as the
best of men: for he did not content himself with having saved the inhabitants
of Jabesh only, but he made an expedition into the country of the Ammonites,
and laid it all waste, and took a large prey, and so returned to his own
country most gloriously. So the people were greatly pleased at these excellent
performances of Saul, and rejoiced that they had constituted him their
king. They also made a clamor against those that pretended he would be
of no advantage to their affairs; and they said, Where now are these men?
- let them be brought to punishment, with all the like things that multitudes
usually say when they are elevated with prosperity, against those that
lately had despised the authors of it. But Saul, although he took the good-will
and the affection of these men very kindly, yet did he swear that he would
not see any of his countrymen slain that day, since it was absurd to mix
this victory, which God had given them, with the blood and slaughter of
those that were of the same lineage with themselves; and that it was more
agreeable to be men of a friendly disposition, and so to betake themselves
to feasting.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="83" unit="section" /><p>And when Samuel had told them that he ought to confirm the kingdom
to Saul by a second ordination of him, they all came together to the city
of Gilgal, for thither did he command them to come. So the prophet anointed
Saul with the holy oil in the sight of the multitude, and declared him
to be king the second time. And so the government of the Hebrews was changed
into a regal government; for in the days of Moses, and his disciple Joshua,
who was their general, they continued under an aristocracy; but after the
death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the multitude had no settled
form of government, but were in an anarchy; after which they returned to
their former government, they then permitting themselves to be judged by
him who appeared to be the best warrior and most courageous, whence it
was that they called this interval of their government the <emph>Judges.</emph></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="86" unit="section" /><p>Then did Samuel the prophet call another assembly also, and said
to them," I solemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who brought those
excellent brethren, I mean Moses and Aaron, into the world, and delivered
our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the slavery. they endured under
them, that you will not speak what you say to gratify me, nor suppress
any thing out of fear of me, nor be overborne by any other passion, but
say, What have I ever done that was cruel or unjust? or what have I done
out of lucre or covetousness, or to gratify others? Bear witness against
me, if I have taken an ox or a sheep, or any such thing, which yet when
they are taken to support men, it is esteemed blameless; or have I taken
an ass for mine own use of any one to his grief? - lay some one such crime
to my charge, now we are in your king's presence." But they cried
out, that no such thing had been done by him, but that he had presided
over the nation after a holy and righteous manner.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Samuel, when such a testimony had been given him by them
all, said, "Since you grant that you are not able to lay any ill thing
to my charge hitherto, come on now, and do you hearken while I speak with
great freedom to you. You have been guilty of great impiety against God,
in asking you a king. It behoves you to remember that our grandfather Jacob
came down into Egypt, by reason of a famine, with seventy souls only of
our family, and that their posterity multiplied there to many ten thousands,
whom the Egyptians brought into slavery and hard oppression; that God himself,
upon the prayers of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron, who were brethren,
and gave them power to deliver the multitude out of their distress, and
this without a king. These brought us into this very land which you now
possess: and when you enjoyed these advantages from God, you betrayed his
worship and religion; nay, moreover, when you were brought under the hands
of your enemies, he delivered you, first by rendering you superior to the
Assyrians and their forces, he then made you to overcome the Ammonites
and the Moabites, and last of all the Philistines; and these things have
been achieved under the conduct of Jephtha and Gideon. What madness therefore
possessed you to fly from God, and to desire to be under a king? - yet
have I ordained him for king whom he chose for you. However, that I may
make it plain to you that God is angry and displeased at your choice of
kingly government, I will so dispose him that he shall declare this very
plainly to you by strange signals; for what none of you ever saw here before,
I mean a winter storm in the midst of harvest, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Mr. Reland observes here, and proves elsewhere in his note on Antiq. B.
III. ch. 1. sect. 6, that although thunder and lightning with us usually
happen in summer, yet in Palestine and Syria they are chiefly confined
to winter. Josephus takes notice of the same thing again, War, B. IV. ch.
4. sect. 5.</note>
I will entreat of God, and will make it visible to you." Now, as soon
as he had said this, God gave such great signals by thunder and lightning,
and the descent of hail, as attested the truth of all that the prophet
had said, insomuch that they were amazed and terrified, and confessed they
had sinned, and had fallen into that sin through ignorance; and besought
the prophet, as one that was a tender and gentle father to them, to render
God so merciful as to forgive this their sin, which they had added to those
other offenses whereby they had affronted him and transgressed against
him. So he promised them that he would beseech God, and persuade him to
forgive them these their sins. However, he advised them to be righteous,
and to be good, and ever to remember the miseries that had befallen them
on account of their departure from virtue: as also to remember the strange
signs God had shown them, and the body of laws that Moses had given them,
if they had any desire of being preserved and made happy with their king.
But he said, that if they should grow careless of these things, great judgments
would come from God upon them, and upon their king. And when Samuel had
thus prophesied to the Hebrews, he dismissed them to their own homes, having
confirmed the kingdom to Saul the second time.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EXPEDITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS
AND WERE BEATEN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="95" unit="section" /><p>NOW Saul chose out of the multitude about three thousand men, and
he took two thousand of them to be the guards of his own body, and abode
in the city Bethel, but he gave the rest of them to Jonathan his son, to
be the guards of his body; and sent him to Gibeah, where he besieged and
took a certain garrison of the Philistines, not far from Gilgal; for the
Philistines of Gibeah had beaten the Jews, and taken their weapons away,
and had put garrisons into the strongest places of the country, and had
forbidden them to carry any instrument of iron, or at all to make use of
any iron in any case whatsoever. And on account of this prohibition it
was that the husbandmen, if they had occasion to sharpen any of their tools,
whether it were the coulter or the spade, or any instrument of husbandry,
they came to the Philistines to do it. Now as soon as the Philistines heard
of this slaughter of their garrison, they were in a rage about it, and,
looking on this contempt as a terrible affront offered them, they made
war against the Jews, with three hundred thousand footmen, and thirty thousand
chariots, and six thousand horses; and they pitched their camp at the city
Michmash. When Saul, the king of the Hebrews, was informed of this, he
went down to the city Gilgal, and made proclamation over all the country,
that they should try to regain their liberty; and called them to the war
against the Philistines, diminishing their forces, and despising them as
not very considerable, and as not so great but they might hazard a battle
with them. But when the people about Saul observed how numerous the Philistines
were, they were under a great consternation; and some of them hid themselves
in caves and in dens under ground, but the greater part fled into the land
beyond Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>But Saul sent to the prophet, and called him to consult with him
about the war and the public affairs; so he commanded him to stay there
for him, and to prepare sacrifices, for he would come to him within seven
days, that they might offer sacrifices on the seventh day, and might then
join battle with their enemies. So he waited <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Saul seems to have staid till near the time of the evening sacrifice, on
the seventh day, which Samuel the prophet of God had appointed him, but
not till the end of that day, as he ought to have done; and Samuel appears,
by delaying to come to the full time of the evening sacrifice on that seventh
day, to have tried him (who seems to have been already for some time declining
from his strict and bounden subordination to God and his prophet; to have
taken life-guards for himself and his son, which was entirely a new thing
in Israel, and savored of a distrust of God's providence; and to have affected
more than he ought that independent authority which the pagan kings took
to themselves); Samuel, I say, seems to have here tried Saul whether he
would stay till the priest came, who alone could lawfully offer the sacrifices,
nor would boldly and profanely usurp the priest's office, which he venturing
upon, was justly rejected for his profaneness. See Apost. Constit. B. II.
ch. 27. And, indeed, since Saul had accepted kingly power, which naturally
becomes ungovernable and tyrannical, as God foretold, and the experience
of all ages has shown, the Divine settlement by Moses had soon been laid
aside under the kings, had not God, by keeping strictly to his laws, and
severely executing the threatenings therein contained, restrained Saul
and other kings in some degree of obedience to himself; nor was even this
severity sufficient to restrain most of the future kings of Israel and
Judah from the grossest idolatry and impiety. Of the advantage of which
strictness, in the observing Divine laws, and inflicting their threatened
penalties, see Antiq. B. VI. ch. 12. sect. 7; and Against Apion, B. II.
sect. 30, where Josephus speaks of that matter; though it must be noted
that it seems, at least in three instances, that good men did not always
immediately approve of such Divine severity. There seems to be one instance,
1 Samuel 6:19, 20; another, 1 Samuel 15:11; and a third, 2 Samuel 6:8,
9; Antiq. B. VI. ch. 7. sect. 2; though they all at last acquiesced in
the Divine conduct, as knowing that God is wiser than men.</note>
as the prophet sent to him to do; yet did not he, however, observe the
command that was given him, but when he saw that the prophet tarried longer
than he expected, and that he was deserted by the soldiers, he took the
sacrifices and offered them; and when he heard that Samuel was come, he
went out to meet him. But the prophet said he had not done well in disobeying
the injunctions he had sent to him, and had not staid till his coming,
which being appointed according to the will of God, he had prevented him
in offering up those prayers and those sacrifices that he should have made
for the multitude, and that he therefore had performed Divine offices in
an ill manner, and had been rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul made
an apology for himself, and said that he had waited as many days as Samuel
had appointed him; that he had been so quick in offering his sacrifices,
upon account of the necessity he was in, and because his soldiers were
departing from him, out of their fear of the enemy's camp at Michmash,
the report being gone abroad that they were coming down upon him of Gilgal.
To which Samuel replied, "Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a righteous
man, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By this answer of Samuel, and that from a Divine commission, which is fuller
in l Samuel 13:14, and by that parallel note in the Apostolical Constitutions
just now quoted, concerning the great wickedness of Saul in venturing,
even under a seeming necessity of affairs, to usurp the priest's office,
and offer sacrifice without the priest, we are in some degree able to answer
that question, which I have ever thought a very hard one, viz. Whether,
if there were a city or country of lay Christians without any clergymen,
it were lawful for the laity alone to baptize, or celebrate the eucharist,
etc., or indeed whether they alone could ordain themselves either bishops,
priests, or deacons, for the due performance of such sacerdotal ministrations;
or whether they ought not rather, till they procure clergymen to come among
them, to confine themselves within those bounds of piety and Christianity
which belong alone to the laity; such particularly as are recommended in
the first book of the Apostolical Constitutions, which peculiarly concern
the laity, and are intimated in Clement's undoubted epistle, sect. 40.
To which latter opinion I incline.</note>
and hadst not disobeyed me, nor slighted the commands which God suggested
to me concerning the present state of affairs, and hadst not acted more
hastily than the present circumstances required, thou wouldst have been
permitted to reign a long time, and thy posterity after thee." So
Samuel, being grieved at what happened, returned home; but Saul came to
the city Gibeah, with his son Jonathan, having only six hundred men with
him; and of these the greater part had no weapons, because of the scarcity
of iron in that country, as well as of those that could make such weapons;
for, as we showed a little before, the Philistines had not suffered them
to have such iron or such workmen. Now the Philistines divided their army
into three companies, and took as many roads, and laid waste the country
of the Hebrews, while king Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done,
but were not able to defend the land, having no more than six hundred men
with them. But as he, and his son, and Abiah the high priest, who was of
the posterity of Eli the high priest, were sitting upon a pretty high hill,
and seeing the land laid waste, they were mightily disturbed at it. Now
Saul's son agreed with his armor-bearer, that they would go privately to
the enemy's camp, and make a tumult and a disturbance among them. And when
the armor-bearer had readily promised to follow him whithersoever he should
lead him, though he should be obliged to die in the attempt, Jonathan made
use of the young man's assistance, and descended from the hill, and went
to their enemies. Now the enemy's camp was upon a precipice which had three
tops, that ended in a small but sharp and long extremity, while there was
a rock that surrounded them, like lines made to prevent the attacks of
an enemy. There it so happened, that the out-guards of the camp were neglected,
because of the security that here arose from the situation of the place,
and because they thought it altogether impossible, not only to ascend up
to the camp on that quarter, but so much as to come near it. As soon, therefore,
as they came to the camp, Jonathan encouraged his armor-bearer, and said
to him, "Let us attack our enemies; and if, when they see us, they
bid us come up to them, take that for a signal of victory; but if they
say nothing, as not intending to invite us to come up, let us return back
again." So when they were approaching to the enemy's camp, just after
break of day, and the Philistines saw them, they said one to another, "The
Hebrews come out of their dens and caves:" and they said to Jonathan
and to his armor-bearer, "Come on, ascend up to us, that we may inflict
a just punishment upon you, for your rash attempt upon us." So Saul's
son accepted of that invitation, as what signified to him victory, and
he immediately came out of the place whence they were seen by their enemies:
so he changed his place, and came to the rock, which had none to guard
it, because of its own strength; from thence they crept up with great labor
and difficulty, and so far overcame by force the nature of the place, till
they were able to fight with their enemies. So they fell upon them as they
were asleep, and slew about twenty of them, and thereby filled them with
disorder and surprise, insomuch that some of them threw away their entire
armor and fled; but the greatest part, not knowing one another, because
they were of different nations, suspected one another to be enemies, (for
they did not imagine there were only two of the Hebrews that came up,)
and so they fought one against another; and some of them died in the battle,
and some, as they were flying away, were thrown down from the rock headlong.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="115" unit="section" /><p>Now Saul's watchmen told the king that the camp of the Philistines
was in confusion; then he inquired whether any body was gone away from
the army; and when he heard that his son, and with him his armor-bearer,
were absent, he bade the high priest take the garments of his high priesthood,
and prophesy to him what success they should have; who said that they should
get the victory, and prevail against their enemies. So he went out after
the Philistines, and set upon them as they were slaying one another. Those
also who had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing that Saul was gaining
a victory, came running to him. When, therefore, the number of the Hebrews
that came to Saul amounted to about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy,
who were scattered all over the country; but then he fell into an action,
which was a very unhappy one, and liable to be very much blamed; for, whether
out of ignorance or whether out of joy for a victory gained so strangely,
(for it frequently happens that persons so fortunate are not then able
to use their reason consistently,) as he was desirous to avenge himself,
and to exact a due punishment of the Philistines, he denounced a curse
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This rash vow or curse of Saul, which Josephus says was confirmed by the
people, and yet not executed, I suppose principally because Jonathan did
not know of it, is very remarkable; it being of the essence of the obligation
of all laws, that they be sufficiently known and promulgated, otherwise
the conduct of Providence, as to the sacredness of solemn oaths and vows,
in God's refusing to answer by Urim till this breach of Saul's vow or curse
was understood and set right, and God propitiated by public prayer, is
here very remarkable, as indeed it is every where else in the Old Testament.</note> upon
the Hebrews: That if any one put a stop to his slaughter of the enemy,
and fell on eating, and left off the slaughter or the pursuit before the
night came on, and obliged them so to do, he should be accursed. Now after
Saul had denounced this curse, since they were now in a wood belonging
to the tribe of Ephraim, which was thick and full of bees, Saul's son,
who did not hear his father denounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation
the multitude gave to it, broke off a piece of a honey-comb, and ate part
of it. But, in the mean time, he was informed with what a curse his father
had forbidden them to taste any thing before sun-setting: so he left off
eating, and said his father had not done well in this prohibition, because,
had they taken some food, they had pursued the enemy with greater rigor
and alacrity, and had both taken and slain many more of their enemies.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>When, therefore, they had slain many ten thousands of the Philistines,
they fell upon spoiling the camp of the Philistines, but not till late
in the evening. They also took a great deal of prey and cattle, and killed
them, and ate them with their blood. This was told to the king by the scribes,
that the multitude were sinning against God as they sacrificed, and were
eating before the blood was well washed away, and the flesh was made clean.
Then did Saul give order that a great stone should be rolled into the midst
of them, and he made proclamation that they should kill their sacrifices
upon it, and not feed upon the flesh with the blood, for that was not acceptable
to God. And when all the people did as the king commanded them, Saul erected
an altar there, and offered burnt-offerings upon it to God <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here we have still more indications of Saul's affectation of despotic power,
and of his entrenching upon the priesthood, and making and endeavoring
to execute a rash vow or curse, without consulting Samuel or the sanhedrim.
In this view it is also that I look upon this erection of a new altar by
Saul, and his offering of burnt-offerings himself upon it, and not as any
proper instance of devotion or religion, with other commentators.</note>
This was the first altar that Saul built.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="122" unit="section" /><p>So when Saul was desirous of leading his men to the enemy's camp
before it was day, in order to plunder it, and when the soldiers were not
unwilling to follow him, but indeed showed great readiness to do as he
commanded them, the king called Ahitub the high priest, and enjoined him
to know of God whether he would grant them the favor and permission to
go against the enemy's camp, in order to destroy those that were in it.
And when the priest said that God did not give any answer, Saul replied,
"And not without some cause does God refuse to answer what we inquire
of him, while yet a little while ago he declared to us all that we desired
beforehand, and even prevented us in his answer. To be sure there is some
sin against him that is concealed from us, which is the occasion of his
silence. Now I swear by him himself, that though he that hath committed
this sin should prove to be my own son Jonathan, I will slay him, and by
that means will appease the anger of God against us, and that in the very
same manner as if I were to punish a stranger, and one not at all related
to me, for the same offense." So when the multitude cried out to him
so to do, he presently set all the rest on one side, and he and his son
stood on the other side, and he sought to discover the offender by lot.
Now the lot appeared to fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was asked
by his father what sin he had been guilty of, and what he was conscious
of in the course of his life that might be esteemed instances of guilt
or profaneness, his answer was this, "O father, I have done nothing
more than that yesterday, without knowing of the curse and oath thou hadst
denounced, while I was in pursuit of the enemy, I tasted of a honey-comb."
But Saul sware that he would slay him, and prefer the observation of his
oath before all the ties of birth and of nature. And Jonathan was not dismayed
at this threatening of death, but, offering himself to it generously and
undauntedly, he said, "Nor do I desire you, father, to spare me: death
will be to me very acceptable, when it proceeds from thy piety, and after
a glorious victory; for it is the greatest consolation to me that I leave
the Hebrews victorious over the Philistines." Hereupon all the people
were very sorry, and greatly afflicted for Jonathan; and they sware that
they would not overlook Jonathan, and see him die, who was the author of
their victory. By which means they snatched him out of the danger he was
in from his father's curse, while they made their prayers to God also for
the young man, that he would remit his sin.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="129" unit="section" /><p>So Saul, having slain about sixty thousand of the enemy, returned
home to his own city, and reigned happily: and he also fought against the
neighboring nations, and subdued the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines,
and Edomites, and Amalekites, as also the king of Zobah. He had three male
children, Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua; with Merab and Michal his
daughters. He had also Abner, his uncle's son, for the captain of his host:
that uncle's name was Ner. Now Ner, and Kish the father of Saul, were brothers.
Saul had also a great many chariots and horsemen, and against whomsoever
he made war he returned conqueror, and advanced the affairs of the Hebrews
to a great degree of success and prosperity, and made them superior to
other nations; and he made such of the young men as were remarkable for
tallness and comeliness the guards of his body.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">SAUL'S WAR WITH THE AMALEKITES, AND CONQUEST OF THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="131" unit="section" /><p>NOW Samuel came unto Saul, and said to him, that he was sent by God
to put him in mind that God had preferred him before all others, and ordained
him king; that he therefore ought to be obedient to him, and to submit
to his authority, as considering, that though he had the dominion over
the other tribes, yet that God had the dominion over him, and over all
things. That accordingly God said to him, that <emph>"</emph>because
the Amalekites did the Hebrews a great deal of mischief while they
were in the wilderness, and when, upon their coming out of Egypt, they
were making their way to that country which is now their own, I enjoin
thee to punish the Amalekites, by making war upon them; and when thou hast
subdued them, to leave none of them alive, but to pursue them through every
age, and to slay them, beginning with the women and the infants, and to
require this as a punishment to be inflicted upon them for the mischief
they did to our forefathers; to spare nothing, neither asses nor other
beasts, nor to reserve any of them for your own advantage and possession,
but to devote them universally to God, and, in obedience to the commands
of Moses, to blot out the name of Amalek entirely." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reason of this severity is distinctly given, 1 Samuel 15:18, "Go
and utterly destroy the sinners the Amalekites:" nor indeed do we
ever meet with these Amalekites but as very cruel and bloody people, and
particularly seeking to injure and utterly to destroy the nation of Israel.
See Exodus 17:8-16; Numbers 14:45; Deuteronomy 25:17-19; Judges 6:3, 6;
1 Samuel 15:33; Psalms 83:7; and, above all, the most barbarous of all
cruelties, that of Haman the Agagite, or one of the posterity of Agag,
the old king of the Amalekites, Esther 3:1-15.</note></p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="134" unit="section" /><p>So Saul promised to do what he was commanded; and supposing that
his obedience to God would be shown, not only in making war against the
Amalekites, but more fully in the readiness and quickness of his proceedings,
he made no delay, but immediately gathered together all his forces; and
when he had numbered them in Gilgal, he found them to be about four hundred
thousand of the Israelites, besides the tribe of Judah, for that tribe
contained by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly, Saul made an irruption
into the country of the Amalekites, and set many men in several parties
in ambush at the river, that so he might not only do them a mischief by
open fighting, but might fall upon them unexpectedly in the ways, and might
thereby compass them round about, and kill them. And when he had joined
battle with the enemy, he beat them; and pursuing them as they fled, he
destroyed them all. And when that undertaking had succeeded, according
as God had foretold, he set upon the cities of the Amalekites; he besieged
them, and took them by force, partly by warlike machines, partly by mines
dug under ground, and partly by building walls on the outsides. Some they
starved out with famine, and some they gained by other methods; and after
all, he betook himself to slay the women and the children, and thought
he did not act therein either barbarously or inhumanly; first, because
they were enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next place, because
it was done by the command of God, whom it was dangerous not to obey. He
also took Agag, the enemies' king, captive, - the beauty and tallness of
whose body he admired so much, that he thought him worthy of preservation.
Yet was not this done however according to the will of God, but by giving
way to human passions, and suffering himself to be moved with an unseasonable
commiseration, in a point where it was not safe for him to indulge it;
for God hated the nation of the Amalekites to such a degree, that he commanded
Saul to have no pity on even those infants which we by nature chiefly compassionate;
but Saul preserved their king and governor from the miseries which the
Hebrews brought on the people, as if he preferred the fine appearance of
the enemy to the memory of what God had sent him about. The multitude were
also guilty, together with Saul; for they spared the herds and the flocks,
and took them for a prey, when God had commanded they should not spare
them. They also carried off with them the rest of their wealth and riches;
but if there were any thing that was not worthy of regard, that they destroyed.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="140" unit="section" /><p>But when Saul had conquered all these Amalekites that reached from
Pelusium of Egypt to the <placeName key="tgn,7016791" authname="tgn,7016791">Red Sea</placeName>, he laid waste all the rest of the enemy's
country: but for the nation of the Shechemites, he did not touch them,
although they dwelt in the very middle of the country of Midian; for before
the battle, Saul had sent to them, and charged them to depart thence, lest
they should be partakers of the miseries of the Amalekites; for he had
a just occasion for saving them, since they were of the kindred of Raguel,
Moses's father-in-law.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="141" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Saul returned home with joy, for the glorious things he
had done, and for the conquest of his enemies, as though he had not neglected
any thing which the prophet had enjoined him to do when he was going to
make war with the Amalekites, and as though he had exactly observed all
that he ought to have done. But God was grieved that the king of the Amalekites
was preserved alive, and that the multitude had seized on the cattle for
a prey, because these things were done without his permission; for he thought
it an intolerable thing that they should conquer and overcome their enemies
by that power which he gave them, and then that he himself should be so
grossly despised and disobeyed by them, that a mere man that was a king
would not bear it. He therefore told Samuel the prophet, that he repented
that he had made Saul king, while he did nothing that he had commanded
him, but indulged his own inclinations. When Samuel heard that, he was
in confusion, and began to beseech God all that night to be reconciled
to Saul, and not to be angry with him; but he did not grant that forgiveness
to Saul which the prophet asked for, as not deeming it a fit thing to grant
forgiveness of [such] sins at his entreaties, since injuries do not otherwise
grow so great as by the easy tempers of those that are injured; or while
they hunt after the glory of being thought gentle and good-natured, before
they are aware they produce other sins. As soon therefore as God had rejected
the intercession of the prophet, and it plainly appeared he would not change
his mind, at break of day Samuel came to Saul at Gilgal. When the king
saw him, he ran to him, and embraced him, and said, "I return thanks
to God, who hath given me the victory, for I have performed every thing
that he hath commanded me." To which Samuel replied, "How is
it then that I hear the bleating of the sheep and the lowing of the greater
cattle in the camp?" Saul made answer, "That the people had reserved
them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation of the Amalekites, it was
entirely destroyed, as he had received it in command to see done, and that
no one man was left; but that he had saved alive the king alone, and brought
him to him, concerning whom, he said, they would advise together what should
be done with him." But the prophet said, "God is not delighted
with sacrifices, but with good and with righteous men, who are such as
follow his will and his laws, and never think that any thing is well done
by them but when they do it as God had commanded them; that he then looks
upon himself as affronted, not when any one does not sacrifice, but when
any one appears to be disobedient to him. But that from those who do not
obey him, nor pay him that duty which is the alone true and acceptable
worship, he will not kindly accept their oblations, be those they offer
ever so many and so fat, and be the presents they make him ever so ornamental,
nay, though they were made of gold and silver themselves, but he will reject
them, and esteem them instances of wickedness, and not of piety. And that
he is delighted with those that still bear in mind this one thing, and
this only, how to do that, whatsoever it be, which God pronounces or commands
for them to do, and to choose rather to die than to transgress any of those
commands; nor does he require so much as a sacrifice from them. And when
these do sacrifice, though it be a mean oblation, he better accepts of
it as the honor of poverty, than such oblations as come from the richest
men that offer them to him. Wherefore take notice, that thou art under
the wrath of God, for thou hast despised and neglected what he commanded
thee. How dost thou then suppose that he will respect a sacrifice out of
such things as he hath doomed to destruction? unless perhaps thou dost
imagine that it is almost all one to offer it in sacrifice to God as to
destroy it. Do thou therefore expect that thy kingdom will be taken from
thee, and that authority which thou hast abused by such insolent behavior,
as to neglect that God who bestowed it upon thee." Then did Saul confess
that he had acted unjustly, and did not deny that he had sinned, because
he had transgressed the injunctions of the prophet; but he said that it
was out of a dread and fear of the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and
restrain them when they seized on the prey. "But forgive me,"
said he, "and be merciful to me, for I will be cautious how I offend
for the time to come." He also entreated the prophet to go back with
him, that he might offer his thank-offerings to God; but Samuel went home,
because he saw that God would not be reconciled to him.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="152" unit="section" /><p>But then Saul was so desirous to retain Samuel, that he took hold
of his cloak, and because the vehemence of Samuel's departure made the
motion to be violent, the cloak was rent. Upon which the prophet said,
that after the same manner should the kingdom be rent from him, and that
a good and a just man should take it; that God persevered in what he had
decreed about him; that to be mutable and changeable in what is determined,
is agreeable to human passions only, but is not agreeable to the Divine
Power. Hereupon Saul said that he had been wicked, but that what was done
could not be undone: he therefore desired him to honor him so far, that
the multitude might see that he would accompany him in worshipping God.
So Samuel granted him that favor, and went with him and worshipped God.
Agag also, the king of the Amalekites, was brought to him; and when the
king asked, How bitter death was? Samuel said, "As thou hast made
many of the Hebrew mothers to lament and bewail the loss of their children,
so shalt thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to lament thee also."
Accordingly, he gave order to slay him immediately at Gilgal, and then
went away to the city Ramah.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, UPON SAUL'S TRANSGRESSION OF THE PROPHET'S COMMANDS,
SAMUEL ORDAINED ANOTHER PERSON TO BE KING PRIVATELY, WHOSE NAME WAS DAVID,
AS GOD COMMANDED HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="156" unit="section" /><p>NOW Saul being sensible of the miserable condition he had brought
himself into, and that he had made God to be his enemy, he went up to his
royal palace at Gibeah, which name denotes a <emph>hill</emph>, and after that
day he came no more into the presence of the prophet. And when Samuel mourned
for him, God bid him leave off his concern for him, and to take the holy
oil, and go to Bethlehem, to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such
of his sons as he should show him for their future king. But Samuel said,
he was afraid lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should kill him, either
by some private method or even openly. But upon God's suggesting to him
a safe way of going thither, he came to the forementioned city; and when
they all saluted him, and asked what was the occasion of his coming, he
told them he came to sacrifice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten the
sacrifice ready, he called Jesse and his sons to partake of those sacrifices;
and when he saw his eldest son to be a tall and handsome man, he guessed
by his comeliness that he was the person who was to be their future king.
But he was mistaken in judging about God's providence; for when Samuel
inquired of God whether he should anoint this youth, whom he so admired,
and esteemed worthy of the kingdom, God said, "Men do not see as God
seeth. Thou indeed hast respect to the fine appearance of this youth, and
thence esteemest him worthy of the kingdom, while I propose the kingdom
as a reward, not of the beauty of bodies, but of the virtue of souls, and
I inquire after one that is perfectly comely in that respect; I mean one
who is beautiful in piety, and righteousness, and fortitude, and obedience,
for in them consists the comeliness of the soul." When God had said
this, Samuel bade Jesse to show him all his sons. So he made five others
of his sons to come to him; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest, Aminadab
the second, Shammall the third, Nathaniel the fourth, Rael the fifth, and
Asam the sixth. And when the prophet saw that these were no way inferior
to the eldest in their countenances, he inquired of God which of them it
was whom he chose for their king. And when God said it was none of them,
he asked Jesse whether he had not some other sons besides these; and when
he said that he had one more, named David, but that he was a shepherd,
and took care of the flocks, Samuel bade them call him immediately, for
that till he was come they could not possibly sit down to the feast. Now,
as soon as his father had sent for David, and he was come, he appeared
to be of a yellow complexion, of a sharp sight, and a comely person in
other respects also. This is he, said Samuel privately to himself, whom
it pleases God to make our king. So he sat down to the feast, and placed
the youth under him, and Jesse also, with his other sons; after which he
took oil in the presence of David, and anointed him, and whispered him
in the ear, and acquainted him that God chose him to be their king; and
exhorted him to be righteous, and obedient to his commands, for that by
this means his kingdom would continue for a long time, and that his house
should be of great splendor, and celebrated in the world; that he should
overthrow the Philistines; and that against what nations soever he should
make war, he should be the conqueror, and survive the fight; and that while
he lived he should enjoy a glorious name, and leave such a name to his
posterity also.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="166" unit="section" /><p>So Samuel, when he had given him these admonitions, went away. But
the Divine Power departed from Saul, and removed to David; who, upon this
removal of the Divine Spirit to him, began to prophesy. But as for Saul,
some strange and demoniacal disorders came upon him, and brought upon him
such suffocations as were ready to choke him; for which the physicians
could find no other remedy but this, That if any person could charm those
passions by singing, and playing upon the harp, they advised them to inquire
for such a one, and to observe when these demons came upon him and disturbed
him, and to take care that such a person might stand over him, and play
upon the harp, and recite hymns to him. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Spanheim takes notice here that the Greeks had such singers of hymns; and
that usually children or youths were picked out for that service; as also,
that those called singers to the harp, did the same that David did here,
i.e. join their own vocal and instrumental music together.</note>
Accordingly Saul did not delay, but commanded them to seek out such a man.
And when a certain stander-by said that he had seen in the city of Bethlehem
a son of Jesse, who was yet no more than a child in age, but comely and
beautiful, and in other respects one that was deserving of great regard,
who was skillful in playing on the harp, and in singing of hymns, [and
an excellent soldier in war,] he sent to Jesse, and desired him to take
David away from the flocks, and send him to him, for he had a mind to see
him, as having heard an advantageous character of his comeliness and his
valor. So Jesse sent his son, and gave him presents to carry to Saul. And
when he was come, Saul was pleased with him, and made him his armor-bearer,
and had him in very great esteem; for he charmed his passion, and was the
only physician against the trouble he had from the demons, whensoever it
was that it came upon him, and this by reciting of hymns, and playing upon
the harp, and bringing Saul to his right mind again. However, he sent to
Jesse, the father of the child, and desired him to permit David to stay
with him, for that he was delighted with his sight and company; which stay,
that he might not contradict Saul, he granted.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EXPEDITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS
UNDER THE REIGN OF SAUL; AND HOW THEY WERE OVERCOME BY DAVID'S SLAYING
GOLIATH IN SINGLE COMBAT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="170" unit="section" /><p>NOW the Philistines gathered themselves together again no very long
time afterward; and having gotten together a great army, they made war
against the Israelites; and having seized a place between Shochoh and Azekah,
they there pitched their camp. Saul also drew out his army to oppose them;
and by pitching his own camp on a certain hill, he forced the Philistines
to leave their former camp, and to encamp themselves upon such another
hill, over-against that on which Saul's army lay, so that a valley, which
was between the two hills on which they lay, divided their camps asunder.
Now there came down a man out of the camp of the Philistines, whose name
was Goliath, of the city of Gath, a man of vast bulk, for he was of four
cubits and a span in tallness, and had about him weapons suitable to the
largeness of his body, for he had a breastplate on that weighed five thousand
shekels: he had also a helmet and greaves of brass, as large as you would
naturally suppose might cover the limbs of so vast a body. His spear was
also such as was not carried like a light thing in his right hand, but
he carried it as lying on his shoulders. He had also a lance of six hundred
shekels; and many followed him to carry his armor. Wherefore this Goliath
stood between the two armies, as they were in battle array, and sent out
aloud voice, and said to Saul and the Hebrews, "I will free you from
fighting and from dangers; for what necessity is there that your army should
fall and be afflicted? Give me a man of you that will fight with me, and
he that conquers shall have the reward of the conqueror and determine the
war; for these shall serve those others to whom the conqueror shall belong;
and certainly it is much better, and more prudent, to gain what you desire
by the hazard of one man than of all." When he had said this, he retired
to his own camp; but the next day he came again, and used the same words,
and did not leave off for forty days together, to challenge the enemy in
the same words, till Saul and his army were therewith terrified, while
they put themselves in array as if they would fight, but did not come to
a close battle.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="175" unit="section" /><p>Now while this war between the Hebrews and the Philistines was going
on, Saul sent away David to his father Jesse, and contented himself with
those three sons of his whom he had sent to his assistance, and to be partners
in the dangers of the war: and at first David returned to feed his sheep
and his flocks; but after no long time he came to the camp of the Hebrews,
as sent by his father, to carry provisions to his brethren, and to know
what they were doing. While Goliath came again, and challenged them, and
reproached them, that they had no man of valor among them that durst come
down to fight him; and as David was talking with his brethren about the
business for which his father had sent him, he heard the Philistine reproaching
and abusing the army, and had indignation at it, and said to his brethren,
"I am ready to fight a single combat with this adversary." Whereupon
Eliab, his eldest brother, reproved him, and said that he spoke too rashly
and improperly for one of his age, and bid him go to his flocks, and to
his father. So he was abashed at his brother's words, and went away, but
still he spake to some of the soldiers that he was willing to fight with
him that challenged them. And when they had informed Saul what was the
resolution of the young man, the king sent for him to come to him: and
when the king asked what he had to say, he replied, "O king, be not
cast down, nor afraid, for I will depress the insolence of this adversary,
and will go down and fight with him, and will bring him under me, as tall
and as great as he is, till he shall be sufficiently laughed at, and thy
army shall get great glory, when he shall be slain by one that is not yet
of man's estate, neither fit for fighting, nor capable of being intrusted
with the marshalling an army, or ordering a battle, but by one that looks
like a child, and is really no elder in age than a child."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="181" unit="section" /><p>Now Saul wondered at the boldness and alacrity of David, but durst
not presume on his ability, by reason of his age; but said he must on that
account be too weak to fight with one that was skilled in the art of war.
"I undertake this enterprise," said David, "in dependence
on God's being with me, for I have had experience already of his assistance;
for I once pursued after and caught a lion that assaulted my flocks, and
took away a lamb from them; and I snatched the lamb out of the wild beast's
mouth, and when he leaped upon me with violence, I took him by the tail,
and dashed him against the ground. In the same manner did I avenge myself
on a bear also; and let this adversary of ours be esteemed like one of
these wild beasts, since he has a long while reproached our army, and blasphemed
our God, who yet will reduce him under my power."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="184" unit="section" /><p>However, Saul prayed that the end might be, by God's assistance,
not disagreeable to the alacrity and boldness of the child; and said, "Go
thy way to the fight." So he put about him his breastplate, and girded
on his sword, and fitted the helmet to his head, and sent him away. But
David was burdened with his armor, for he had not been exercised to it,
nor had he learned to walk with it; so he said, "Let this armor be
thine, O king, who art able to bear it; but give me leave to fight as thy
servant, and as I myself desire." Accordingly he laid by the armor,
and taking his staff with him, and putting five stones out of the brook
into a shepherd's bag, and having a sling in his right hand, he went towards
Goliath. But the adversary seeing him come in such a manner, disdained
him, and jested upon him, as if he had not such weapons with him as are
usual when one man fights against another, but such as are used in driving
away and avoiding of dogs; and said, "Dost thou take me not for a
man, but a dog?" To which he replied, "No, not for a dog, but
for a creature worse than a dog." This provoked Goliath to anger,
who thereupon cursed him by the name of God, and threatened to give his
flesh to the beasts of the earth, and to the fowls of the air, to be torn
in pieces by them. To whom David answered, "Thou comest to me with a sword,
and with a spear, and with a breastplate; but I have God for my armor in
coming against thee, who will destroy thee and all thy army by my hands
for I will this day cut off thy head, and cast the other parts of thy body
to the dogs, and all men shall learn that God is the protector of the Hebrews,
and that our armor and our strength is in his providence; and that without
God's assistance, all other warlike preparations and power are useless."
So the Philistine being retarded by the weight of his armor, when he attempted
to meet David in haste, came on but slowly, as despising him, and depending
upon it that he should slay him, who was both unarmed and a child also,
without any trouble at all.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="189" unit="section" /><p>But the youth met his antagonist, being accompanied with an invisible
assistant, who was no other than God himself. And taking one of the stones
that he had out of the brook, and had put into his shepherd's bag, and
fitting it to his sling, he slang it against the Philistine. This stone
fell upon his forehead, and sank into his brain, insomuch that Goliath
was stunned, and fell upon his face. So David ran, and stood upon his adversary
as he lay down, and cut off his head with his own sword; for he had no
sword himself. And upon the fall of Goliath the Philistines were beaten,
and fled; for when they saw their champion prostrate on the ground, they
were afraid of the entire issue of their affairs, and resolved not to stay
any longer, but committed themselves to an ignominious and indecent flight,
and thereby endeavored to save themselves from the dangers they were in.
But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews made a shout, and rushed upon
them, and slew a great number of them, and pursued the rest to the borders
of Garb, and to the gates of Ekron; so that there were slain of the Philistines
thirty thousand, and twice as many wounded. But Saul returned to their
camp, and pulled their fortification to pieces, and burnt it; but David
carried the head of Goliath into his own tent, but dedicated his sword
to God [at the tabernacle].</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">SAUL ENVIES DAVID FOR HIS GLORIOUS SUCCESS, AND TAKES AN
OCCASION OF ENTRAPPING HIM, FROM THE PROMISE HE MADE HIM OF GIVING HIM
HIS DAUGHTER IN MARRIAGE; BUT THIS UPON CONDITION OF HIS BRINGING HIM SIX
HUNDRED HEADS OF THE PHILISTINES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="193" unit="section" /><p>NOW the women were an occasion of Saul's envy and hatred to David;
for they came to meet their victorious army with cymbals, and drums, and
all demonstrations of joy, and sang thus: The wives said, that "Saul
had slain his many thousands of the Philistines." The virgins replied,
that "David had slain his ten thousands." Now, when the king
heard them singing thus, and that he had himself the smallest share in
their commendations, and the greater number, the ten thousands, were ascribed
to the young man; and when he considered with himself that there was nothing
more wanting to David, after such a mighty applause, but the kingdom; he
began to be afraid and suspicious of David. Accordingly he removed him
from the station he was in before, for he was his armor-bearer, which,
out of fear, seemed to him much too near a station for him; and so he made
him captain over a thousand, and bestowed on him a post better indeed in
itself, but, as he thought, more for his own security; for he had a mind
to send him against the enemy, and into battles, as hoping he would be
slain in such dangerous conflicts.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="196" unit="section" /><p>But David had God going along with him whithersoever he went, and
accordingly he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and it was visible
that he had mighty success, insomuch that Saul's daughter, who was still
a virgin, fell in love with him; and her affection so far prevailed over
her, that it could not be concealed, and her father became acquainted with
it. Now Saul heard this gladly, as intending to make use of it for a snare
against David, and he hoped that it would prove the cause of destruction
and of hazard to him; so he told those that informed him of his daughter's
affection, that he would willingly give David the virgin in marriage, and
said, "I engage myself to marry my daughter to him if he will bring
me six hundred heads of my enemies <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus says thrice in this chapter, and twice afterwards, ch. 11. sect.
2, and B. VII. ch. 1. sect. 4, i.e. five times in all, that Saul required
not a bare hundred of the foreskins of the Philistines, but six hundred
of their heads. The Septuagint have 100 foreskins, but the Syriac and Arabic
200. Now that these were not foreskins, with our other copies, but heads,
with Josephus's copy, seems somewhat probable, from 1 Samuel 29:4, where
all copies say that it was with the heads of such Philistines that David
might reconcile himself to his master, Saul.</note>
supposing that when a reward so ample was proposed to him, and when he
should aim to get him great glory, by undertaking a thing so dangerous
and incredible, he would immediately set about it, and so perish by the
Philistines; and my designs about him will succeed finely to my mind, for
I shall be freed from him, and get him slain, not by myself, but by another
man." So he gave order to his servants to try how David would relish
this proposal of marrying the damsel. Accordingly, they began to speak
thus to him: That king Saul loved him, as well as did all the people, and
that he was desirous of his affinity by the marriage of this damsel. To
which he gave this answer: - "Seemeth it to you a light thing to be
made the king's son-in-law? It does not seem so to me, especially when
I am one of a family that is low, and without any glory or honor."
Now when Saul was informed by his servants what answer David had made,
he said, - "Tell him that I do not want any money nor dowry from him,
which would be rather to set my daughter to sale than to give her in marriage;
but I desire only such a son-in-law as hath in him fortitude, and all other
kinds of virtue," of which he saw David was possessed, and that his
desire was to receive of him, on account of his marrying his daughter,
neither gold nor silver, nor that he should bring such wealth out of his
father's house, but only some revenge on the Philistines, and indeed six
hundred of their heads, than which a more desirable or a more glorious
present could not be brought him, and that he had much rather obtain this,
than any of the accustomed dowries for his daughter, viz. that she should
be married to a man of that character, and to one who had a testimony as
having conquered his enemies.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="203" unit="section" /><p>When these words of Saul were brought to David, he was pleased with
them, and supposed that Saul was really desirous of this affinity with
him; so that without bearing to deliberate any longer, or casting about
in his mind whether what was proposed was possible, or was difficult or
not, he and his companions immediately set upon the enemy, and went about
doing what was proposed as the condition of the marriage. Accordingly,
because it was God who made all things easy and possible to David, he slew
many [of the Philistines], and cut off the heads of six hundred of them,
and came to the king, and by showing him these heads of the Philistines,
required that he might have his daughter in marriage. Accordingly, Saul
having no way of getting off his engagements, as thinking it a base thing
either to seem a liar when he promised him this marriage, or to appear
to have acted treacherously by him, in putting him upon what was in a manner
impossible, in order to have him slain, he gave him his daughter in marriage:
her name was Michal.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID, UPON SAUL'S LAYING SNARES FOR HIM, DID YET ESCAPE
THE DANGERS HE WAS IN BY THE AFFECTION AND CARE OF JONATHAN AND THE CONTRIVANCES
OF HIS WIFE MICHAL: AND HOW HE CAME TO SAMUEL THE PROPHET.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>HOWEVER, Saul was not disposed to persevere long in the state wherein
he was, for when he saw that David was in great esteem, both with God and
with the multitude, he was afraid; and being not able to conceal his fear
as concerning great things, his kingdom and his life, to be deprived of
either of which was a very great calamity, he resolved to have David slain,
and commanded his son Jonathan and his most faithful servants to kill him:
but Jonathan wondered at his father's change with relation to David, that
it should be made to so great a degree, from showing him no small good-will,
to contrive how to have him killed. Now, because he loved the young man,
and reverenced him for his virtue, he informed him of the secret charge
his father had given, and what his intentions were concerning him. However,
he advised him to take care and be absent the next day, for that he would
salute his father, and, if he met with a favorable opportunity, he would
discourse with him about him, and learn the cause of his disgust, and show
how little ground there was for it, and that for it he ought not to kill
a man that had done so many good things to the multitude, and had been
a benefactor to himself, on account of which he ought in reason to obtain
pardon, had he been guilty of the greatest crimes; and "I will then
inform thee of my father's resolution." Accordingly David complied
with such an advantageous advice, and kept himself then out of the king's
sight.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="209" unit="section" /><p>On the next day Jonathan came to Saul, as soon as he saw him in a
cheerful and joyful disposition, and began to introduce a discourse about
David: "What unjust action, O father, either little or great, hast
thou found so exceptionable in David, as to induce thee to order us to
slay a man who hath been of great advantage to thy own preservation, and
of still greater to the punishment of the Philistines? A man who hath delivered
the people of the Hebrews from reproach and derision, which they underwent
for forty days together, when he alone had courage enough to sustain the
challenge of the adversary, and after that brought as many heads of our
enemies as he was appointed to bring, and had, as a reward for the same,
my sister in marriage; insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful
to us, not only on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness
of our relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that
he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood, before she can
come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual conversation. Consider these
things, and change your mind to a more merciful temper, and do no mischief
to a man, who, in the first place, hath done us the greatest kindness of
preserving thee; for when an evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee,
he cast them out, and procured rest to thy soul from their incursions:
and, in the second place, hath avenged us of our enemies; for it is a base
thing to forget such benefits." So Saul was pacified with these words,
and sware to his son that he would do David no harm, for a righteous discourse
proved too hard for the king's anger and fear. So Jonathan sent for David,
and brought him good news from his father, that he was to be preserved.
He also brought him to his father; and David continued with the king as
formerly.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that, upon the Philistines making a new expedition
against the Hebrews, Saul sent David with an army to fight with them; and
joining battle with them he slew many of them, and after his victory he
returned to the king. But his reception by Saul was not as he expected
upon such success, for he was grieved at his prosperity, because he thought
he would be more dangerous to him by having acted so gloriously: but when
the demoniacal spirit came upon him, and put him into disorder, and disturbed
him, he called for David into his bed-chamber wherein he lay, and having
a spear in his hand, he ordered him to charm him with playing on his harp,
and with singing hymns; which when David did at his command, he with great
force threw the spear at him; but David was aware of it before it came,
and avoided it, and fled to his own house, and abode there all that day.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>But at night the king sent officers, and commanded that he should
be watched till the morning, lest he should get quite away, that he might
come into the judgment-hall, and so might be delivered up, and condemned
and slain. But when Michal, David's wife, the king's daughter, understood
what her father designed, she came to her husband, as having small hopes
of his deliverance, and as greatly concerned about her own life also, for
she could not bear to live in case she were deprived of him; and she said,
"Let not the sun find thee here when it rises, for if it do, that
will be the last time it will see thee: fly away then while the night may
afford thee opportunity, and may God lengthen it for thy sake; for know
this, that if my father find thee, thou art a dead man." So she let
him down by a cord out of the window, and saved him: and after she had
done so, she fitted up a bed for him as if he were sick, and put under
the bed-clothes a goat's liver <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since the modern Jews have lost the signification of the Hebrew word here
used, cebr; and since the LXX., as well as Josephus, reader it the liver
of the goat, and since this rendering, and Josephus's account, are here
so much more clear and probable than those of others, it is almost unaccountable
that our commentators should so much as hesitate about its true interpretation.</note>
and when her father, as soon as it was day, sent to seize David, she said
to those that were there, That he had not been well that night, and showed
them the bed covered, and made them believe, by the leaping of the liver,
which caused the bed-clothes to move also, that David breathed like one
that was asthmatic. So when those that were sent told Saul that David had
not been well in the night he ordered him to be brought in that condition,
for he intended to kill him. Now when they came and uncovered the bed,
and found out the woman's contrivance, they told it to the king; and when
her father complained of her that she had saved his enemy, and had put
a trick upon himself, she invented this plausible defense for herself,
and said, That when he had threatened to kill her, she lent him her assistance
for his preservation, out of fear; for which her assistance she ought to
be forgiven, because it was not done of her own free choice, but out of
necessity: "For," said she, "I do not suppose that thou
wast so zealous to kill thy enemy, as thou wast that I should be saved."
Accordingly Saul forgave the damsel; but David, when he had escaped this
danger, came to the prophet Samuel to Ramah, and told him what snares the
king had laid for him, and how he was very near to death by Saul's throwing
a spear at him, although he had been no way guilty with relation to him,
nor had he been cowardly in his battles with his enemies, but had succeeded
well in them all, by God's assistance; which thing was indeed the cause
of Saul's hatred to David.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="221" unit="section" /><p>When the prophet was made acquainted with the unjust proceedings
of the king, he left the city Ramah, and took David with him, to a certain
place called Naioth, and there he abode with him. But when it was told
Saul that David was with the prophet, he sent soldiers to him, and ordered
them to take him, and bring him to him: and when they came to Samuel, and
found there a congregation of prophets, they became partakers of the Divine
Spirit, and began to prophesy; which when Saul heard of, he sent others
to David, who prophesying in like manner as did the first, he again sent
others; which third sort prophesying also, at last he was angry, and went
thither in great haste himself; and when he was just by the place, Samuel,
before he saw him, made him prophesy also. And when Saul came to him, he
was disordered in mind <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These violent and wild agitations of Saul seem to me to have been no other
than demoniacal; and that the same demon which used to seize him, since
he was forsaken of God, and which the divine hymns and psalms which were
sung to the harp by David used to expel, was now in a judicial way brought
upon him, not only in order to disappoint his intentions against innocent
David, but to expose him to the laughter and contempt of all that saw him,
or heard of those agitations; such violent and wild agitations being never
observed in true prophets, when they were under the inspiration of the
Spirit of God. Our other copies, which say the Spirit of God came him,
seem not so here copy, which mentions nothing of God at all. Nor does Josephus
seem to ascribe this impulse and ecstasy of Saul to any other than to his
old demoniacal spirit, which on all accounts appears the most probable.
Nor does the former description of Saul's real inspiration by the Divine
Spirit, 1 Samuel 10:9-12; Antiq. B. VI. ch. 4. sect. 2, which was before
he was become wicked, well agree with the descriptions before us.</note>
and under the vehement agitation of a spirit; and, putting off his garments,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What is meant by Saul's lying down naked all that day, and all that night,
1 Samuel 19:4, and whether any more than laying aside his royal apparel,
or upper garments, as Josephus seems to understand it, is by no means certain.
See the note on Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 14. sect. 2.</note> he
fell down, and lay on the ground all that day and night, in the presence
of Samuel and David.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="224" unit="section" /><p>And David went thence, and came to Jonathan, the son of Saul, and
lamented to him what snares were laid for him by his father; and
said, that though he had been guilty of no evil, nor had offended against
him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed. Hereupon Jonathan exhorted
him not to give credit to such his own suspicions, nor to the calumnies
of those that raised those reports, if there were any that did so, but
to depend on him, and take courage; for that his father had no such intention,
since he would have acquainted him with that matter, and have taken his
advice, had it been so, as he used to consult with him in common
when he acted in other affairs. But David sware to him that so it was;
and he desired him rather to believe him, and to provide for his safety,
than to despise what he, with great sincerity, told him: that he would
believe what he said, when he should either see him killed himself, or
learn it upon inquiry from others: and that the reason why his father did
not tell him of these things, was this, that he knew of the friendship
and affection that he bore towards him.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="226" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon, when Jonathan found that this intention of Saul was so
well attested, he asked him what he would have him do for him. To which
David replied, "I am sensible that thou art willing to gratify me
in every thing, and procure me what I desire. Now tomorrow is the new moon,
and I was accustomed to sit down then with the king at supper: now, if
it seem good to thee, I will go out of the city, and conceal myself privately
there; and if Saul inquire why I am absent, tell him that I am gone to
my own city Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own tribe; and add this
also, that thou gavest me leave so to do. And if he say, as is usually
said in the case of friends that are gone abroad, It is well that he went,
then assure thyself that no latent mischief or enmity may be feared at
his hand; but if he answer otherwise, that will be a sure sign that he
hath some designs against me, Accordingly thou shalt inform me of thy father's
inclinations; and that out of pity to my case and out of thy friendship
for me, as instances of which friendship thou hast vouchsafed to accept
of the assurances of my love to thee, and to give the like assurances
to me, that is, those of a master to his servant; but if thou discoverest
any wickedness in me, do thou prevent thy father, and kill me thyself."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="229" unit="section" /><p>But Jonathan heard these last words with indignation, and promised
to do what he desired of him, and to inform him if his father's answers
implied any thing of a melancholy nature, and any enmity against him. And
that he might the more firmly depend upon him, he took him out into the
open field, into the pure air, and sware that he would neglect nothing
that might tend to the preservation of David; and he said, "I appeal
to that God, who, as thou seest, is diffused every where, and knoweth this
intention of mine, before I explain it in words, as the witness of this
my covenant with thee, that I will not leave off to make frequent trims
of the purpose of my father till I learn whether there be any lurking distemper
in the most secret parts of his soul; and when I have learnt it, I will
not conceal it from thee, but will discover it to thee, whether he be gently
or peevishly disposed; for this God himself knows, that I pray he may always
be with thee, for he is with thee now, and will not forsake thee, and will
make thee superior to thine enemies, whether my father be one of them,
or whether I myself be such. Do thou only remember what we now do; and
if it fall out that I die, preserve my children alive, and requite what
kindness thou hast now received to them." When he had thus sworn,
he dismissed David, bidding him go to a certain place of that plain wherein
he used to perform his exercises; for that, as soon as he knew the mind
of his father, he would come thither to him, with one servant only; "and
if," says he, "I shoot three darts at the mark, and then
bid my servant to carry these three darts away, for they are before him,
know thou that there is no mischief to be feared from my father; but if
thou hearest me say the contrary, expect the contrary from the king. However,
thou shalt gain security by my means, and shalt by no means suffer any
harm; but see thou dost not forget what I have desired of thee in the time
of thy prosperity, and be serviceable to my children." Now David,
when he had received these assurances from Jonathan, went his way to the
place appointed.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="235" unit="section" /><p>But on the next day, which was the new moon, the king, when he had
purified himself, as the custom was, came to supper; and when there sat
by him his son Jonathan on his right hand, and Abner, the captain of his
host, on the other hand, he saw David's seat was empty, but said nothing,
supposing that he had not purified himself since he had accompanied with
his wife, and so could not be present; but when he saw that he was not
there the second day of the month neither, he inquired of his son Jonathan
why the son of Jesse did not come to the supper and the feast, neither
the day before nor that day. So Jonathan said, That he was gone, according
to the agreement between them, to his own city, where his tribe kept a
festival, and that by his permission: that he also invited him to come
to their sacrifice; "and," says Jonathan, "if thou wilt
give me leave, I Will go thither, for thou knowest the good-will that I
bear him." And then it was that Jonathan understood his father's hatred
to David, and plainly saw his entire disposition; for Saul could not restrain
his anger, but reproached Jonathan, and called him the son of a runagate,
and an enemy; and said he was a partner with David, and his assistant,
and that by his behavior he showed he had no regard to himself, or to his
mother, and would not be persuaded of this, - that while David is alive,
their kingdom was not secure to them; yet did he bid him send for him,
that he might be punished. And when Jonathan said, in answer, "What
hath he done that thou wilt punish him?" Saul no longer contented
himself to express his anger in bare words, but snatched up his spear,
and leaped upon him, and was desirous to kill him. He did not indeed do
what he intended, because he was hindered by his friends; but it appeared
plainly to his son that he hated David, and greatly desired to despatch
him, insomuch that he had almost slain his son with his own hands on his
account.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="239" unit="section" /><p>And then it was that the king's son rose hastily from supper; and
being unable to admit any thing into his mouth for grief, he wept all night,
both because he had himself been near destruction, and because the death
of David was determined: but as soon as it was day, he went out into the
plain that was before the city, as going to perform his exercises, but
in reality to inform his friend what disposition his father was in towards
him, as he had agreed with him to do; and when Jonathan had done what had
been thus agreed, he dismissed his servant that followed him, to return
to the city; but he himself went into the desert, and came into his presence,
and communed with him. So David appeared and fell at Jonathan's feet, and
bowed down to him, and called him the preserver of his soul; but he lifted
him up from the earth, and they mutually embraced one another, and made
a long greeting, and that not without tears. They also lamented their age,
and that familiarity which envy would deprive them of, and that separation
which must now be expected, which seemed to them no better than death itself.
So recollecting themselves at length from their lamentation, and exhorting
one another to be mindful of the oaths they had sworn to each other, they
parted asunder.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID FLED TO AHIMELECH AND AFTERWARDS TO THE KINGS OF
THE PHILISTINES AND OF THE MOABITES, AND HOW SAUL SLEW AHIMELECH AND HIS
FAMILY,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="242" unit="section" /><p>BUT David fled from the king, and that death he was in danger of
by him, and came to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest, who, when he
saw him coming all alone, and neither a friend nor a servant with him,
he wondered at it, and desired to learn of him the cause why there was
nobody with him. To which David answered, That the king had commanded him
to do a certain thing that was to be kept secret, to which, if he had a
mind to know so much, he had no occasion for any one to accompany him;
"however, I have ordered my servants to meet me at such and such a
place." So he desired him to let him have somewhat to eat; and that
in case he would supply him, be would act the part of a friend, and be
assisting to the business he was now about: and when he had obtained what
he desired, he also asked him whether he had any weapons with him, either
sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian,
whose name was Doeg, one that kept the king's mules. The high priest said
that he had no such weapons; but, he added, "Here is the sword of
Goliath, which, when thou hadst slain the Philistine, thou didst dedicate
to God."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="245" unit="section" /><p>When David had received the sword, he fled out of the country of
the Hebrews into that of the Philistines, over which Achish reigned; and
when the king's servants knew him, and he was made known to the king himself,
the servants informing him that he was that David who had killed many ten
thousands of the Philistines, David was afraid lest the king should put
him to death, and that he should experience that danger from him which
he had escaped from Saul; so he pretended to be distracted and mad, so
that his spittle ran out of his mouth; and he did other the like actions
before the king of Gath, which might make him believe that they proceeded
from such a distemper. Accordingly the king was very angry at his servants
that they had brought him a madman, and he gave orders that they should
eject David immediately [out of the city].</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="247" unit="section" /><p>So when David had escaped in this manner out of Gath, he came to
the tribe of Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of Adullam. Then it
was that he sent to his brethren, and informed them where he was, who then
came to him with all their kindred, and as many others as were either in
want or in fear of king Saul, came and made a body together, and told him
they were ready to obey his orders; they were in all about four hundred.
Whereupon he took courage, now such a force and assistance was come to
him; so he removed thence and came to the king of the Moabites, and desired
him to entertain his parents in his country, while the issue of his affairs
were in such an uncertain condition. The king granted him this favor, and
paid great respect to David's parents all the time they were with him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="249" unit="section" /><p>As for himself, upon the prophet's commanding him to leave the desert,
and to go into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and abide there, he complied
therewith; and coming to the city Hareth, which was in that tribe, he remained
there. Now when Saul heard that David had been seen with a multitude about
him, he fell into no small disturbance and trouble; but as he knew that
David was a bold and courageous man, he suspected that somewhat extraordinary
would appear from him, and that openly also, which would make him weep
and put him into distress; so he called together to him his friends, and
his commanders, and the tribe from which he was himself derived, to the
hill where his palace was; and sitting upon a place called Aroura, his
courtiers that were in dignities, and the guards of his body, being with
him, he spake thus to them: - "You that are men of my own tribe, I
conclude that you remember the benefits that I have bestowed upon you,
and that I have made some of you owners of land, and made you commanders,
and bestowed posts of honor upon you, and set some of you over the common
people, and others over the soldiers; I ask you, therefore, whether you
expect greater and more donations from the son of Jesse? for I know that
you are all inclinable to him; (even my own son Jonathan himself is of
that opinion, and persuades you to be of the same); for I am not unacquainted
with the oaths and the covenants that are between him and David, and that
Jonathan is a counselor and an assistant to those that conspire against
me, and none of you are concerned about these things, but you keep silence
and watch, to see what will be the upshot of these things." When the
king had made this speech, not one of the rest of those that were present
made any answer; but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said, that he
saw David when he came to the city Nob to Ahimelech the high priest, and
that he learned future events by his prophesying; that he received food
from him, and the sword of Goliath, and was conducted by him with security
to such as he desired to go to.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="255" unit="section" /><p>Saul therefore sent for the high priest, and for all his kindred;
and said to them, "What terrible or ungrateful tiring hast thou suffered
from me, that thou hast received the son of Jesse, and hast bestowed on
him both food and weapons, when he was contriving to get the kingdom? And
further, why didst thou deliver oracles to him concerning futurities? For
thou couldst not be unacquainted that he was fled away from me, and that
he hated my family." But the high priest did not betake himself to
deny what he had done, but confessed boldly that he had supplied him with
these things, not to gratify David, but Saul himself: and he said, "I
did not know that he was thy adversary, but a servant of thine, who was
very faithful to thee, and a captain over a thousand of thy soldiers, and,
what is more than these, thy son-in-law, and kinsman. Men do not choose
to confer such favors on their adversaries, but on those who are esteemed
to bear the highest good-will and respect to them. Nor is this the first
time that I prophesied for him, but I have done it often, and at other
times as well as now. And when he told me that he was sent by thee in great
haste to do somewhat, if I had furnished him with nothing that he desired
I should have thought that it was rather in contradiction to thee than
to him; wherefore do not thou entertain any ill opinion of me, nor do thou
have a suspicion of what I then thought an act of humanity, from what is
now told thee of David's attempts against thee, for I did then to him as
to thy friend and son-in-law, and captain of a thousand, and not as to
thine adversary."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>When the high priest had spoken thus, he did not persuade Saul, his
fear was so prevalent, that he could not give credit to an apology that
was very just. So he commanded his armed men that stood about him to kill
him, and all his kindred; but as they durst not touch the high priest,
but were more afraid of disobeying God than the king, he ordered Doeg the
Syrian to kill them. Accordingly, he took to his assistance such wicked
men as were like himself, and slew Ahimelech and all his family, who were
in all three hundred and eighty-five. Saul also sent to Nob, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This city Nob was not a city allotted to the priests, nor had the prophets,
that we know of, any particular cities allotted them. It seems the tabernacle
was now at Nob, and probably a school of the prophets was here also. It
was full two days' journey on foot from Jerusalem, 1 Samuel 21:5. The number
of priests here slain in Josephus is three hundred and eighty-five, and
but eighty-five in our Hebrew copies; yet are they three hundred and five
in the Septuagint. I prefer Josephus's number, the Hebrew having, I suppose,
only dropped the hundreds, the other the tens. This city Nob seems to have
been the chief, or perhaps the only seat of the family of Ithamar, which
here perished, according to God's former terrible threatenings to Eli,
1 Samuel 2:27-36; 3:11-18. See ch. 14. sect. D, hereafter.</note>
the city of the priests, and slew all that were there, without sparing
either women or children, or any other age, and burnt it; only there was
one son of Ahimelech, whose name was Abiathar, who escaped. However, these
things came to pass as God had foretold to Eli the high priest, when he
said that his posterity should be destroyed, on account of the transgression
of his two sons.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="262" unit="section" /><p><note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This section contains an admirable reflection of Josephus concerning the
general wickedness of men in great authority, and the danger they are in
of rejecting that regard to justice and humanity, to Divine Providence
and the fear of God, which they either really had, or pretended to have,
while they were in a lower condition. It can never be too often perused
by kings and great men, nor by those who expect to obtain such elevated
dignities among mankind. See the like reflections of our Josephus, Antiq.
B. VII. ch. 1. sect. 5, at the end; and B. VIII. ch. 10. sect. 2, at the
beginning. They are to the like purport with one branch of Agur's prayer:
"One thing have I required of thee, deny it me not before I die: Give
me not riches, lest I be full, and deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord
?" Proverbs 30:7-9.</note>
Now this king Saul, by perpetrating so barbarous a crime, and murdering
the whole family of the high-priestly dignity, by having no pity of the
infants, nor reverence for the aged, and by overthrowing the city which
God had chosen for the property, and for the support of the priests and
prophets which were there, and had ordained as the only city allotted for
the education of such men, gives all to understand and consider the disposition
of men, that while they are private persons, and in a low condition, because
it is not in their power to indulge nature, nor to venture upon what they
wish for, they are equitable and moderate, and pursue nothing but what
is just, and bend their whole minds and labors that way; then it is that
they have this belief about God, that he is present to all the actions
of their lives, and that he does not only see the actions that are done,
but clearly knows those their thoughts also, whence those actions do arise.
But when once they are advanced into power and authority, then they put
off all such notions, and, as if they were no other than actors upon a
theater, they lay aside their disguised parts and manners, and take up
boldness, insolence, and a contempt of both human and Divine laws, and
this at a time when they especially stand in need of piety and righteousness,
because they are then most of all exposed to envy, and all they think,
and all they say, are in the view of all men; then it is that they become
so insolent in their actions, as though God saw them no longer, or were
afraid of them because of their power: and whatsoever it is that they either
are afraid of by the rumors they hear, or they hate by inclination, or
they love without reason, these seem to them to be authentic, and firm,
and true, and pleasing both to men and to God; but as to what will come
hereafter, they have not the least regard to it. They raise those to honor
indeed who have been at a great deal of pains for them, and after that
honor they envy them; and when they have brought them into high dignity,
they do not only deprive them of what they had obtained, but also, on that
very account, of their lives also, and that on wicked accusations, and
such as on account of their extravagant nature, are incredible. They also
punish men for their actions, not such as deserve condemnation, but from
calumnies and accusations without examination; and this extends not only
to such as deserve to be punished, but to as many as they are able to kill.
This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the example of Saul, the
son of Kish, who was the first king who reigned after our aristocracy and
government under the judges were over; and that by his slaughter of three
hundred priests and prophets, on occasion of his suspicion about Ahimelech,
and by the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and this
is as he were endeavoring in some sort to render the temple [tabernacle]
destitute both of priests and prophets, which endeavor he showed by slaying
so many of them, and not suffering the very city belonging to .them to
remain, that so others might succeed them.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="269" unit="section" /><p>But Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, who alone could be saved out
of the family of priests slain by Saul, fled to David, and informed him
of the calamity that had befallen their family, and of the slaughter of
his father; who hereupon said, He was not unapprised of what would follow
with relation to them when he saw Doeg there; for he had then a suspicion
that the high priest would be falsely accused by him to the king, and he
blamed himself as having been the cause of this misfortune. But he desired
him to stay there, and abide with him, as in a place where he might be
better concealed than any where else.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID, WHEN HE HAD TWICE THE OPPORTUNITY OF KILLING SAUL
DID NOT KILL HIM. ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF SAMUEL AND NABAL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="271" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time it was that David heard how the Philistines had made
an inroad into the country of Keilah, and robbed it; so he offered himself
to fight against them, if God, when he should be consulted by the prophet,
would grant him the victory. And when the prophet said that God gave a
signal of victory, he made a sudden onset upon the Philistines with his
companions, and he shed a great deal of their blood, and carried off their
prey, and staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had securely gathered
in their corn and their fruits. However, it was told Saul the king that
David was with the men of Keilah; for what had been done and the great
success that had attended him, were not confined among the people where
the things were done, but the fame of it went all abroad, and came to the
hearing of others, and both the fact as it stood, and the author of the
fact, were carried to the king's ears. Then was Saul glad when he heard
David was in Keilah; and he said, "God hath now put him into my hands,
since he hath obliged him to come into a city that hath walls, and gates,
and bars." So he commanded all the people suddenly, and when they
had besieged and taken it to kill David. But when David perceived this,
and learned of God that if he staid there the men of Keilah would deliver
him up to Saul, he took his four hundred men and retired into a desert
that was over against a city called Engedi. So that when the king heard
he was fled away from the men of Keilah, he left off his expedition against
him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="275" unit="section" /><p>Then David removed thence, and came to a certain place called the
New Place, belonging to Ziph; where Jonathan, the son of Saul, came to
him, and saluted him, and exhorted him to be of good courage, and to hope
well as to his condition hereafter, and not to despond at his present circumstances,
for that he should be king, and have all the forces of the Hebrews under
him: he told him that such happiness uses to come with great labor and
pains: they also took oaths, that they would, all their lives long, continue
in good-will and fidelity one to another; and he called God to witness,
as to what execrations he had made upon himself if he should transgress
his covenant, and should change to a contrary behavior. So Jonathan left
him there, having rendered his cares and fears somewhat lighter, and returned
home. Now the men of Ziph, to gratify Saul, informed him that David abode
with them, and [assured him] that if he would come to them, they would
deliver him up, for that if the king would seize on the Straits of Ziph,
David would not escape to any other people. So the king commended them,
and confessed that he had reason to thank them, because they had given
him information of his enemy; and he promised them, that it should not
be long ere he would requite their kindness. He also sent men to seek for
David, and to search the wilderness wherein he was; and he promised that
he himself would follow them. Accordingly they went before the king, to
hunt for and to catch David, and used endeavors, not only to show their
good-will to Saul, by informing him where his enemy was, but to evidence
the same more plainly by delivering him up into his power. But these men
failed of those their unjust and wicked desires, who, while they underwent
no hazard by not discovering such an ambition of revealing this to Saul,
yet did they falsely accuse and promise to deliver up a man beloved of
God, and one that was unjustly sought after to be put to death, and one
that might otherwise have lain concealed, and this out of flattery, and
expectation of gain from the king; for when David was apprized of the malignant
intentions of the men of Ziph, and the approach of Saul, he left the Straits
of that country, and fled to the great rock that was in the wilderness
of Maon.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="281" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue him thither; for, as he was marching,
he learned that David was gone away from the Straits of Ziph, and Saul
removed to the other side of the rock. But the report that the Philistines
had again made an incursion into the country of the Hebrews, called Saul
another way from the pursuit of David, when he was ready to be caught;
for he returned back again to oppose those Philistines, who were naturally
their enemies, as judging it more necessary to avenge himself of them,
than to take a great deal of pains to catch an enemy of his own, and to
overlook the ravage that was made in the land.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="282" unit="section" /><p>And by this means David unexpectedly escaped out of the danger he
was in, and came to the Straits of Engedi; and when Saul had driven the
Philistines out of the land, there came some messengers, who told him that
David abode within the bounds of Engedi: so he took three thousand chosen
men that were armed, and made haste to him; and when he was not far from
those places, he saw a deep and hollow cave by the way-side; it was open
to a great length and breadth, and there it was that David with his four
hundred men were concealed. When therefore he had occasion to ease nature,
he entered into it by himself alone; and being seen by one of David's companions,
and he that saw him saying to him, that he had now, by God's providence,
an opportunity of avenging himself of his adversary; and advising him to
cut off his head, and so deliver himself out of that tedious, wandering
condition, and the distress he was in; he rose up, and only cut off the
skirt of that garment which Saul had on: but he soon repented of what he
had done; and said it was not right to kill him that was his master, and
one whom God had thought worthy of the kingdom; "for that although
he were wickedly disposed towards us, yet does it not behoove me to be
so disposed towards him." But when Saul had left the cave, David came
near and cried out aloud, and desired Saul to hear him; whereupon the king
turned his face back, and David, according to custom, fell down on his
face before the king, and bowed to him; and said, "O king, thou oughtest
not to hearken to wicked men, nor to such as forge calumnies, nor to gratify
them so far as to believe what they say, nor to entertain suspicions of
such as are your best friends, but to judge of the dispositions of all
men by their actions; for calumny deludes men, but men's own actions are
a clear demonstration of their kindness. Words indeed, in their own nature,
may be either true or false, but men's actions expose their intentions
nakedly to our view. By these, therefore it will be well for thee to believe
me, as to my regard to thee and to thy house, and not to believe those
that frame such accusations against me as never came into my mind, nor
are possible to be executed, and do this further by pursuing after my life,
and have no concern either day or night, but how to compass my life and
to murder me, which thing I think thou dost unjustly prosecute; for how
comes it about, that thou hast embraced this false opinion about me, as
if I had a desire to kill thee? Or how canst thou escape the crime of impiety
towards God, when thou wishest thou couldst kill, and deemest thine adversary,
a man who had it in his power this day to avenge himself, and to punish
thee, but would not do it? nor make use of such an opportunity, which,
if it had fallen out to thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip, for
when I cut off the skirt of thy garment, I could have done the same to
thy head." So he showed him the piece of his garment, and thereby
made him agree to what he said to be true; and added, "I, for certain,
have abstained from taking a just revenge upon thee, yet art thou not ashamed
to prosecute me with unjust hatred. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The phrase in David's speech to Saul, as set down in Josephus, that he
had abstained from just revenge, puts me in mind of the like words in the
Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 2., "That revenge is not evil,
but that patience is more honorable."</note>
May God do justice, and determine about each of our dispositions."
- But Saul was amazed at the strange delivery he had received; and being
greatly affected with the moderation and the disposition of the young man,
he groaned; and when David had done the same, the king answered that he
had the justest occasion to groan, "for thou hast been the author
of good to me, as I have been the author of calamity to thee; and thou
hast demonstrated this day, that thou possessest the righteousness of the
ancients, who determined that men ought to save their enemies, though they
caught them in a desert place. I am now persuaded that God reserves the
kingdom for thee, and that thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the Hebrews.
Give me then assurances upon oath, That thou wilt not root out my family,
nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have done thee, destroy my posterity,
but save and preserve my house." So David sware as he desired, and
sent back Saul to his own kingdom; but he, and those that were with him,
went up the Straits of Mastheroth.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="292" unit="section" /><p>About this time Samuel the prophet died. He was a man whom the Hebrews
honored in an extraordinary degree: for that lamentation which the people
made for him, and this during a long time, manifested his virtue, and the
affection which the people bore for him; as also did the solemnity and
concern that appeared about his funeral, and about the complete observation
of all his funeral rites. They buried him in his own city of Ramah; and
wept for him a very great number of days, not looking on it as a sorrow
for the death of another man, but as that in which they were every one
themselves concerned. He was a righteous man, and gentle in his nature;
and on that account he was very dear to God. Now he governed and presided
over the people alone, after the death of Eli the high priest, twelve years,
and eighteen years together with Saul the king. And thus we have finished
the history of Samuel.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="295" unit="section" /><p>There was a man that was a Ziphite, of the city of Maon, who was
rich, and had a vast number of cattle; for he fed a flock of three thousand
sheep, and another flock of a thousand goats. Now David had charged his
associates to keep these flocks without hurt and without damage, and to
do them no mischief, neither out of covetousness, nor because they were
in want, nor because they were in the wilderness, and so could not easily
be discovered, but to esteem freedom from injustice above all other motives,
and to look upon the touching of what belonged to another man as a horrible
crime, and contrary to the will of God. These were the instructions he
gave, thinking that the favors he granted this man were granted to a good
man, and one that deserved to have such care taken of his affairs. This
man was Nabal, for that was his name, - a harsh man, and of a very wicked
life, being like a cynic in the course of his behavior, but still had obtained
for his wife a woman of a good character, wise and handsome. To this Nabal,
therefore, David sent ten men of his attendants at the time when he sheared
his sheep, and by them saluted him; and also wished he might do what he
now did for many years to come, but desired him to make him a present of
what he was able to give him, since he had, to be sure, learned from his
shepherds that we had done them no injury, but had been their guardians
a long time together, while we continued in the wilderness; and he assured
him he should never repent of giving any thing to David. When the messengers
had carried this message to Nabal, he accosted them after an inhuman and
rough manner; for he asked them who David was? and when he heard that he
was the son of Jesse, he said, "Now is the time that fugitives grow
insolent, and make a figure, and leave their masters." When they told
David this, he was wroth, and commanded four hundred armed men to follow
him, and left two hundred to take care of the stuff, (for he had already
six hundred, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The number of men that came first to David, are distinctly in Josephus,
and in our common copies, but four hundred. When he was at Keilah still
but four hundred, both in Josephus and in the LXXX.; but six hundred in
our Hebrew copies, 1 Samuel 23:3; see 30:9, 10. Now the six hundred there
mentioned are here estimated by Josephus to have been so many, only by
an augmentation of two hundred afterward, which I suppose is the true solution
of this seeming disagreement.</note>）
and went against Nabal: he also swore that he would that night utterly
destroy the whole house and possessions of Nabal; for that he was grieved,
not only that he had proved ungrateful to them, without making any return
for the humanity they had shown him, but that he had also reproached them,
and used ill language to them, when he had received no cause of disgust
from them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="300" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon one of those that kept the flocks of Nabal, said to his
mistress, Nabal's wife, that when David sent to her husband he had received
no civil answer at all from him; but that her husband had moreover added
very reproachful language, while yet David had taken extraordinary care
to keep his flocks from harm, and that what had passed would prove very
pernicious to his master. When the servant had said this, Abigail, for
that was his wife's name, saddled her asses, and loaded them with all sorts
of presents; and, without telling her husband any thing of what she was
about, (for he was not sensible on account of his drunkenness,) she went
to David. She was then met by David as she was descending a hill, who was
coming against Nabal with four hundred men. When the woman saw David, she
leaped down from her ass, and fell on her face, and bowed down to the ground;
and entreated him not to bear in mind the words of Nabal, since he knew
that he resembled his name. Now Nabal, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies<emph>folly</emph>. So she made her apology, that she did not see the messengers
whom he sent. "Forgive me, therefore," said she, "and thank
God, who hath hindered thee from shedding human blood; for so long as thou
keepest thyself innocent, he will avenge thee of wicked men, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">In this and the two next sections, we may perceive how Josephus, nay, how
Abigail herself, would understand, the "not avenging ourselves, but
heaping coals of fire on the head of the injurious," Proverbs 25:22;
Romans 12:20, not as we do now, of them into but of leaving them to the
judgment of God, "to whom vengeance belongeth," Deuteronomy 32:35;
Psalms 94:1; Hebrews 10:30, and who will take vengeance on the wicked.
And since all God's judgments are just, and all fit to be executed, and
all at length for the good of the persons punished, I incline to think
that to be the meaning of this phrase of "heaping coals of fire on
their heads."</note>
for what miseries await Nabal, they will fall upon the heads of thine enemies.
Be thou gracious to me, and think me so far worthy as to accept of these
presents from me; and, out of regard to me, remit that wrath and that anger
which thou hast against my husband and his house, for mildness and humanity
become thee, especially as thou art to be our king." Accordingly,
David accepted her presents, and said, "Nay, but, O woman, it was
no other than God's mercy which brought thee to us today, for, otherwise,
thou hadst never seen another day, I having sworn <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may note here, that how sacred soever an oath was esteemed among the
people of God in old times, they did not think it obligatory where the
action was plainly unlawful. For so we see it was in this case of David,
who, although he had sworn to destroy Nabal and his family, yet does he
here, and 1 Samuel 25:32-41, bless God for preventing his keeping his oath,
and shedding of blood, which he had swore to do.</note>
to destroy Nabal's house this very night, and to leave alive not one of
you who belonged to a man that was wicked and ungrateful to me and my companions;
but now hast thou prevented me, and seasonably mollified my anger, as being
thyself under the care of God's providence: but as for Nabal, although
for thy sake he now escape punishment, he will not always avoid justice;
for his evil conduct, on some other occasion, will be his ruin."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="306" unit="section" /><p>When David had said this, he dismissed the woman. But when she came
home and found her husband feasting with a great company, and oppressed
with wine, she said nothing to him then about what had happened; but on
the next day, when he was sober, she told him all the particulars, and
made his whole body to appear like that of a dead man by her words, and
by that grief which arose from them; so Nabal survived ten days, and no
more, and then died. And when David heard of his death, he said that God
had justly avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had died by his own
wickedness, and had suffered punishment on his account, while he had kept
his own hands clean. At which time he understood that the wicked are prosecuted
by God; that he does not overlook any man, but bestows on the good what
is suitable to them, and inflicts a deserved punishment on the wicked.
So he sent to Nabal's wife, and invited her to come to him, to live with
him, and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied to those that came, that
she was not worthy to touch his feet; however, she came, with all her servants,
and became his wife, having received that honor on account of her wise
and righteous course of life. She also obtained the same honor partly on
account of her beauty. Now David had a wife before, whom he married from
the city Abesar; for as to Michal, the daughter of king Saul, who had been
David's wife, her father had given her in marriage to Phalti, the son of
Laish, who was of the city of Gallim.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="310" unit="section" /><p>After this came certain of the Ziphites, and told Saul that David
was come again into their country, and if he would afford them his assistance,
they could catch him. So he came to them with three thousand armed men;
and upon the approach of night, he pitched his camp at a certain place
called Hachilah. But when David heard that Saul was coming against him,
he sent spies, and bid them let him know to what place of the country Saul
was already come; and when they told him that he was at Hachilah, he concealed
his going away from his companions, and came to Saul's camp, having taken
with him Abishai, his sister Zeruiah's son, and Ahimelech the Hittite.
Now Saul was asleep, and the armed men, with Abner their commander, lay
round about him in a circle. Hereupon David entered into the king's tent;
but he did neither kill Saul, though he knew where he lay, by the spear
that was stuck down by him, nor did he give leave to Abishai, who would
have killed him, and was earnestly bent upon it so to do; for he said it
was a horrid crime to kill one that was ordained king by God, although
he was a wicked man; for that he who gave him the dominion would in time
inflict punishment upon him. So he restrained his eagerness; but that it
might appear to have been in his power to have killed him when he refrained
from it, he took his spear, and the cruse of water which stood by Saul
as he lay asleep, without being perceived by any in the camp, who were
all asleep, and went securely away, having performed every thing among
the king's attendants that the opportunity afforded, and his boldness encouraged
him to do. So when he had passed over a brook, and was gotten up to the
top of a hill, whence he might be sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to
Saul's soldiers, and to Abner their commander, and awaked them out of their
sleep, and called both to him and to the people. Hereupon the commander
heard him, and asked who it was that called him. To whom David replied,
"It is I, the son of Jesse, whom you make a vagabond. But what is
the matter? Dost thou, that art a man of so great dignity, and of the first
rank in the king's court, take so little care of thy master's body? and
is sleep of more consequence to thee than his preservation, and thy care
of him? This negligence of yours deserves death, and punishment to be inflicted
on you, who never perceived when, a little while ago, some of us entered
into your camp, nay, as far as to the king himself, and to all the rest
of you. If thou look for the king's spear and his cruse of water, thou
wilt learn what a mighty misfortune was ready to overtake you in your very
camp without your knowing it." Now when Saul knew David's voice, and
understood that when he had him in his power while he was asleep, and his
guards took no care of him, yet did not he kill him, but spared him, when
he might justly have cut him off, he said that he owed him thanks for his
preservation; and exhorted him to be of good courage, and not be afraid
of suffering any mischief from him any more, and to return to his own home,
for he was now persuaded that he did not love himself so well as he was
loved by him: that he had driven away him that could guard him, and had
given many demonstrations of his good-will to him: that he had forced him
to live so long in a state of banishment, and in great fears of his life,
destitute of his friends and his kindred, while still he was often saved
by him, and frequently received his life again when it was evidently in
danger of perishing. So David bade them send for the spear and the cruse
of water, and take them back; adding this withal, That God would be the
judge of both their dispositions, and of the actions that flowed from the
same, "who knows that then it was this day in my power to have killed
thee I abstained from it."</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="319" unit="section" /><p>Thus Saul having escaped the hands of David twice, he went his way
to his royal palace, and his own city: but David was afraid, that if he
staid there he should be caught by Saul; so he thought it better to go
up into the land of the Philistines, and abide there. Accordingly, he came
with the six hundred men that were with him to Achish, the king of Gath,
which was one of their five cities. Now the king received both him and
his men, and gave them a place to inhabit in. He had with him also his
two wives, Ahinoam and Abigail, and he dwelt in Gath. But when Saul heard
this, he took no further care about sending to him, or going after him,
because he had been twice, in a manner, caught by him, while he was himself
endeavoring to catch him. However, David had no mind to continue in the
city of Gath, but desired the king, that since he had received him with
such humanity, that he would grant him another favor, and bestow upon him
some place of that country for his habitation, for he was ashamed, by living
in the city, to be grievous and burdensome to him. So Achish gave him a
certain village called Ziklag; which place David and his sons were fond
of when he was king, and reckoned it to be their peculiar inheritance.
But about those matters we shall give the reader further information elsewhere.
Now the time that David dwelt in Ziklag, in the land of the Philistines,
was four months and twenty days. And now he privately attacked those Geshurites
and Amalekites that were neighbors to the Philistines, and laid waste their
country, and took much prey of their beasts and camels, and then returned
home; but David abstained from the men, as fearing they should discover
him to king Achish; yet did he send part of the prey to him as a free gift.
And when the king inquired whom they had attacked when they brought away
the prey, he said, those that lay to the south of the Jews, and inhabited
in the plain; whereby he persuaded Achish to approve of what he had done,
for he hoped that David had fought against his own nation, and that now
he should have him for his servant all his life long, and that he would
stay in his country.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">NOW SAUL UPON GOD'S NOT ANSWERING HIM CONCERNING THE FIGHT
WITH THE PHILISTINES DESIRED A NECROMANTIC WOMAN TO RAISE UP THE SOUL OF
SAMUEL TO HIM; AND HOW HE DIED, WITH HIS SONS UPON THE OVERTHROW OF THE
HEBREWS IN BATTLE,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="325" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT the same time the Philistines resolved to make war against
the Israelites, and sent to all their confederates that they would go along
with them to the war to Reggan, [near the city Shunem,] whence they might
gather themselves together, and suddenly attack the Hebrews. Then did Achish,
the king of Gath, desire David to assist them with his armed men against
the Hebrews. This he readily promised; and said that the time was now come
wherein he might requite him for his kindness and hospitality. So the king
promised to make him the keeper of his body, after the victory, supposing
that the battle with the enemy succeeded to their mind; which promise of
honor and confidence he made on purpose to increase his zeal for his service.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="327" unit="section" /><p>Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had cast out of the country the
fortune-tellers, and the necromancers, and all such as exercised the like
arts, excepting the prophets. But when he heard that the Philistines were
already come, and had pitched their camp near the city Shunem, situate
in the plain, he made haste to oppose them with his forces; and when he
was come to a certain mountain called Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against
the enemy; but when he saw the enemy's army he was greatly troubled, because
it appeared to him to be numerous, and superior to his own; and he inquired
of God by the prophets concerning the battle, that he might know beforehand
what would be the event of it. And when God did not answer him, Saul was
under a still greater dread, and his courage fell, foreseeing, as was but
reasonable to suppose, that mischief would befall him, now God was not
there to assist him; yet did he bid his servants to inquire out for him
some woman that was a necromancer and called up the souls of the dead,
that So he might know whether his affairs would succeed to his mind; for
this sort of necromantic women that bring up the souls of the dead, do
by them foretell future events to such as desire them. And one of his servants
told him that there was such a woman in the city Endor, but was known to
nobody in the camp; hereupon Saul put off his royal apparel, and took two
of those his servants with him, whom he knew to be most faithful to him,
and came to Endor to the woman, and entreated her to act the part of a
fortune-teller, and to bring up such a soul to him as he should name to
her. But when the woman opposed his motion, and said she did not despise
the king, who had banished this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he did
not do well himself, when she had done him no harm, to endeavor to lay
a snare for her, and to discover that she exercised a forbidden art, in
order to procure her to be punished, he sware that nobody should know what
she did; and that he would not tell any one else what she foretold, but
that she should incur no danger. As soon as he had induced her by
this oath to fear no harm, he bid her bring up to him the soul of Samuel.
She, not knowing who Samuel was, called him out of Hades. When he appeared,
and the woman saw one that was venerable, and of a divine form, she was
in disorder; and being astonished at the sight, she said, "Art not
thou king Saul?" for Samuel had informed her who he was. When he had
owned that to be true, and had asked her whence her disorder arose, she
said that she saw a certain person ascend, who in his form was like to
a god. And when he bid her tell him what he resembled, in what habit he
appeared, and of what age he was, she told him he was an old man already,
and of a glorious personage, and had on a sacerdotal mantle. So the king
discovered by these signs that he was Samuel; and he fell down upon the
ground, and saluted and worshipped him. And when the soul of Samuel asked
him why he had disturbed him, and caused him to be brought up, he lamented
the necessity he was under; for he said, that his enemies pressed heavily
upon him; that he was in distress what to do in his present circumstances;
that he was forsaken of God, and could obtain no prediction of what was
coming, neither by prophets nor by dreams; and that "these were the
reasons why I have recourse to thee, who always took great care of me."
But <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This history of Saul's consultation, not with a witch, as we render the
Hebrew word here, but with a necromancer, as the whole history shows, is
easily understood, especially if we consult the Recognitions of Clement,
B. I. ch. 5. at large, and more briefly, and nearer the days of Samuel
Ecclus. 46:20, "Samuel prophesied after his death, and showed the
king his end, and lift up his voice from the earth in prophecy," to
blot out "the wickedness of the people." Nor does the exactness
of the accomplishment of this prediction, the very next day, permit us
to suppose any imposition upon Saul in the present history; for as to all
modern hypotheses against the natural sense of such ancient and authentic
histories, I take them to be of very small value or consideration.</note>
Samuel, seeing that the end of Saul's life was come, said, "It is
in vain for thee to desire to learn of me any thing future, when God hath
forsaken thee: however, hear what I say, that David is to be king, and
to finish this war with good success; and thou art to lose thy dominion
and thy life, because thou didst not obey God in the war with the Amalekites,
and hast not kept his commandments, as I foretold thee while I was alive.
Know, therefore, that the people shall be made subject to their enemies,
and that thou, with thy sons, shall fall in the battle tomorrow, and thou
shalt then be with me [in Hades]."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="337" unit="section" /><p>When Saul heard this, he could not speak for grief, and fell down
on the floor, whether it were from the sorrow that arose upon what Samuel
had said, or from his emptiness, for he had taken no food the foregoing
day nor night, he easily fell quite down: and when with difficulty he had
recovered himself, the woman would force him to eat, begging this of him
as a favor on account of her concern in that dangerous instance of fortune-telling,
which it was not lawful for her to have done, because of the fear she was
under of the king, while she knew not who he was, yet did she undertake
it, and go through with it; on which account she entreated him to admit
that a table and food might be set before him, that he might recover his
strength, and so get safe to his own camp. And when he opposed her motion,
and entirely rejected it, by reason of his anxiety, she forced him, and
at last persuaded him to it. Now she had one calf that she was very fond
of, and one that she took a great deal of care of, and fed it herself;
for she was a woman that got her living by the labor of her own hands,
and had no other possession but that one calf; this she killed, and made
ready its flesh, and set it before his servants and himself. So Saul came
to the camp while it was yet night.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="340" unit="section" /><p>Now it is but just to recommend the generosity of this woman, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These great commendations of this necromantic woman of Endor, and of Saul's
martial courage, when yet he knew he should die in the battle, are somewhat
unusual digressions in Josephus. They seem to me extracted from some speeches
or declamations of his composed formerly, in the way of oratory, that lay
by him, and which he thought fit to insert upon this occasion. See before
on Antiq. B. I. ch. 6 sect. 8.</note>
because when the king had forbidden her to use that art whence her circumstances
were bettered and improved, and when she had never seen the king before,
she still did not remember to his disadvantage that he had condemned her
sort of learning, and did not refuse him as a stranger, and one that she
had had no acquaintance with; but she had compassion upon him, and comforted
him, and exhorted him to do what he was greatly averse to, and offered
him the only creature she had, as a poor woman, and that earnestly, and
with great humanity, while she had no requital made her for her kindness,
nor hunted after any future favor from him, for she knew he was to die;
whereas men are naturally either ambitious to please those that bestow
benefits upon them, or are very ready to serve those from whom they may
receive some advantage. It would be well therefore to imitate the example
and to do kindnesses to all such as are in want and to think that nothing
is better, nor more becoming mankind, than such a general beneficence,
nor what will sooner render God favorable, and ready to bestow good things
upon us. And so far may suffice to have spoken concerning this woman. But
I shall speak further upon another subject, which will afford me all opportunity
of discoursing on what is for the advantage of cities, and people, and
nations, and suited to the taste of good men, and will encourage them all
in the prosecution of virtue; and is capable of showing them the of acquiring
glory, and an everlasting fame; and of imprinting in the kings of nations,
and the rulers of cities, great inclination and diligence of doing well;
as also of encouraging them to undergo dangers, and to die for their countries,
and of instructing them how to despise all the most terrible adversities:
and I have a fair occasion offered me to enter on such a discourse by Saul
the king of the Hebrews; for although he knew what was coming upon him,
and that he was to die immediately, by the prediction of the prophet, he
did not resolve to fly from death, nor so far to indulge the love of life
as to betray his own people to the enemy, or to bring a disgrace on his
royal dignity; but exposing himself, as well as all his family and children,
to dangers, he thought it a brave thing to fall together with them, as
he was fighting for his subjects, and that it was better his sons should
die thus, showing their courage, than to leave them to their uncertain
conduct afterward, while, instead of succession and posterity, they gained
commendation and a lasting name. Such a one alone seems to me to be a just,
a courageous, and a prudent man; and when any one has arrived at these
dispositions, or shall hereafter arrive at them, he is the man that ought
to be by all honored with the testimony of a virtuous or courageous man:
for as to those that go out to war with hopes of success, and that they
shall return safe, supposing they should have performed some glorious action,
I think those do not do well who call these valiant men, as so many historians
and other writers who treat of them are wont to do, although I confess
those do justly deserve some commendation also; but those only may be styled
courageous and bold in great undertakings, and despisers of adversities,
who imitate Saul: for as for those that do not know what the event of war
will be as to themselves, and though they do not faint in it, but deliver
themselves up to uncertain futurity, and are tossed this way and that way,
this is not so very eminent an instance of a generous mind, although they
happen to perform many great exploits; but when men's minds expect no good
event, but they know beforehand they must die, and that they must undergo
that death in the battle also, after this neither to be aftrighted, nor
to be astonished at the terrible fate that is coming, but to go directly
upon it, when they know it beforehand, this it is that I esteem the character
of a man truly courageous. Accordingly this Saul did, and thereby demonstrated
that all men who desire fame after they are dead are so to act as they
may obtain the same: this especially concerns kings, who ought not to think
it enough in their high stations that they are not wicked in the government
of their subjects, but to be no more than moderately good to them. I could
say more than this about Saul and his courage, the subject affording matter
sufficient; but that I may not appear to run out improperly in his commendation,
I return again to that history from which I made this digression.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="351" unit="section" /><p>Now when the Philistines, as I said before, had pitched their camp,
and had taken an account of their forces, according to their nations, and
kingdoms, and governments, king Achish came last of all with his own army;
after whom came David with his six hundred armed men. And when the commanders
of the Philistines saw him, they asked the king whence these Hebrews came,
and at whose invitation. He answered that it was David, who was fled away
from his master Saul, and that he had entertained him when he came to him,
and that now he was willing to make him this requital for his favors, and
to avenge himself upon Saul, and so was become his confederate. The commanders
complained of this, that he had taken him for a confederate who was an
enemy; and gave him counsel to send him away, lest he should unawares do
his friends a great deal of mischief by entertaining him, for that he afforded
him an opportunity of being reconciled to his master by doing a mischief
to our army. They thereupon desired him, out of a prudent foresight of
this, to send him away, with his six hundred armed men, to the place he
had given him for his habitation; for that this was that David whom the
virgins celebrated in their hymns, as having destroyed many ten thousands
of the Philistines. When the king of Gath heard this, he thought they spake
well; so he called David, and said to him, <emph>"</emph>As for myself,
I can bear witness that thou hast shown great diligence and kindness about
me, and on that account it was that I took thee for my confederate; however,
what I have done does not please the commanders of the Philistines; go
therefore within a day's time to the place I have given thee, without suspecting
any harm, and there keep my country, lest any of our enemies should make
an incursion upon it, which will be one part of that assistance which I
expect from thee." So David came to Ziklag, as the king of Gath bade
him; but it happened, that while he was gone to the assistance of the Philistines,
the Amalekites had made an incursion, and taken Ziklag before, and had
burnt it; and when they had taken a great deal of other prey out of that
place, and out of the other parts of the Philistines' country, they departed.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="357" unit="section" /><p>Now when David found that Ziklag was laid waste, and that it was
all spoiled, and that as well his own wives, who were two, as the wives
of his companions, with their children, were made captives, he presently
rent his clothes, weeping and lamenting, together with his friends; and
indeed he was so cast down with these misfortunes, that at length tears
themselves failed him. He was also in danger of being stoned to death by
his companions, who were greatly afflicted at the captivity of their wives
and children, for they laid the blame upon him of what had happened. But
when he had recovered himself out of his grief, and had raised up his mind
to God, he desired the high priest Abiathar to put on his sacerdotal garments,
and to inquire of God, and to prophesy to him, whether God would grant;
that if he pursued after the Amalekites, he should overtake them, and save
their wives and their children, and avenge himself on the enemies. And
when the high priest bade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, with
his four hundred men, after the enemy; and when he was come to a certain
brook called Besor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about,
an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine, (for he
had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days,）
he first of all gave him sustenance, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed
him. He then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came. Whereupon
the man told him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was left behind by his
master, because he was so sick and weak that he could not follow him. He
also informed him that he was one of those who had burnt and plundered,
not only other parts of Judea, but Ziklag itself also. So David made use
of him as a guide to find oat the Amalekites; and when he had overtaken
them, as they lay scattered about on the ground, some at dinner, some disordered,
and entirely drunk with wine, and in the fruition of their spoils and their
prey, he fell upon them on the sudden, and made a great slaughter among
them; for they were naked, and expected no such thing, but had betaken
themselves to drinking and feasting; and so they were all easily destroyed.
Now some of them that were overtaken as they lay at the table were slain
in that posture, and their blood brought up with it their meat and their
drink. They slew others of them as they were drinking to one another in
their cups, and some of them when their full bellies had made them fall
asleep; and for so many as had time to put on their armor, they slew them
with the sword, with no less case than they did those that were naked;
and for the partisans of David, they continued also the slaughter from
the first hour of the day to the evening, so that there were, not above
four hundred of the Amalekites left; and they only escaped by getting upon
their dromedaries and camels. Accordingly David recovered not only all
the other spoils which the enemy had carried away, but his wives also,
and the wives of his companions. But when they were come to the place where
they had left the two hundred men, which were not able to follow them,
but were left to take care of the stuff, the four hundred men did not think
fit to divide among them any other parts of what they had gotten, or of
the prey, since they did not accompany them, but pretended to be feeble,
and did not follow them in pursuit of the enemy, but said they should be
contented to have safely recovered their wives; yet did David pronounce
that this opinion of theirs was evil and unjust, and that when God had
granted them such a favor, that they had avenged themselves on their enemies,
and had recovered all that belonged to themselves, they should make an
equal distribution of what they had gotten to all, because the rest had
tarried behind to guard their stuff; and from that time this law obtained
among them, that those who guarded the stuff, should receive an equal share
with those that fought in the battle. Now when David was come to Ziklag,
he sent portions of the spoils to all that had been familiar with him,
and to his friends in the tribe of Judah. And thus ended the affairs of
the plundering of Ziklag, and of the slaughter of the Amalekites.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="368" unit="section" /><p>Now upon the Philistines joining battle, there followed a sharp engagement,
and the Philistine, became the conquerors, and slew a great number of their
enemies; but Saul the king of Israel, and his sons, fought courageously,
and with the utmost alacrity, as knowing that their entire glory lay in
nothing else but dying honorably, and exposing themselves to the utmost
danger from the enemy (for they had nothing else to hope for); so they
brought upon themselves the whole power of the enemy, till they were encompassed
round and slain, but not before they had killed many of the Philistines
Now the sons of Saul were Jonathan, and Abinadab, and Malchisua; and when
these were slain the multitude of the Hebrews were put to flight, and all
was disorder, and confusion, and slaughter, upon the Philistines pressing
in upon them. But Saul himself fled, having a strong body of soldiers about
him; and upon the Philistines sending after them those that threw javelins
and shot arrows, he lost all his company except a few. As for himself,
he fought with great bravery; and when he had received so many wounds,
that he was not able to bear up nor to oppose any longer, and yet was not
able to kill himself, he bade his armor-bearer draw his sword, and run
him through, before the enemy should take him alive. But his armor-bearer
not daring to kill his master, he drew his own sword, and placing himself
over against its point, he threw himself upon it; and when he could neither
run it through him, nor, by leaning against it, make the sword pass through
him, he turned him round, and asked a certain young man that stood by who
he was; and when he understood that he was an Amalekite, he desired him
to force the sword through him, because he was not able to do it with his
own hands, and thereby to procure him such a death as he desired. This
the young man did accordingly; and he took the golden bracelet that was
on Saul's arm, and his royal crown that was on his head, and ran away.
And when Saul's armor-bearer saw that he was slain, he killed himself;
nor did any of the king's guards escape, but they all fell upon the mountain
called Gilboa. But when those Hebrews that dwelt in the valley beyond Jordan,
and those who had their cities in the plain, heard that Saul and his sons
were fallen, and that the multitude about them were destroyed, they left
their own cities, and fled to such as were the best fortified and fenced;
and the Philistines, finding those cities deserted, came and dwelt in them.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="374" unit="section" /><p>On the next day, when the Philistines came to strip their enemies
that were slain, they got the bodies of Saul and of his sons, and stripped
them, and cut off their heads; and they sent messengers all about their
country, to acquaint them that their enemies were fallen; and they dedicated
their armor in the temple of Astarte, but hung their bodies on crosses
at the walls of the city Bethshun, which is now called Scythepolls. But
when the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead heard that they had dismembered the
dead bodies of Saul and of his sons, they deemed it so horrid a thing to
overlook this barbarity, and to suffer them to be without funeral rites,
that the most courageous and hardy among them (and indeed that city had
in it men that were very stout both in body and mind) journeyed all night,
and came to Bethshun, and approached to the enemy's wall, and taking down
the bodies of Saul and of his sons, they carried them to Jabesh, while
the enemy were not able enough nor bold enough to hinder them, because
of their great courage. So the people of Jabesh wept all in general, and
buried their bodies in the best place of their country, which was named
Areurn; and they observed a public mourning for them seven days, with their
wives and children, beating their breasts, and lamenting the king and his
sons, without either tasting meat or drink <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This way of speaking in Josephus, of fasting "seven days without meat
or drink," is almost like that of St. Paul, Acts 27:33, "This
day is the fourteenth day that ye have tarried, and continued fasting,
having taken nothing:" and as the nature of the thing, and the impossibility
of strictly fasting so long, require us here to understand both Josephus
and the sacred author of this history, 1 Samuel 30:13, from whom he took
it, of only fasting fill the evening; so must we understand St. Paul, either
that this was really the fourteenth day that they had taken nothing till
the evening, or else that this was the fourteenth day of their tempestuous
weather in the Adriatic Sea, as ver. 27, and that on this fourteenth day
alone they had continued fasting, and had taken nothing before that evening.
The mention of their long abstinence, ver. 21, inclines me to believe the
former explication to he the truth, and that the case was then for a fortnight
what it was here for a week, that they kept all those days entirely as
lasts till the evening, but not longer. See Judges 20:26; 21:2; 1 Samuel
14:24; 2 Samuel 1:12; Antiq. B. VII. ch. 7. sect. 4.</note>
[till the evening.]</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="378" unit="section" /><p>To this his end did Saul come, according to the prophecy of Samuel,
because he disobeyed the commands of God about the Amalekites, and on the
account of his destroying the family of Ahimelech the high priest, with
Ahimelech himself, and the city of the high priests. Now Saul, when he
had reigned eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and after his death
two [and twenty], ended his life in this manner.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="7" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book VII</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FORTY YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF SAUL TO THE DEATH OF DAVID.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID REIGNED OVER ONE TRIBE AT HEBRON WHILE THE SON
OF SAUL REIGNED OVER THE REST OF THE MULTITUDE; AND HOW, IN THE CIVIL WAR
WHICH THEN AROSE ASAHEL AND ABNER WERE SLAIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>THIS fight proved to be on the same day whereon David was come back
to Ziklag, after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now when he had been already
two days at Ziklag, there came to him the man who slew Saul, which was
the third day after the fight. He had escaped out of the battle which the
Israelites had with the Philistines, and had his clothes rent, and ashes
upon his head. And when he made his obeisance to David, he inquired of
him whence he came. He replied, from the battle of the Israelites; and
he informed him that the end of it was unfortunate, many ten thousands
of the Israelites having been cut off, and Saul, together with his sons,
slain. He also said that he could well give him this information, because
he was present at the victory gained over the Hebrews, and was with the
king when he fled. Nor did he deny that he had himself slain the king,
when he was ready to be taken by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him
to do it, because, when he was fallen on his sword, his great wounds had
made him so weak that he was not able to kill himself. He also produced
demonstrations that the king was slain, which were the golden bracelets
that had been on the king's arms, and his crown, which he had taken away
from Saul's dead body, and had brought them to him. So David having no
longer any room to call in question the truth of what he said, but seeing
most evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his garments, and continued
all that day with his companions in weeping and lamentation. This grief
was augmented by the consideration of Jonathan; the son of Saul, who had
been his most faithful friend, and the occasion of his own deliverance.
He also demonstrated himself to have such great virtue, and such great
kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death to heart, though he had
been frequently in danger of losing his life by his means, but to punish
him that slew him; for when David had said to him that he was become his
own accuser, as the very man who had slain the king, and when he had understood
that he was the son of an Amalekite, he commanded him to be slain. He also
committed to writing some lamentations and funeral commendations of Saul
and Jonathan, which have continued to my own age.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="7" unit="section" /><p>Now when David had paid these honors to the king, he left off his
mourning, and inquired of God by the prophet which of the cities of the
tribe of Judah he would bestow upon him to dwell in; who answered that
he bestowed upon him Hebron. So he left Ziklag, and came to Hebron, and
took with him his wives, who were in number two, and his armed men; whereupon
all the people of the forementioned tribe came to him, and ordained him
their king. But when he heard that the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead had
buried Saul and his sons [honorably], he sent to them and commended them,
and took what they had done kindly, and promised to make them amends for
their care of those that were dead; and at the same time he informed them
that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for their king.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="9" unit="section" /><p>But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner, who was general of Saul's army,
and a very active man, and good-natured, knew that the king, and Jonathan,
and his two other sons, were fallen in the battle, he made haste into the
camp; and taking away with him the remaining son of Saul, whose name was
Ishbosheth, he passed over to the land beyond Jordan, and ordained him
the king of the whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Judah; and made
his royal seat in a place called in our own language <emph>Mahanaim</emph>, but
in the language of the Grecians, <emph>The Camps;</emph> from whence Abner
made haste with a select body of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe
of Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry that this tribe had set
up David for their king. But Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mother
Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general of David's army, met him, according
to David's appointment. He had with him his brethren, Abistiai and Asahel,
as also all David's armed men. Now when he met Abner at a certain fountain,
in the city of Gibeon, he prepared to fight. And when Abner said to him,
that he had a mind to know which of them had the more valiant soldiers,
it was agreed between them that twelve soldiers of each side should fight
together. So those that were chosen out by both the generals for this fight
came between the two armies, and throwing their lances one against the
other, they drew their swords, and catching one another by the head, they
held one another fast, and ran each other's swords into their sides and
groins, until they all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished together.
When these were fallen down dead, the rest of the army came to a sore battle,
and Abner's men were beaten; and when they were beaten, Joab did not leave
off pursuing them, but he pressed upon them, and excited the soldiers to
follow them close, and not to grow weary of killing them. His brethren
also pursued them with great alacrity, especially the younger, Asahel,
who was the most eminent of them. He was very famous for his swiftness
of foot, for he could not only be too hard for men, but is reported to
have overrun a horse, when they had a race together. This Asahel ran violently
after Abner, and would not turn in the least out of the straight way, either
to the one side or to the other. Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted
artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he bade him leave off the pursuit,
and take the armor of one of his soldiers; and sometimes, when he could
not persuade him so to do, he exhorted him to restrain himself, and not
to pursue him any longer, lest he should force him to kill him, and he
should then not be able to look his brother in the face: but when Asahel
would not admit of any persuasions, but still continued to pursue him,
Abner smote him with his spear, as he held it in his flight, and that by
a back-stroke, and gave him a deadly wound, so that he died immediately;
but those that were with him pursuing Abner, when they came to the place
where Asahel lay, they stood round about the dead body, and left off the
pursuit of the enemy. However, both Joab <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
ought to be here noted, that Joab, Abishai, and Asahel were all three David's
nephews, the sons of his sister Zeraiah, as 1 Chronicles 2:16; and that
Amasa was also his nephew by his other sister Abigail, ver. 17.</note>
himself, and his brother Abishai, ran past the dead corpse, and making
their anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of greater zeal against
Abner, they went on with incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued Abner
to a certain place called Ammah: it was about sun-set. Then did Joab ascend
a certain hill, as he stood at that place, having the tribe of Benjamin
with him, whence he took a view of them, and of Abner also. Hereupon Abner
cried aloud, and said that it was not fit that they should irritate men
of the same nation to fight so bitterly one against another; that as for
Asahel his brother, he was himself in the wrong, when he would not be advised
by him not to pursue him any farther, which was the occasion of his wounding
and death. So Joab consented to what he said, and accepted these his words
as an excuse [about Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the sound
of the trumpet, as a signal for their retreat, and thereby put a stop to
any further pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp there that night;
but Abner marched all that night, and passed over the river Jordan, and
came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Mahanaim. On the next day Joab counted
the dead men, and took care of all their funerals. Now there were slain
of Abner's soldiers about three hundred and sixty; but of those of David
nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and Abishai carried to Bethlehem;
and when they had buried him in the sepulcher of their fathers, they came
to David to Hebron. From this time therefore there began an intestine war,
which lasted a great while, in which the followers of David grew stronger
in the dangers they underwent, and the servants and subjects of Saul's
sons did almost every day become weaker.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="21" unit="section" /><p>About this time David was become the father of six sons, born
of as many mothers. The eldest was by Ahinoam, and he was called Arenon;
the second was Daniel, by his wife Abigail; the name of the third was Absalom,
by Maacah, the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur; the fourth he named
Adonijah, by his wife Haggith; the fifth was Shephatiah, by Abital; the
sixth he called Ithream, by Eglah. Now while this intestine war went on,
and the subjects of the two kings came frequently to action and to fighting,
it was Abner, the general of the host of Saul's son, who, by his
prudence, and the great interest he had among the multitude, made them
all continue with Ishbosheth; and indeed it was a considerable time that
they continued of his party; but afterwards Abner was blamed, and an accusation
was laid against him, that he went in unto Saul's concubine: her name was
Rispah, the daughter of Aiah. So when he was complained of by Ishbosheth,
he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he had not justice done him
by Ishbosheth, to whom he had shown the greatest kindness; whereupon he
threatened to transfer the kingdom to David, and demonstrate that he did
not rule over the people beyond Jordan by his own abilities and wisdom,
but by his warlike conduct and fidelity in leading his army. So he sent
ambassadors to Hebron to David, and desired that he would give him security
upon oath that he would esteem him his companion and his friend, upon condition
that he should persuade the people to leave Saul's son, and choose him
king of the whole country; and when David had made that league with Abner,
for he was pleased with his message to him, he desired that he would give
this as the first mark of performance of the present league, that he might
have his wife Michal restored to him, as her whom he had purchased with
great hazards, and with those six hundred heads of the Philistines which
he had brought to Saul her father. So Abner took Michal from Phaltiel,
who was then her husband, and sent her to David, Ishbosheth himself affording
him his assistance, for David had written to him that of right he ought
to have this his wife restored to him. Abner also called together the elders
of the multitude, the commanders and captains of thousands, and spake thus
to them: That he had formerly dissuaded them from their own resolution,
when they were ready to forsake Ishbosheth, and to join themselves to David;
that, however, he now gave them leave so to do, if they had a mind to it,
for they knew that God had appointed David to be king of all the Hebrews
by Samuel the prophet; and had foretold that he should punish the Philistines,
and overcome them, and bring them under. Now when the elders and rulers
heard this, and understood that Abner was come over to those sentiments
about the public affairs which they were of before, they changed their
measures, and came in to David. When these men had agreed to Abner's proposal,
he called together the tribe of Benjamin, for all of that tribe were the
guards of Ishbosheth's body, and he spake to them to the same purpose.
And when he saw that they did not in the least oppose what he said, but
resigned themselves up to his opinion, he took about twenty of his friends
and came to David, in order to receive himself security upon oath from
him; for we may justly esteem those things to be firmer which every one
of us do by ourselves, than those which we do by another. He also gave
him an account of what he had said to the rulers, and to the whole tribe
of Benjamin; and when David had received him in a courteous manner, and
had treated him with great hospitality for many days, Abner, when he was
dismissed, desired him to bring the multitude with him, that he might deliver
up the government to him, when David himself was present, and a spectator
of what was done.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="31" unit="section" /><p>When David had sent Abner away, Joab, the of his army, came immediately
to Hebron; he had understood that Abner had been with David, and had parted
with him a little before under leagues and agreements that the government
should be delivered up to David, he feared lest David should place Abner,
who had assisted him to gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dignity,
especially since he was a shrewd man in other respects, in understanding
affairs, and in managing them artfully, as proper seasons should require,
and that he should himself be put lower, and be deprived of the command
of the army; so he took a knavish and a wicked course. In the first place,
he endeavored to calumniate Abner to the king, exhorting him to have a
care of him, and not to give attention to what he had engaged to do for
him, because all he did tended to confirm the government to Saul's son;
that he came to him deceitfully and with guile, and was gone away in hopes
of gaining his purpose by this management: but when he could not thus persuade
David, nor saw him at all exasperated, he betook himself to a project bolder
than the former: - he determined to kill Abner; and in order thereto, he
sent some messengers after him, to whom he gave in charge, that when they
should overtake him they should recall him in David's name, and tell him
that he had somewhat to say to him about his affairs, which he had not
remembered to speak of when he was with him. Now when Abner heard what
the messengers said, (for they overtook him in a certain place called <emph>Besira,
</emph>which was distant from Hebron twenty furlongs,) he suspected none of
the mischief which was befalling him, and came back. Hereupon Joab met
him in the gate, and received him in the kindest manner, as if he were
Abner's most benevolent acquaintance and friend; for such as undertake
the vilest actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of any private mischief
intended, do frequently make the greatest pretenses to what really good
men sincerely do. So he took him aside from his own followers, as if he
would speak with him in private, and brought him into a void place of the
gate, having himself nobody with him but his brother Abishai; then he drew
his sword, and smote him in the groin; upon which Abner died by this treachery
of Joab, which, as he said himself, was in the way of punishment for his
brother Asahel, whom Abner smote and slew as he was pursuing after him
in the battle of Hebron, but as the truth was, out of his fear of losing
his command of the army, and his dignity with the king, and lest he should
be deprived of those advantages, and Abner should obtain the first rank
in David's court. By these examples any one may learn how many and how
great instances of wickedness men will venture upon for the sake of getting
money and authority, and that they may not fail of either of them; for
as when they are desirous of obtaining the same, they acquire them by ten
thousand evil practices; so when they are afraid of losing them, they get
them confirmed to them by practices much worse than the former, as if no
other calamity so terrible could befall them as the failure of acquiring
so exalted an authority; and when they have acquired it, and by long custom
found the sweetness of it, the losing it again: and since this last would
be the heaviest of all afflictions they all of them contrive and venture
upon the most difficult actions, out of the fear of losing the same. But
let it suffice that I have made these short reflections upon that subject.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="39" unit="section" /><p>When David heard that Abner was slain, it grieved his soul; and he
called all men to witness, with stretching out his hands to God, and crying
out that he was not a partaker in the murder of Abner, and that his death
was not procured by his command or approbation. He also wished the heaviest
curses might light upon him that slew him and upon his whole house; and
he devoted those that had assisted him in this murder to the same penalties
on its account; for he took care not to appear to have had any hand in
this murder, contrary to the assurances he had given and the oaths he had
taken to Abner. However, he commanded all the people to weep and lament
this man, and to honor his dead body with the usual solemnities; that is,
by rending their garments, and putting on sackcloth, and that things should
be the habit in which they should go before the bier; after which he followed
it himself, with the elders and those that were rulers, lamenting Abner,
and by his tears demonstrating his good-will to him while he was alive,
and his sorrow for him now he was dead, and that he was not taken off with
his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in a magnificent manner, and indited
funeral elegies for him; he also stood first over the monument weeping,
and caused others to do the same; nay, so deeply did the death of Abner
disorder him, that his companions could by no means force him to take any
food, but he affirmed with an oath that he would taste nothing till the
sun was set. This procedure gained him the good-will of the multitude;
for such as had an affection for Abner were mightily satisfied with the
respect he paid him when he was dead, and the observation of that faith
he had plighted to him, which was shown in his vouchsafing him all the
usual ceremonies, as if he had been his kinsman and his friend, and not
suffering him to be neglected and injured with a dishonorable burial, as
if he had been his enemy; insomuch that the entire nation rejoiced at the
king's gentleness and mildness of disposition, every one being ready to
suppose that the king would have taken the same care of them in the like
circumstances, which they saw be showed in the burial of the dead body
of Abner. And indeed David principally intended to gain a good reputation,
and therefore he took care to do what was proper in this case, whence none
had any suspicion that he was the author of Abner's death. He also said
this to the multitude, that he was greatly troubled at the death of so
good a man; and that the affairs of the Hebrews had suffered great detriment
by being deprived of him, who was of so great abilities to preserve them
by his excellent advice, and by the strength of his hands in war. But he
added, that "God, who hath a regard to all men's actions, will not
suffer this man [Joab] to go off unrevenged; but know ye, that I am not
able to do any thing to these sons of Zeruiah, Joab and Abishai, who have
more power than I have; but God will requite their insolent attempts upon
their own heads." And this was the fatal conclusion of the life of
Abner.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT UPON THE SLAUGHTER OF ISHBOSHETH BY THE TREACHERY OF
HIS FRIENDS, DAVID RECEIVED THE WHOLE KINGDOM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="46" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, had heard of the death of Abner,
he took it to heart to be deprived of a man that was of his kindred, and
had indeed given him the kingdom, but was greatly afflicted, and
Abner's death very much troubled him; nor did he himself outlive any long
time, but was treacherously set upon by the sons of Rimmon, (Baanah and
Rechab were their names,) and was slain by them; for these being of a family
of the Benjamites, and of the first rank among them, thought that if they
should slay Ishbosheth, they should obtain large presents from David, and
be made commanders by him, or, however, should have some other trust committed
to them. So when they once found him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upper
room, when none of his guards were there, and when the woman that kept
the door was not watching, but was fallen asleep also, partly on account
of the labor she had undergone, and partly on account of the heat of the
day, these men went into the room in which Ishbosheth, Saul's son, lay
asleep, and slew him; they also cut off his head, and took their journey
all that night, and the next day, as supposing themselves flying away from
those they had injured, to one that would accept of this action as a favor,
and would afford them security. So they came to Hebron, and showed David
the head of Ishbosheth, and presented themselves to him as his well-wishers,
and such as had killed one that was his enemy and antagonist. Yet David
did not relish what they had done as they expected, but said to them, "You
vile wretches, you shall immediately receive the punishment you deserve.
Did not you know what vengeance I executed on him that murdered Saul, and
brought me his crown of gold, and this while he who made this slaughter
did it as a favor to him, that he might not be caught by his enemies? Or
do you imagine that I am altered in my disposition, and suppose that I
am not the same man I then was, but am pleased with men that are wicked
doers, and esteem your vile actions, when you are become murderers of your
master, as grateful to me, when you have slain a righteous man upon his
bed, who never did evil to any body, and treated you with great good-will
and respect? Wherefore you shall suffer the punishment due on his account,
and the vengeance I ought to inflict upon you for killing Ishbosheth, and
for supposing that I should take his death kindly at your hands; for you
could not lay a greater blot on my honor, than by making such a supposal."
When David had said this, he tormented them with all sorts of torments,
and then put them to death; and he bestowed all accustomed rites on the
burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and laid it in the grave of Abner.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="53" unit="section" /><p>When these things were brought to this conclusion, all the principal
men of the Hebrew people came to David to Hebron, with the heads of thousands,
and other rulers, and delivered themselves up to him, putting him in mind
of the good-will they had borne to him in Saul's lifetime, and the respect
they then had not ceased to pay him when he was captain of a thousand,
as also that he was chosen of God by Samuel the prophet, he and his sons;
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
may be a true observation of Josephus's, that Samuel by command from God
entailed the crown on David and his posteerity; for no further did that
entail ever reach, Solomon himself having never had any promise made him
that his posterity should always have the right to it.</note> and declaring
besides, how God had given him power to save the land of the Hebrews, and
to overcome the Philistines. Whereupon he received kindly this their alacrity
on his account; and exhorted them to continue in it, for that they should
have no reason to repent of being thus disposed to him. So when he had
feasted them, and treated them kindly, he sent them out to bring all the
people to him; upon which came to him about six thousand and eight hundred
armed men of the tribe of Judah, who bare shields and spears for their
weapons, for these had [till now] continued with Saul's son, when
the rest of the tribe of Judah had ordained David for their king. There
came also seven thousand and one hundred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out
of the tribe of Levi came four thousand and seven hundred, having Jehoiada
for their leader. After these came Zadok the high priest, with twenty-two
captains of his kindred. Out of the tribe of Benjamin the armed men were
four thousand; but the rest of the tribe continued, still expecting that
some one of the house of Saul should reign over them. Those of the tribe
of Ephraim were twenty thousand and eight hundred, and these mighty men
of valor, and eminent for their strength. Out of the half tribe of Manasseh
came eighteen thousand, of the most potent men. Out of the tribe of Issachar
came two hundred, who foreknew what was to come hereafter, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These
words of Josephus concerning the tribe of Issachar, "who foreknew what was
to come hereafter," are best paraphrased by the parallel text. 1 Chronicles
12:32, "Who had understanding of the times to know what Israel ought
to do;" that is, who had so much knowledge in astronomy as to make
calendars for the Israelites, that they might keep their festivals, and
plough and sow, and gather in their harvests and vintage, in due season.</note>
but of armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe of Zebulon fifty thousand
chosen men. This was the only tribe that came universally in to David,
and all these had the same weapons with the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe
of Naphtali the eminent men and rulers were one thousand, whose weapons
were shields and spears, and the tribe itself followed after, being (in
a manner) innumerable [thirty-seven thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan
there were of chosen men twenty-seven thousand and six hundred. Out of
the tribe of Asher were forty thousand. Out of the two tribes that were
beyond Jordan, and the rest of the tribe of Manasseh, such as used shields,
and spears, and head-pieces, and swords, were a hundred and twenty thousand.
The rest of the tribes also made use of swords. This multitude came together
to Hebron to David, with a great quantity of corn, and wine, and all other
sorts of food, and established David in his kingdom with one consent. And
when the people had rejoiced for three days in Hebron, David and all the
people removed and came to Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID LAID SIEGE TO JERUSALEM; AND WHEN HE HAD TAKEN
THE CITY, HE CAST THE CANAANITES OUT OF IT, AND BROUGHT IN THE JEWS TO
INHABIT THEREIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="61" unit="section" /><p>NOW the Jebusites, who were the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and were
by extraction Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the blind, and the
lame, and all their maimed persons, upon the wall, in way of derision of
the king, and said that the very lame themselves would hinder his entrance
into it. This they did out of contempt of his power, and as depending on
the strength of their walls. David was hereby enraged, and began the siege
of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost diligence and alacrity therein, as
intending by the taking of this place to demonstrate his power, and to
intimidate all others that might be of the like [evil] disposition towards
him. So he took the lower city by force, but the citadel held out still;
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What
our other copies say of Mount Sion, as alone properly called the city of
David, 2 Samuel 5:6-9, and of this its siege and conquest now by David,
Josephus applies to the whole city Jerusalem, though including the citadel
also; by what authority we do not now know perhaps, after David had united
them together, or joined the citadel to the lower city, as sect. 2, Josephus
esteemed them as one city. However, this notion seems to be confirmed by
what the same Josephus says concerning David's and many other kings of
Judah's sepulchers, which as the authors of the books of Kings and Chronicles
say were in the city of David, so does Josephus still say they were in
Jerusalem. The sepulcher of David seems to have been also a known place
in the several days of Hyrcanus, of Herod, and of St. Peter, Antiq. B.
XIII. ch. 8. sect. 4 B. XVI. ch. 8. sect. 1; Acts 2:29. Now no such royal
sepulchers have been found about Mount Sion, but are found close by the
north wall of Jerusalem, which I suspect, therefore, to be these very sepulchers.
See the note on ch. 15. sect. 3. In the meantime, Josephus's explication
of the lame, and the blind, and the maimed, as set to keep this city or
citadel, seems to be the truth, and gives the best light to that history
in our Bible. Mr. Ottius truly observes, (up. Hayercamp, p. 305,) that
Josephus never mentions Mount Sion by that name, as taking it for an appellative,
as I suppose, and not for a proper name; he still either styles it The
Citadel, or The Upper City; nor do I see any reason for Mr. Ottius's evil
suspicions about this procedure of Josephus.</note> whence
it was that the king, knowing that the proposal of dignities and rewards
would encourage the soldiers to greater actions, promised that he who should
first go over the ditches that were beneath the citadel, and should ascend
to the citadel itself and take it, should have the command of the entire
people conferred upon him. So they all were ambitious to ascend, and thought
no pains too great in order to ascend thither, out of their desire of the
chief command. However, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the rest; and
as soon as he was got up to the citadel, cried out to the king, and claimed
the chief command.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="65" unit="section" /><p>When David had cast the Jebusites out of the citadel, he also rebuilt
Jerusalem, and named it <emph>The City of David</emph>, and abode there all the
time of his reign; but for the time that he reigned over the tribe of Judah
only in Hebron, it was seven years and six months. Now when he had chosen
Jerusalem to be his royal city, his affairs did more and more prosper,
by the providence of God, who took care that they should improve and be
augmented. Hiram also, the king of the Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him,
and made a league of mutual friendship and assistance with him. He also
sent him presents, cedar-trees, and mechanics, and men skillful in building
and architecture, that they might build him a royal palace at Jerusalem.
Now David made buildings round about the lower city: he also joined the
citadel to it, and made it one body; and when he had encompassed all with
walls, he appointed Joab to take care of them. It was David, therefore,
who first cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, and called it by his own
name, <emph>The City of David</emph>: for under our forefather Abraham it was
called (Salem, or) Solyma; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Some
copies of Josephus have here Solyma, or Salem; and others Hierosolyma,
or Jerusalem. The latter best agree to what Josephus says elsewhere, (Of
the War, B. VI. ch. 10.,) that this city was called Solyma, or Salem, before
the days of Melchisedec, but was by him called Hierosolyma, or Jerusalem.
I rather suppose it to have been so called after Abraham had received that
oracle Jehovah Jireh, "The Lord will see, or provide," Genesis
22;14. The latter word, Jireh, with a little alteration, prefixed to the
old name Salem, Peace, will be Jerusalem; and since that expression, "God
will see," or rather, "God will provide himself a lamb for a
burnt-offering," ver. 8, 14, is there said to have been proverbial
till the days of Moses, this seems to me the most probable derivation of
that name, which will then denote that God would provide peace by that
"Lamb of God which was to take away the sins of the world." However,
that which is put into brackets can hardly be supposed the genuine words
of Josephus, as Dr. Hudson well judges.</note>
but after that time, some say that Homer mentions it by that name of Solyma,
[for he named the temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew language, which
denotes <emph>security.]</emph> Now the whole time from the warfare under Joshua
our general against the Canaanites, and from that war in which he overcame
them, and distributed the land among the Hebrews, (nor could the Israelites
ever cast the Canaanites out of Jerusalem until this time, when David took
it by siege,) this whole time was five hundred and fifteen years.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="69" unit="section" /><p>I shall now make mention of Araunah, who was a wealthy man among
the Jebusites, but was not slain by David in the siege of Jerusalem, because
of the good-will he bore to the Hebrews, and a particular benignity and
affection which he had to the king himself; which I shall take a more seasonable
opportunity to speak of a little afterwards. Now David married other wives
over and above those which he had before: he had also concubines. The sons
whom he had were in number eleven, whose names were Amnon, Emnos, Eban,
Nathan, Solomon, Jeban, Elien, Phalna, Ennaphen, Jenae, Eliphale; and a
daughter, Tamar. Nine of these were born of legitimate wives, but the two
last-named of concubines; and Tamar had the same mother with Absalom.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT WHEN DAVID HAD CONQUERED THE PHILISTINES WHO MADE WAR
AGAINST HIM AT JERUSALEM, HE REMOVED THE ARK TO JERUSALEM AND HAD A MIND
TO BUILD A TEMPLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="71" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the Philistines understood that David was made king of the Hebrews,
they made war against him at Jerusalem; and when they had seized upon that
valley which is called <emph>The Valley of the Giants</emph>, and is a place
not far from the city, they pitched their camp therein; but the king of
the Jews, who never permitted himself to do any thing without prophecy,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
deserves here to be remarked, that Saul very rarely, and David very frequently,
consulted God by Urim; and that David aimed always to depend, not on his
own prudence or abilities but on the Divine direction, contrary to Saul's
practice. See sect. 2, and the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9; and
when Saul's daughter, (but David's wife,) Michal, laughed at David's dancing
before the ark, 2 Samuel 6:16, &amp;c., and here, sect. l, 2, 3, it is
probable she did so, because her father Saul did not use to pay such a
regard to the ark, to the Urim there inquired by, or to God's worship before
it, and because she thought it beneath the dignity of a king to be so religious.</note> and the
command of God and without depending on him as a security for the time
to come, bade the high priest to foretell to him what was the will of God,
and what would be the event of this battle. And when he foretold that he
should gain the victory and the dominion, he led out his army against the
Philistines; and when the battle was joined, he came himself behind, and
fell upon the enemy on the sudden, and slew some of them, and put the rest
to flight. And let no one suppose that it was a small army of the Philistines
that came against the Hebrews, as guessing so from the suddenness of their
defeat, and from their having performed no great action, or that was worth
recording, from the slowness of their march, and want of courage; but let
him know that all Syria and Phoenicia, with many other nations besides
them, and those warlike nations also, came to their assistance, and had
a share in this war, which thing was the only cause why, when they had
been so often conquered, and had lost so many ten thousands of their men,
they still came upon the Hebrews with greater armies; nay, indeed, when
they had so often failed of their purpose in these battles, they came upon
David with an army three times as numerous as before, and pitched their
camp on the same spot of ground as before. The king of Israel therefore
inquired of God again concerning the event of the battle; and the high
priest prophesied to him, that he should keep his army in the groves, called
the <emph>Groves of Weeping</emph>, which were not far from the enemy's camp,
and that he should not move, nor begin to fight, till the trees of the
grove should be in motion without the wind's blowing; but as soon as these
trees moved, and the time foretold to him by God was come, he should, without
delay, go out to gain what was an already prepared and evident victory;
for the several ranks of the enemy's army did not sustain him, but retreated
at the first onset, whom he closely followed, and slew them as he went
along, and pursued them to the city Gaza (which is the limit of their country):
after this he spoiled their camp, in which he found great riches; and he
destroyed their gods.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="78" unit="section" /><p>When this had proved the event of the battle, David thought it proper,
upon a consultation with the elders, and rulers, and captains of thousands,
to send for those that were in the flower of their age out of all his countrymen,
and out of the whole land, and withal for the priests and the Levites,
in order to their going to Kirjathjearim, to bring up the ark of God out
of that city, and to carry it to Jerusalem, and there to keep it, and offer
before it those sacrifices and those other honors with which God used to
be well-pleased; for had they done thus in the reign of Saul, they had
not undergone any great misfortunes at all. So when the whole body of the
people were come together, as they had resolved to do, the king came to
the ark, which the priest brought out of the house of Aminadab, and laid
it upon a new cart, and permitted their brethren and their children to
draw it, together with the oxen. Before it went the king, and the whole
multitude of the people with him, singing hymns to God, and making use
of all sorts of songs usual among them, with variety of the sounds of musical
instruments, and with dancing and singing of psalms, as also with the sounds
of trumpets and of cymbals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem. But as
they were come to the threshing-floor of Chidon, a place so called, Uzzah
was slain by the anger of God; for as the oxen shook the ark, he stretched
out his hand, and would needs take hold of it. Now, because he was not
a priest <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus
seems to be partly in the right, when he observes here that Uzzah was no
priest, (though perhaps he might be a Levite,) and was therefore struck
dead for touching the ark, contrary to the law, and for which profane rashness
death was the penalty by that law, Numbers 4:15, 20. See the like before,
Antiq. B. VI. ch. 1. sect. 4. It is not improbable that the putting this
ark in a cart, when it ought to have been carried by the priests or Levites,
as it was presently here in Josephus so carried from Obededom's house to
David's, might be also an occasion of the anger of God on that breach of
his law. See Numbers 4:15; 1 Chronicles 15:13.</note>
and yet touched the ark, God struck him dead. Hereupon both the king and
the people were displeased at the death of Uzzah; and the place where he
died is still called the <emph>Breach of Uzzah</emph> unto this day. So David
was afraid; and supposing that if he received the ark to himself into the
city, he might suffer in the like manner as Uzzah had suffered, who, upon
his bare putting out his hand to the ark, died in the manner already mentioned,
he did not receive it to himself into the city, but he took it aside unto
a certain place belonging to a righteous man, whose name was Obededom,
who was by his family a Levite, and deposited the ark with him; and it
remained there three entire months. This augmented the house of Obededom,
and conferred many blessings upon it. And when the king heard what had
befallen Obededom, how he was become, of a poor man in a low estate, exceeding
happy, and the object of envy to all those that saw or inquired after his
house, he took courage, and, hoping that he should meet with no misfortune
thereby, he transferred the ark to his own house; the priests carrying
it, while seven companies of singers, who were set in that order by the
king, went before it, and while he himself played upon the harp, and joined
in the music, insomuch, that when his wife Michel, the daughter of Saul,
who was our first king, saw him so doing, she laughed at him. But when
they had brought in the ark, they placed it under the tabernacle which
David had pitched for it, and he offered costly sacrifices and peace-offerings,
and treated the whole multitude, and dealt both to the women, and the men,
and the infants a loaf of bread and a cake, and another cake baked in a
pan, with the portion of the sacrifice. So when he had thus feasted the
people, he sent them away, and he himself returned to his own house.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="87" unit="section" /><p>But when Michal his wife, the daughter of Saul, came and stood by
him, she wished him all other happiness, and entreated that whatsoever
he should further desire, to the utmost possibility, might be given him
by God, and that he might be favorable to him; yet did she blame him, that
so great a king as he was should dance after an unseemly manner, and in
his dancing, uncover himself among the servants and the handmaidens. But
he replied, that he was not ashamed to do what was acceptable to God, who
had preferred him before her father, and before all others; that he would
play frequently, and dance, without any regard to what the handmaidens
and she herself thought of it. So this Michal, who was David's wife, had
no children; however, when she was afterward married to him to whom Saul
her father had given her, (for at this time David had taken her away from
him, and had her himself,) she bare five children. But concerning those
matters I shall discourse in a proper place.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="90" unit="section" /><p>Now when the king saw that his affairs grew better almost every day,
by the will of God, he thought he should offend him, if, while he himself
continued in houses made of cedar, such as were of a great height, and
had the most curious works of architecture in them, he should overlook
the ark while it was laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build a
temple to God, as Moses had predicted such a temple should be built. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus
here informs us, that, according to his understanding of the sense of his
copy of the Pentateuch, Moses had himself foretold the building of the
temple, which yet is no where, that I know of, in our present copies. And
that this is not a mistake set down by him unwarily, appears by what he
observed before, on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 46, how Moses foretold that,
upon the Jews' future disobedience, their temple should be burnt and rebuilt,
and that not once only, but several times afterward. See also Josephus's
mention of God's former commands to build such a temple presently, ch.
14. sect. 2, contrary to our other copies, or at least to our translation
of the Hebrew, 2 Samuel 7:6, 7; 1 Chronicles 17:5, 6.</note>
And when he had discoursed with Nathan the prophet about these things,
and had been encouraged by him to do whatsoever he had a mind to do, as
having God with him, and his helper in all things, he was thereupon the
more ready to set about that building. But God appeared to Nathan that
very night, and commanded him to say to David, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus
seems, in this place, with our modern interpreters to confound the two
distinct predictions which God made to David and to Nathan, concerning
the building him a temple by one of David's posterity; the one belongeth
to Solomon, the other to the Messiah; the distinction between which is
of the greatest consequence to the Christian religion.</note>
that he took his purpose and his desires kindly, since nobody had before
now taken it into their head to build him a temple, although upon his having
such a notion he would not permit him to build him that temple, because
he had made many wars, and was defiled with the slaughter of his enemies;
that, however, after his death, in his old age, and when he had lived a
long life, there should be a temple built by a son of his, who should take
the kingdom after him, and should be called Solomon, whom he promised to
provide for, as a father provides for his son, by preserving the kingdom
for his son's posterity, and delivering it to them; but that he would still
punish him, if he sinned, with diseases and barrenness of land. When David
understood this from the prophet, and was overjoyful at this knowledge
of the sure continuance of the dominion to his posterity, and that his
house should be splendid, and very famous, he came to the ark, and fell
down on his face, and began to adore God, and to return thanks to him for
all his benefits, as well for those that he had already bestowed upon him
in raising him from a low state, and from the employment of a shepherd,
to so great dignity of dominion and glory; as for those also which he had
promised to his posterity; and besides, for that providence which he had
exercised over the Hebrews in procuring them the liberty they enjoyed.
And when he had said thus, and had sung a hymn of praise to God, he went
his way.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID BROUGHT UNDER THE PHILISTINES, AND THE MOABITES,
AND THE KINGS OF SOPHENE AND OF DAMASCUS, AND OF THE SYRIANS AS ALSO THE
IDUMEANS, IN WAR; AND HOW HE MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE KING OF HAMATH; AND
WAS MINDFUL OF THE FRIENDSHIP THAT JONATHAN, THE SON OF SAUL, HAD BORNE
HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="96" unit="section" /><p>A LITLLE while after this, he considered that he ought to make war
against the Philistines, and not to see any idleness or laziness permitted
in his management, that so it might prove, as God had foretold to him,
that when he had overthrown his enemies, he should leave his posterity
to reign in peace afterward: so he called together his army again, and
when he had charged them to be ready and prepared for war, and when he
thought that all things in his army were in a good state, he removed from
Jerusalem, and came against the Philistines; and when he had overcome them
in battle, and had cut off a great part of their country, and adjoined
it to the country of the Hebrews, he transferred the war to the Moabites;
and when he had overcome two parts of their army in battle, he took the
remaining part captive, and imposed tribute upon them, to be paid annually.
He then made war against Iadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of Sophene;
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether Syria Zobah, 2 Samuel 3:8; 1 Chronicles 18:3-8, be Sophene, as
Josephus here supposes; which yet Ptolemy places beyond Euphrates, as Dr.
Hudson observes here, whereas Zobah was on this side; or whether Josephus
was not here guilty of a mistake in his geography; I cannot certainly determine.</note> and
when he had joined battle with him at 'the river Euphrates, he destroyed
twenty thousand of his footmen, and about seven thousand of his horsemen.
He also took a thousand of his chariots, and destroyed the greatest part
of them, and ordered that no more than one hundred should be kept. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">David's reserving only one hundred chariots for himself out of one thousand
he had taken from Hadadezer, was most probably in compliance with the law
of Moses, which forbade a king of Israel "to multiply horses to himself,"
Deuteronomy 17:16; one of the principal uses of horses in Judea at that
time being for drawing their chariots. See Joshua 12:6; and Antiq. B. V.
ch. 1. sect. 18. It deserves here to be remarked, that this Hadad, being
a very great king, was conquered by David, whose posterity yet for several
generations were called Benhadad, or the son of Hadad, till the days of
Hazael, whose son Adar or Ader is also in our Hebrew copy (2 Kings 13:24)
written Benhadad, but in Josephus Adad or Adar. And strange it is, that
the son of Hazael, said to be such in the same text, and in Josephus, Antiq.
B. IX. ch. 8. sect. 7, should still be called the son of Hadad. I would,
therefore, here correct our Hebrew copy from Josephus's, which seems to
have the true reading. nor does the testimony of Nicolaus of Damascus,
produced in this place by Josephus, seem to be faultless, when it says
that he was the third of the Hadads, or second of the Benhadads, who besieged
Samaria in the days of Ahab. He must rather have been the seventh or eighth,
if there were ten in all of that name, as we are assured there were. For
this testimony makes all the Hadads or Benhadads of the same line, and
to have immediately succeeded one another; whereas Hazael was not of that
line, nor is he called Hadad or Benhadad in any copy. And note, that from
this Hadad, in the days of David, to the beginning of Hazael, were near
two hundred years, according to the exactest chronology of Josephus.</note></p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>Now when Hadad, king of Damascus and of Syria, heard that David fought
against Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to his assistance with a
powerful army, in hopes to rescue him; and when he had joined battle with
David at the river Euphrates, he failed of his purpose, and lost in the
battle a great number of his soldiers; for there were slain of the army
of Hadad twenty thousand, and all the rest fled. Nicelens also [of Damascus]
makes mention of this king in the fourth book of his histories; where he
speaks thus: "A great while after these things had happened, there
was one of that country whose name was Hadad, who was become very potent;
he reigned over Damascus, and, the other parts of Syria, excepting Phoenicia.
He made war against David, the king of Judea, and tried his fortune in
many battles, and particularly in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein
he was beaten. He seemed to have been the most excellent of all their kings
in strength and manhood," Nay, besides this, he says of his posterity,
that "they succeeded one another in his kingdom, and in his name;"
where he thus speaks: "When Hadad was dead, his posterity reigned
for ten generations, each of his successors receiving from his father <emph>that
</emph>his dominion, and <emph>this</emph> his name; as did the Ptolemies in Egypt.
But the third was the most powerful of them all, and was willing to avenge
the defeat his forefather had received; so he made an expedition against
the Jews, and laid waste the city which is now called Samaria." Nor
did he err from the truth; for this is that Hadad who made the expedition
against Samaria, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel, concerning whom
we shall speak in due place hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="104" unit="section" /><p>Now when David had made an expedition against Damascus, and the other
parts of Syria, and had brought it all into subjection, and had placed
garrisons in the country, and appointed that they should pay tribute, he
returned home. He also dedicated to God at Jerusalem the golden quivers,
the entire armor which the guards of Hadad used to wear; which Shishak,
the king of Egypt, took away when he fought with David's grandson, Rehoboam,
with a great deal of other wealth which he carried out of Jerusalem. However,
these things will come to be explained in their proper places hereafter.
Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was assisted by God, who gave him
great success in his wars, and he made all expedition against the best
cities of Hadadezer, Betah and Machen; so he took them by force, and laid
them waste. Therein was found a very great quantity of gold and silver,
besides that sort of brass which is said to be more valuable than gold;
of which brass Solomon made that large vessel which was called <emph>The [Brazen]
Sea</emph>, and those most curious lavers, when he built the temple for God.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="107" unit="section" /><p>But when the king of Hamath was informed of the ill success of Hadadezer,
and had heard of the ruin of his army, he was afraid on his own account,
and resolved to make a league of friendship and fidelity with David before
he should come against him; so he sent to him his son Joram, and professed
that he owed him thanks for fighting against Hadadezer, who was his enemy,
and made a league with him of mutual assistance and friendship. He also
sent him presents, vessels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of silver,
and of brass. So when David had made this league of mutual assistance with
Toi, (for that was the name of the king of Hamath,) and had received the
presents he sent him, he dismissed his son with that respect which was
due on both sides; but then David brought those presents that were sent
by him, as also the rest of the gold and silver which he had taken of the
cities whom he had conquered, and dedicated them to God. Nor did God give
victory and success to him only when he went to the battle himself, and
led his own army, but he gave victory to Abishai, the brother of Joab,
general of his forces, over the Idumeans, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By this great victory over the Idameans or Edomites, the posterity of Esau,
and by the consequent tribute paid by that nation to the Jews, were the
prophecies delivered to Rebecca before Jacob and Esau were born, and by
old Isaac before his death, that the elder, Esau, (or the Edomites,) should
serve and the younger, Jacob, (or the Israelites,) and Jacob (or the Israelites)
should be Esau's (or the Edomites') lord, remarkably fulfilled. See Antiq.
B. VIII. ch 7. sect. 6; Genesis 25;9,3; and the notes on Antiq. B. I. ch.
18. sect. 5, 6.</note>
and by him to David, when he sent him with an army into Idumea: for Abishai
destroyed eighteen thousand of them in the battle; whereupon the king [of
Israel] placed garrisons through all Idumea, and received the tribute of
the country, and of every head among them. Now David was in his nature
just, and made his determination with regard to truth. He had for the general
of his whole army Joab; and he made Jehoshaphat, the son of Ahilud, recorder.
He also appointed Zadok, of the family of Phinehas, to be high priest,
together with Abiathar, for he was his friend. He also made Seisan the
scribe, and committed the command over the guards of his body to Benaiah;
the son of Jehoiada. His elder sons were near his body, and had the care
of it also.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="111" unit="section" /><p>He also called to mind the covenants and the oaths he had made with
Jonathan, the son of Saul, and the friendship and affection Jonathan had
for him; for besides all the rest of his excellent qualities with which
he was endowed, he was also exceeding mindful of such as had at other times
bestowed benefits upon him. He therefore gave order that inquiry should
be made, whether any of Jonathan's lineage were living, to whom he might
make return of that familiar acquaintance which Jonathan had had with him,
and for which he was still debtor. And when one of Saul's freed men was
brought to him, who was acquainted with those of his family that were still
living, he asked him whether he could tell him of any one belonging to
Jonathan that was now alive, and capable of a requital of the benefits
which he had received from Jonathan. And he said, that a son of his was
remaining, whose name was Mephibosheth, but that he was lame of his feet;
for that when his nurse heard that the father and grandfather of the child
were fallen in the battle, she snatched him up, and fled away, and let
him fall from her shoulders, and his feet were lamed. So when he had learned
where and by whom he was brought up, he sent messengers to Machir, to the
city of Lodebar, for with him was the son of Jonathan brought up, and sent
for him to come to him. So when Mephibosheth came to the king, he fell
on his face and worshipped him; but David encouraged him, bade him be of
good cheer, and expect better times. So he gave him his father's house,
and all the estate which his grandfather Saul was in possession of, and
bade him come and diet with him at his own table, and never to be absent
one day from that table. And when the youth had worshipped him on account
of his words and gifts given to him, he called for Ziba, and told him that
he had given the youth his father's house, and all Saul's estate. He also
ordered that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take care of it, and bring
him the profits of all to Jerusalem. Accordingly, David brought him to
his table every day, and bestowed upon the youth, Ziba and his sons, who
were in number fifteen, and his servants, who were in number twenty. When
the king had made these appointments, and Ziba had worshipped him, and
promised to do all that he had bidden him, he went his way; so that this
son of Jonathan dwelt at Jerusalem, and dieted at the king's table, and
had the same care that a son could claim taken of him. He also had himself
a son, whom he named Micha.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE WAR WAS WAGED AGAINST THE AMMONITES AND HAPPILY CONCLUDED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="117" unit="section" /><p>THIS were the honors that such as were left of Saul's and Jonathan's
lineage received from David. About this time died Nahash, the king of the
Ammonites, who was a friend of David's; and when his son had succeeded
his father in the kingdom, David sent ambassadors to him to comfort him;
and exhorted him to take his father's death patiently, and to expect that
he would continue the same kindness to himself which he had shown to his
father. But the princes of the Ammonites took this message in evil part,
and not as David's kind dispositions gave reason to take it; and they excited
the king to resent it; and said that David had sent men to spy out the
country, and what strength it had, under the pretense of humanity and kindness.
They further advised him to have a care, and not to give heed to David's
words, lest he should be deluded by him, and so fall into an inconsolable
calamity. Accordingly Nahash's [son], the king of the Ammonites, thought
these princes spake what was more probable than the truth would admit,
and so abused the ambassadors after a very harsh manner; for he shaved
the one half of their beards, and cut off one half of their garments, and
sent his answer, not in words, but in deeds. When the king of Israel saw
this, he had indignation at it, and showed openly that he would not overlook
this injurious and contumelious treatment, but would make war with the
Ammonites, and would avenge this wicked treatment of his ambassadors on
their king. So that king's intimate friends and commanders, understanding
that they had violated their league, and were liable to be punished for
the same, made preparations for war; they also sent a thousand talents
to the Syrian king of Mesopotamia, and endeavored to prevail with him to
assist them for that pay, and Shobach. Now these kings had twenty thousand
footmen. They also hired the king of the country called Maacah, and a fourth
king, by name Ishtob; which last had twelve thousand armed men.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="122" unit="section" /><p>But David was under no consternation at this confederacy, nor at
the forces of the Ammonites; and putting his trust in God, because he was
going to war in a just cause, on account of the injurious treatment he
had met with, he immediately sent Joab, the captain of his host, against
them, and gave him the flower of his army, who pitched his camp by Rabbah,
the metropolis of the Ammonites; whereupon the enemy came out, and set
themselves in array, not all of them together, but in two bodies; for the
auxiliaries were set in array in the plain by themselves, but the army
of the Ammonites at the gates over against the Hebrews. When Joab saw this,
he opposed one stratagem against another, and chose out the most hardy
part of his men, and set them in opposition to the king of Syria, and the
kings that were with him, and gave the other part to his brother Abishai,
and bid him set them in opposition to the Ammonites; and said to him, that
in case he should see that the Syrians distressed him, and were too hard
for him, he should order his troops to turn about and assist him; and he
said that he himself would do the same to him, if he saw him in the like
distress from the Ammonites. So he sent his brother before, and encouraged
him to do every thing courageously and with alacrity, which would teach
them to be afraid of disgrace, and to fight manfully; and so he dismissed
him to fight with the Ammonites, while he fell upon the Syrians. And though
they made a strong opposition for a while, Joab slew many of them, but
compelled the rest to betake themselves to flight; which, when the Ammonites
saw, and were withal afraid of Abishai and his army, they staid
no longer, but imitated their auxiliaries, and fled to the city. So Joab,
when he had thus overcome the enemy, returned with great joy to Jerusalem
to the king.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="127" unit="section" /><p>This defeat did not still induce the Ammonites to be quiet, nor to
own those that were superior to them to be so, and be still, but they sent
to Chalaman, the king of the Syrians, beyond Euphrates, and hired him for
an auxiliary. He had Shobach for the captain of his host, with eighty thousand
footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. Now when the king of the Hebrews understood
that the Ammonites had again gathered so great an army together, he determined
to make war with them no longer by his generals, but he passed over the
river Jordan himself with all his army; and when he met them he joined
battle with them, and overcame them, and slew forty thousand of their footmen,
and seven thousand of their horsemen. He also wounded Shobach, the general
of Chalaman's forces, who died of that stroke; but the people of Mesopotamia,
upon such a conclusion of the battle, delivered themselves up to David,
and sent him presents, who at winter time returned to Jerusalem. But at
the beginning of the spring he sent Joab, the captain of his host, to fight
against the Ammonites, who overran all their country, and laid it waste,
and shut them up in their metropolis Rabbah, and besieged them therein.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID FELL IN LOVE WITH BATHSHEBA, AND SLEW HER HUSBAND
URIAH, FOR WHICH HE IS REPROVED BY NATHAN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="130" unit="section" /><p>BUT David fell now into a very grievous sin, though he were otherwise
naturally a righteous and a religious man, and one that firmly observed
the laws of our fathers; for when late in an evening he took a view round
him from the roof of his royal palace, where he used to walk at that hour,
he saw a woman washing herself in her own house: she was one of extraordinary
beauty, and therein surpassed all other women; her name was Bathsheba.
So he was overcome by that woman's beauty, and was not able to restrain
his desires, but sent for her, and lay with her. Hereupon she conceived
with child, and sent to the king, that he should contrive some way for
concealing her sin (for, according to the laws of their fathers, she who
had been guilty of adultery ought to be put to death). So the king sent
for Joab's armor-bearer from the siege, who was the woman's husband, and
his name was Uriah. And when he was come, the king inquired of him about
the army, and about the siege; and when he had made answer that all their
affairs went according to their wishes, the king took some portions of
meat from his supper, and gave them to him, and bade him go home to his
wife, and take his rest with her. Uriah did not do so, but slept near the
king with the rest of his armor-bearers. When the king was informed of
this, he asked him why he did not go home to his house, and to his wife,
after so long an absence; which is the natural custom of all men, when
they come from a long journey. He replied, that it was not right, while
his fellow soldiers, and the general of the army, slept upon the ground,
in the camp, and in an enemy's country, that he should go and take his
rest, and solace himself with his wife. So when he had thus replied, the
king ordered him to stay there that night, that he might dismiss him the
next day to the general. So the king invited Uriah to supper, and after
a cunning and dexterous manlier plied him with drink at supper, till he
was thereby disordered; yet did he nevertheless sleep at the king's gates
without any inclination to go to his wife. Upon this the king was very
angry at him; and wrote to Joab, and commanded him to punish Uriah, for
he told him that he had offended him; and he suggested to him the manner
in which he would have him punished, that it might not be discovered that
he was himself the author of this his punishment; for he charged him to
set him over against that part of the enemy's army where the attack would
be most hazardous, and where he might be deserted, and be in the greatest
jeopardy, for he bade him order his fellow soldiers to retire out of the
fight. When he had written thus to him, and sealed the letter with his
own seal, he gave it to Uriah to carry to Joab. When Joab had received
it, and upon reading it understood the king's purpose, he set Uriah in
that place where he knew the enemy would be most troublesome to them; and
gave him for his partners some of the best soldiers in the army; and said
that he would also come to their assistance with the whole army, that if
possible they might break down some part of the wall, and enter the city.
And he desired him to be glad of the opportunity of exposing himself to
such great pains, and not to be displeased at it, since he was a valiant
soldier, and had a great reputation for his valor, both with the king and
with his countrymen. And when Uriah undertook the work he was set upon
with alacrity, he gave private orders to those who were to be his companions,
that when they saw the enemy make a sally, they should leave him. When,
therefore, the Hebrews made an attack upon the city, the Ammonites were
afraid that the enemy might prevent them, and get up into the city, and
this at the very place whither Uriah was ordered; so they exposed their
best soldiers to be in the forefront, and opened their gates suddenly,
and fell upon the enemy with great vehemence, and ran violently upon them.
When those that were with Uriah saw this, they all retreated backward,
as Joab had directed them beforehand; but Uriah, as ashamed to run away
and leave his post, sustained the enemy, and receiving the violence of
their onset, he slew many of them; but being encompassed round, and caught
in the midst of them, he was slain, and some other of his companions were
slain with him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="141" unit="section" /><p>When this was done, Joab sent messengers to the king, and ordered
them to tell him that he did what he could to take the city soon; but that,
as they made an assault on the wall, they had been forced to retire with
great loss; and bade them, if they saw the king was angry at it, to add
this, that Uriah was slain also. When the king had heard this of the messengers,
he took it heinously, and said that they did wrong when they assaulted
the wall, whereas they ought, by undermining and other stratagems of war,
to endeavor the taking of rite city, especially when they had before their
eyes the example of Abimelech, the son of Gideon, who would needs take
the tower in Thebes by force, and was killed by a large stone thrown at
him by an old woman; and although he was a man of great prowess, he died
ignominiously by the dangerous manner of his assault: that they should
remember this accident, and not come near the enemy's wall, for that the
best method of making war with success was to call to mind the accidents
of former wars, and what good or bad success had attended them in the like
dangerous cases, that so they might imitate the one, and avoid the other.
But when the king was in this disposition, the messenger told him that
Uriah was slain also; whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the messenger
go back to Joab and tell him that this misfortune is no other than what
is common among mankind, and that such is the nature, and such the accidents
of war, insomuch that sometimes the enemy will have success therein, and
sometimes others; but that he ordered him to go on still in his care about
the siege, that no ill accident might befall him in it hereafter; that
they should raise bulwarks and use machines in besieging the city; and
when they have gotten it, to overturn its very foundations, and to destroy
all those that are in it. Accordingly the messenger carried the king's
message with which he was charged, and made haste to Joab. But Bathsheba,
the wife of Uriah, when she was informed of the death of her husband, mourned
for his death many days; and when her mourning was over, and the tears
which she shed for Uriah were dried up, the king took her to wife presently;
and a son was born to him by her.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="147" unit="section" /><p>With this marriage God was not well pleased, but was thereupon angry
at David; and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in his sleep, and complained
of the king. Now Nathan was a fair and prudent man; and considering that
kings, when they fall into a passion, are guided more by that passion than
they are by justice, he resolved to conceal the threatenings that proceeded
from God, and made a good-natured discourse to him, and this after the.
manner following: - He desired that the king would give him his opinion
in the following case: - "There were," said he, "two men inhabiting
the same city, the one of them was rich, and [the other poor]. The rich
man had a great many flocks of cattle, of sheep, and of kine; but the poor
man had but one ewe lamb. This he brought up with his children, and let
her eat her food with them; and he had the same natural affection for her
which any one might have for a daughter. Now upon the coming of a stranger
to the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill any of his own flocks,
and thence feast his friend; but he sent for the poor man's lamb, and took
her away from him, and made her ready for food, and thence feasted the
stranger." This discourse troubled the king exceedingly; and he denounced
to Nathan, that "this man was a wicked man who could dare to do such
a thing; and that it was but just that he should restore the lamb fourfold,
and be punished with death for it also." Upon this Nathan immediately
said that he was himself the man who ought to suffer those punishments,
and that by his own sentence; and that it was he who had perpetrated this
'great and horrid crime. He also revealed to him, and laid before him,
the anger of God against him, who had made him king over the army of the
Hebrews, and lord of all the nations, and those many and great nations
round about him; who had formerly delivered him out of the hands of Saul,
and had given him such wives as he had justly and legally married; and
now this God was despised by him, and affronted by his impiety, when he
had married, and now had, another man's wife; and by exposing her husband
to the enemy, had really slain him; 'that God would inflict punishments
upon him on account of those instances of wickedness; that his own wives
should be forced by one of his sons; and that he should be treacherously
supplanted by the same son; and that although he had perpetrated his wickedness
secretly, yet should that punishment which he was to undergo be inflicted
publicly upon him; "that, moreover," said he, "the child
which was born to thee of her shall soon die." When the king was troubled
at these messages, and sufficiently confounded, and said with tears and
sorrow that he had sinned, (for he was without controversy a pious man,
and guilty of no sin at all in his whole life, excepting those in the matter
of Uriah,) God had compassion on him, and was reconciled to him, and promised
that he would preserve to him both his life and his kingdom; for he said
that, seeing he repented of the things he had done, he was no longer displeased
with him. So Nathan, when he had delivered this prophecy to the king, returned
home.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>However, God sent a dangerous distemper upon the child that was born
to David of the wife of Uriah, at which the king was troubled, and did
not take any food for seven days, although his servants almost forced him
to take it; but he clothed himself in a black garment, and fell down, and
lay upon the ground in sackcloth, entrusting God for the recovery of the
child, for he vehemently loved the child's mother; but when, on the seventh
day, the child was dead, the king's servants durst not tell him of it,
as supposing that when he knew it, he would still less admit of food, and
other care of himself, by reason of his grief at the death of his son,
since when the child was only sick, he so greatly afflicted himself, and
grieved for him: but when the king perceived that his servants were in
disorder, and seemed to be affected, as those who are very desirous to
conceal something, he understood that the child was dead; and when he had
called one of his servants to him, and discovered that so it was, he arose
up and washed himself, and took a white garment, and came into the tabernacle
of God. He also commanded them to set supper before him, and thereby greatly
surprised his kindred and servants, while he did nothing of this when the
child was sick, but did it all when he was dead. Whereupon having first
begged leave to ask him a question, they besought him to tell them the
reason of this his conduct; he then called them unskillful people, and
instructed them how he had hopes of the recovery of the child while it
was alive, and accordingly did all that was proper for him to do, as thinking
by such means to render God propitious to him; but that when the child
was dead, there was no longer any occasion for grief, which was then to
no purpose. When he had said this, they commended the king's wisdom and
understanding. He then went in unto Bathsheba his wife, and she conceived
and bare a son; and by the command of Nathan the prophet called his name
Solomon.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="159" unit="section" /><p>But Joab sorely distressed the Ammonites in the siege, by cutting
off their waters, and depriving them of other means of subsistence, till
they were in the greatest want of meat and drink, for they depended only
on one small well of water, and this they durst not drink of too freely,
lest the fountain should entirely fail them. So he wrote to the king, and
informed him thereof; and persuaded him to come himself to take the city,
that he might have the honor of the victory. Upon this letter of Joab's,
the king accepted of his good-will and fidelity, and took with him his
army, and came to the destruction of Rabbah; and when he had taken it by
force, he gave it to his soldiers to plunder it; but he himself took the
king of the Ammonites' crown, whose weight was a talent of gold; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That a talent of gold was about seven pounds weight, see the description
of the temple ch. 13. Nor could Josephus well estimate it higher, since
he here says that David wore it on his head perpetually.</note>
and it had in its middle a precious stone called a sardonyx; which crown
David ever after wore on his own head. He also found many other vessels
in the city, and those both splendid and of great price; but as for the
men, he tormented them, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether Josephus saw the words of our copies, 2 Samuel 12:31, and 1 Chronicles
20:3, that David put the inhabitants, or at least the garrison of Rabbah,
and of the other Ammonite cities, which he besieged and took, under, or
cut them with saws, and under, or with harrows of iron, and under, or with
axes of iron, and made them pass through the brick-kiln, is not here directly
expressed. If he saw them, as is most probable he did, he certainly expounded
them of tormenting these Ammonites to death, who were none of those seven
nations of Canaan whose wickedness had rendered them incapable of mercy;
otherwise I should be inclinable to think that the meaning, at least as
the words are in Samuel, might only be this: That they were made the lowest
slaves, to work in sawing of timber or stone, in harrowing the fields,
in hewing timber, in making and burning bricks, and the like hard services,
but without taking away their lives. We never elsewhere, that I remember,
meet with such methods of cruelty in putting men to death in all the Bible,
or in any other ancient history whatsoever; nor do the words in Samuel
seem naturally to refer to any such thing.</note>
and then destroyed them; and when he had taken the other cities of the
Ammonites by force, he treated them after the same manner.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ABSALOM MURDERED AMNON, WHO HAD FORCED HIS OWN SISTER;
AND HOW HE WAS BANISHED AND AFTERWARDS RECALLED BY DAVID.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="162" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the king was returned to Jerusalem, a sad misfortune befell
his house, on the occasion following: He had a daughter, who was yet a
virgin, and very handsome, insomuch that she surpassed all the most beautiful
women; her name was Tamar; she had the same mother with Absalom. Now Amnon,
David's eldest son, fell in love with her, and being not able to obtain
his desires, on account of her virginity, and the custody she was under,
was so much out of order, nay, his grief so eat up his body, that he grew
lean, and his color was changed. Now there was one Jenadab, a kinsman and
friend of his, who discovered this his passion, for he was an extraordinary
wise man, and of great sagacity of mind. When, therefore, he saw that every
morning Amnon was not in body as he ought to be, he came to him, and desired
him to tell him what was the cause of it: however, he said that he guessed
that it arose from the passion of love. Amnon confessed his passion, that
he was in love with a sister of his, who had the same father with himself.
So Jenadab suggested to him by what method and contrivance he might obtain
his desires; for he persuaded him to pretend sickness, and bade him, when
his father should come to him, to beg of him that his sister might come
and minister to him; for if that were done, he should be better, and should
quickly recover from his distemper. So Amnon lay down on his bed, and pretended
to be sick, as Jonadab had suggested. When his father came, and inquired
how he did, he begged of him to send his sister to him. Accordingly, he
presently ordered her to be brought to him; and when she was come, Amnon
bade her make cakes for him, and fry them in a pan, and do it all with
her own hands, because he should take them better from her hand [than from
any one's else]. So she kneaded the flour in the sight of her brother,
and made him cakes, and baked them in a pan, and brought them to him; but
at that time he would not taste them, but gave order to his servants to
send all that were there out of his chamber, because he had a mind to repose
himself, free from tumult and disturbance. As soon as what he had commanded
was done, he desired his sister to bring his supper to him into the inner
parlor; which, when the damsel had done, he took hold of her, and endeavored
to persuade her to lie with him. Whereupon the damsel cried out, and said,
"Nay, brother, do not force me, nor be so wicked as to transgress
the laws, and bring upon thyself the utmost confusion. Curb this thy unrighteous
and impure lust, from which our house will get nothing but reproach and
disgrace." She also advised him to speak to his father about this
affair; for he would permit him [to marry her]. This she said, as desirous
to avoid her brother's violent passion at present. But he would not yield
to her; but, inflamed with love and blinded with the vehemency of his passion,
he forced his sister: but as soon as Amnon had satisfied his lust, he hated
her immediately, and giving her reproachful words, bade her rise up and
be gone. And when she said that this was a more injurious treatment than
the former, if, now he had forced her, he would not let her stay with him
till the evening, but bid her go away in the day-time, and while it was
light, that she might meet with people that would be witnesses of her shame,
- he commanded his servant to turn her out of his house. Whereupon she
was sorely grieved at the injury and violence that had been offered to
her, and rent her loose coat, (for the virgins of old time wore such loose
coats tied at the hands, and let down to the ankles, that the inner coats
might not be seen,) and sprinkled ashes on her head; and went up the middle
of the city, crying out and lamenting for the violence that had been offered
her. Now Absalom, her brother, happened to meet her, and asked her what
sad thing had befallen her, that she was in that plight; and when she had
told him what injury had been offered her, he comforted her, and desired
her to be quiet, and take all patiently, and not to esteem her being corrupted
by her brother as an injury. So she yielded to his advice, and left off
her crying out, and discovering the force offered her to the multitude;
and she continued as a widow with her brother Absalom a long time.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="173" unit="section" /><p>When David his father knew this, he was grieved at the actions of
Amnon; but because he had an extraordinary affection for him, for he was
his eldest son, he was compelled not to afflict him; but Absalom watched
for a fit opportunity of revenging this crime upon him, for he thoroughly
hated him. Now the second year after this wicked affair about his sister
was over, and Absalom was about to go to shear his own sheep at Baalhazor,
which is a city in the portion of Ephraim, he besought his father, as well
as his brethren, to come and feast with him: but when David excused himself,
as not being willing to be burdensome to him, Absalom desired he would
however send his brethren; whom he did send accordingly. Then Absalom charged
his own servants, that when they should see Amnon disordered and drowsy
with wine, and he should give them a signal, they should fear nobody, but
kill him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="176" unit="section" /><p>When they had done as they were commanded, the rest of his brethren
were astonished and disturbed, and were afraid for themselves, so they
immediately got on horseback, and rode away to their father; but somebody
there was who prevented them, and told their father they were all slain
by Absalom; whereupon he was overcome with sorrow, as for so many of his
sons that were destroyed at once, and that by their brother also; and by
this consideration, that it was their brother that appeared to have slain
them, he aggravated his sorrow for them. So he neither inquired what was
the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear any thing else, which yet
it was but reasonable to have done, when so very great, and by that greatness
so incredible, a misfortune was related to him: he rent his clothes and
threw himself upon the ground, and there lay lamenting the loss of all
his sons, both those who, as he was informed, were slain, and of him who
slew them. But Jonadab, the son of his brother Shemeah, entreated him not
to indulge his sorrow so far, for as to the rest of his sons he did not
believe that they were slain, for he found no cause for such a suspicion;
but he said it might deserve inquiry as to Amnon, for it was not unlikely
that Absalom might venture to kill him on account of the injury he had
offered to Tamar. In the mean time, a great noise of horses, and a tumult
of some people that were coming, turned their attention to them; they were
the king's sons, who were fled away from the feast. So their father met
them as they were in their grief, and he himself grieved with them; but
it was more than he expected to see those his sons again, whom he had a
little before heard to have perished. However, their were tears on both
sides; they lamenting their brother who was killed, and the king lamenting
his son, who was killed also; but Absalom fled to Geshur, to his grandfather
by his mother's side, who was king of that country, and he remained with
him three whole years.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="181" unit="section" /><p>Now David had a design to send to Absalom, not that he should come
to be punished, but that he might be with him, for the effects of his anger
were abated by length of time. It was Joab, the captain of his host, that
chiefly persuaded him so to do; for he suborned an ordinary woman, that
was stricken in age, to go to the king in mourning apparel, who said thus
to him: - That two of her sons, in a coarse way, had some difference between
them, and that in the progress of that difference they came to an open
quarrel, and that one was smitten by the other, and was dead; and she desired
him to interpose in this case, and to do her the favor to save this her
son from her kindred, who were very zealous to have him that had slain
his brother put to death, that so she might not be further deprived of
the hopes she had of being taken care of in her old age by him; and that
if he would hinder this slaughter of her son by those that wished for it,
he would do her a great favor, because the kindred would not be restrained
from their purpose by any thing else than by the fear of him. And when
the king had given his consent to what the woman had begged of him, she
made this reply to him: - "I owe thee thanks for thy benignity to
me in pitying my old age, and preventing the loss of my only remaining
child; but in order to assure me of this thy kindness, be first reconciled
to thine own son, and cease to be angry with him; for how shall I persuade
myself that thou hast really bestowed this favor upon me, while thou thyself
continuest after the like manner in thy wrath to thine own son? for it
is a foolish thing to add willfully another to thy dead son, while the
death of the other was brought about without thy consent." And now
the king perceived that this pretended story was a subornation derived
from Joab, and was of his contrivance; and when, upon inquiry of the old
woman, he understood it to be so in reality, he called for Joab, and told
him he had obtained what he requested according to his own mind; and he
bid him bring Absalom back, for he was not now displeased, but had already
ceased to be angry with him. So Joab bowed himself down to the king, and
took his words kindly, and went immediately to Geshur, and took Absalom
with him, and came to Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="188" unit="section" /><p>However, the king sent a message to his son beforehand, as he was
coming, and commanded him to retire to his own house, for he was not yet
in such a disposition as to think fit at present to see him. Accordingly,
upon the father's command, he avoided coming into his presence, and contented
himself with the respects paid him by his own family only. Now his beauty
was not impaired, either by the grief he had been under, or by the want
of such care as was proper to be taken of a king's son, for he still surpassed
and excelled all men in the tallness of his body, and was more eminent
[in a fine appearance] than those that dieted the most luxuriously; and
indeed such was the thickness of the hair of his head, that it was with
difficulty that he was polled every eighth day; and his hair weighed two
hundred shekels <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this weight of Absalom's hair, how in twenty or thirty years it might
well amount to two hundred shekels, or to somewhat above six pounds avoirdupois,
see the Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, p. 77, 78. But a late very
judicious author thinks that the LXXX. meant not its weight, but its value,
Was twenty shekels. — Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon
2 Samuel 14:26. It does not appear what was Josephus's opinion: he sets
the text down honestly as he found it in his copies, only he thought that
"at the end of days," when Absalom polled or weighed his hair,
was once a week.</note>
which are five pounds. However, he dwelt in Jerusalem two years, and became
the father of three sons, and one daughter; which daughter was of very
great beauty, and which Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, took to wife afterward,
and had by her a son named Abijah. But Absalom sent to Joab, and desired
him to pacify his father entirely towards him; and to beseech him to give
him leave to come to him to see him, and speak with him. But when Joab
neglected so to do, he sent some of his own servants, and set fire to the
field adjoining to him; which, when Joab understood, he came to Absalom,
and accused him of what he had done; and asked him the reason why he did
so. To which Absalom replied, that "I have found out this stratagem
that might bring thee to us, while thou hast taken no care to perform
the injunction I laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile my father
to me; and I really beg it of thee, now thou art here, to pacify my father
as to me, since I esteem my coming hither to be more grievous than my banishment,
while my father's wrath against me continues." Hereby Joab was persuaded,
and pitied the distress that Absalom was in, and became an intercessor
with the king for him. And when he had discoursed with his father, he soon
brought him to that amicable disposition towards Absalom, that he presently
sent for him to come to him; and when he had cast himself down upon the
ground, and had begged for the forgiveness of his offenses, the king raised
him up, and promised him to forget what he had formerly done.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE INSURRECTION OF ABSALOM AGAINST DAVID AND
CONCERNING AHITHOPHEL AND HUSHAI; AND CONCERNING ZIBA AND SHIMEI; AND HOW
AHITHOPHEL HANGED HIMSELF.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>NOW Absalom, upon this his success with the king, procured to himself
a great many horses, and many chariots, and that in a little time also.
He had moreover fifty armor-bearers that were about him; and he came early
every day to the king's palace, and spake what was agreeable to such as
came for justice and lost their causes, as if that happened for want of
good counselors about the king, or perhaps because the judges mistook in
that unjust sentence they gave; whereby he gained the good-will of them
all. He told them, that had he but such authority committed to him, he
would distribute justice to them in a most equitable manner. When he had
made himself so popular among the multitude, he thought he had already
the good-will of the people secured to him; but when four years <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is one of the best corrections that Josephus's copy affords us of
a text that in our ordinary copies is grossly corrupted. They say that
this rebellion of Absalom was forty years after what went before, (of his
reconciliation to his father,) whereas the series of the history shows
it could not be more than four years after it, as here in Josephus; whose
number is directly confirmed by that copy of the Septuagint version whence
the Armenian translation was made, which gives us the small number of four
years.</note>
had passed since his father's reconciliation to him, he came to him, and
besought him to give him leave to go to Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to
God, because he vowed it to him when he fled out of the country. So when
David had granted his request, he went thither, and great multitudes came
running together to him, for he had sent to a great number so to do.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="197" unit="section" /><p>Among them came Ahithophel the Gilonite, a counsellor of David's<emph>,
</emph>and two hundred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew not his intentions,
but were sent for as to a sacrifice. So he was appointed king by all of
them, which he obtained by this stratagem. As soon as this news was brought
to David, and he was informed of what he did not expect from his son<emph>,
</emph>he was aftrighted at this his impious and bold undertaking, and wondered
that he was so far from remembering how his offense had been so lately
forgiven him, that he undertook much worse and more wicked enterprises;
first, to deprive him of that kingdom which was given him of God; and secondly,
to take away his own father's life. He therefore resolved to fly to the
parts beyond Jordan: so he called his most intimate friends together, and
communicated to them all that he had heard of his son's madness. He committed
himself to God, to judge between them about all their actions; and left
the care of his royal palace to his ten concubines, and went away from
Jerusalem, being willingly accompanied by the rest of the multitude, who
went hastily away with him, and particularly by those six hundred armed
men, who had been with him from his first flight in the days of Saul. But
he persuaded Abiathar and Zadok, the high priests, who had determined to
go away with him, as also all the Levites, who were with the ark, to stay
behind, as hoping that God would deliver him without its removal; but he
charged them to let him know privately how all things went on; and he had
their sons, Ahimmaz the son of Zadok, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar,
for faithful ministers in all things; but Ittai the Gitrite went out with
him whether David would let him or not, for he would .have persuaded him
to stay, and on that account he appeared the more friendly to him. But
as he was ascending the Mount of Olives barefooted, and all his company
were in tears, it was told him that Ahithophel was with Absalom, and was
of his side. This hearing augmented his grief; and he besought God earnestly
to alienate the mind of Absalom from Ahithophel, for he was afraid that
he should persuade him to follow his pernicious counsel, for he was a prudent
man, and very sharp in seeing what was advantageous. When David was gotten
upon the top of the mountain, he took a view of the city; and prayed to
God with abundance of tears, as having already lost his kingdom; and here
it was that a faithful friend of his, whose name was Hushai, met him. When
David saw him with his clothes rent, and having ashes all over his head,
and in lamentation for the great change of affairs, he comforted him, and
exhorted him to leave off grieving; nay, at length he besought him to go
back to Absalom, and appear as one of his party, and to fish out the secretest
counsels of his mind, and to contradict the counsels of Ahithophel, for
that he could not do him so much good by being with him as he might
by being with Absalom. So he was prevailed on by David, and left him, and
came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom himself came also a little while afterward.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>When David was gone a little farther, there met him Ziba, the servant
of Mephibosheth, (whom he had sent to take care of the possessions which
had been given him, as the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul,) with a couple
of asses, loaden with provisions, and desired him to take as much of them
as he and his followers stood in need of. And when the king asked him where
he had left Mephibosheth, he said he had left him in Jerusalem, expecting
to be chosen king in the present confusions, in remembrance of the benefits
Saul had conferred upon them. At this the king had great indignation, and
gave to Ziba all that he had formerly bestowed on Mephibosheth; for he
determined that it was much fitter that he should have them than the other;
at which Ziba greatly rejoiced.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="207" unit="section" /><p>When David was at Bahurim, a place so called, there came out a kinsman
of Saul's, whose name was Shimei, and threw stones at him, and gave him
reproachful words; and as his friends stood about the king and protected
him, he persevered still more in his reproaches, and called him a bloody
man, and the author of all sorts of mischief. He bade him also go out of
the land as ,an impure and accursed wretch; and he thanked God for depriving
him of his kingdom, and causing him to be punished for what injuries he
had done to his master [Saul], and this by the means of his own son. Now
when they were all provoked against him, and angry at bin;, and particularly
Abishai, who had a mind to kill Shimei, David restrained his anger. "Let
us not," said he, "bring upon ourselves another fresh misfortune
to those we have already, for truly I have not the least regard nor concern
for this dog that raves at me: I submit myself to God, by whose permission
this man treats me in such a wild manner; nor is it any wonder that I am
obliged to undergo these abuses from him, while I experience the like from
an impious son of my own; but perhaps God will have some commiseration
upon us; if it be his will we shall overcome them." So he went on
his way without troubling himself with Shimei, who ran along the other
side of the mountain, and threw out his abusive language plentifully. But
when David was come to Jordan, he allowed those that were with him to refresh
themselves; for they were weary.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="211" unit="section" /><p>But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his counselor, were come to Jerusalem,
with all the people, David's friend, Hushai, came to them; and when he
had worshipped Absalom, he withal wished that his kingdom might last a
long time, and continue for all ages. But when Absalom said to him, "How
comes this, that he who was so intimate a friend of my father's, and appeared
faithful to him in all things, is not with him now, but hath left him,
and is come over to me?" Hushai's answer was very pertinent and prudent;
for he said, "We ought to follow God and the multitude of the people;
while these, therefore, my lord and master, are with thee, it is fit that
I should follow them, for thou hast received the kingdom from God. I will
therefore, if thou believest me to be thy friend, show the same fidelity
and kindness to thee, which thou knowest I have shown to thy father; nor
is there any reason to be in the least dissatisfied with the present state
of affairs, for the kingdom is not transferred into another, but remains
still in the same family, by the son's receiving it after his father."
This speech persuaded Absalom, who before suspected Hushai. And now he
called Ahithophel, and consulted with him what he ought to do: he persuaded
him to go in unto his father's concubines; for he said that "by this
action the people would believe that thy difference with thy father is
irreconcilable, and will thence fight with great alacrity against thy father,
for hitherto they are afraid of taking up open enmity against him, out
of an expectation that you will be reconciled again." Accordingly,
Absalom was prevailed on by this advice, and commanded his servants to
pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal palace, in the sight of the
multitude; and he went in and lay with his father's concubines. Now this
came to pass according to the prediction of Nathan, when he prophesied
and signified to him that his son would rise up in rebellion against him.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p> And when Absalom had done what he was advised to by Ahithophel,
he desired his advice, in the second place, about the war against his father.
Now Ahithophel only asked him to let him have ten thousand chosen men,
and he promised he would slay his father, and bring the soldiers back again
in safety; and he said that then the kingdom would be firm to him when
David was dead [but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased with this advice,
and called for Hushai, David's friend (for so did he style him); and informing
him of the opinion of Ahithophel, he asked, further, what was his opinion
concerning that matter. Now he was sensible that if Ahithophel's counsel
were followed, David would be in danger of being seized on, and slain;
so he attempted to introduce a contrary opinion, and said, "Thou art not
unacquainted, O king, with the valor of thy father, and of those that are
now with him; that he hath made many wars, and hath always come off with
victory, though probably he now abides in the camp, for he is very skiliful
in stratagems, and in foreseeing the deceitful tricks of his enemies; yet
will he leave his own soldiers in the evening, and will either hide himself
in some valley, or will place an ambush at some rock; so that when our
army joins battle with him, his soldiers will retire for a little while,
but will come upon us again, as encouraged by the king's being near them;
and in the mean time your father will show himself suddenly in the time
of the battle, and will infuse courage into his own people when they are
in danger, but bring consternation to thine. Consider, therefore, my advice,
and reason upon it, and if thou canst not but acknowledge it to be the
best, reject the opinion of Ahithophel. Send to the entire country of the
Hebrews, and order them to come and fight with thy father; and do thou
thyself take the army, and be thine own general in this war, and do not
trust its management to another; then expect to conquer him with ease,
when thou overtakest him openly with his few partisans, but hast thyself
many ten thousands, who will be desirous to demonstrate to thee their diligence
and alacrity. And if thy father shall shut himself up in some city, and
bear a siege, we will overthrow that city with machines of war, and by
undermining it." When Hushai had said this, he obtained his point
against Ahithophel, for his opinion was preferred by Absalom before the
other's: however, it was no other than God <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This reflection of Josephus's, that God brought to nought the dangerous
counsel of Ahithophel, and directly infatuated wicked Absalom to reject
it, (which infatuation is what the Scripture styles the judicial hardening
the hearts and blinding the eyes of men, who, by their former voluntary
wickedness, have justly deserved to be destroyed, and are thereby brought
to destruction,) is a very just one, and in him not unfrequent. Nor does
Josephus ever puzzle himself, or perplex his readers, with subtle hypotheses
as to the manner of such judicial infatuations by God, while the justice
of them is generally so obvious. That peculiar manner of the Divine operations,
or permissions, or the means God makes use of in such cases, is often impenetrable
by us. "Secret things belong to the Lord our God; but those things
that are revealed belong to us, and to our children for ever, that we may
do all the words of this law," Deuteronomy 29:29. Nor have all the
subtleties of the moderns, as far as I see, given any considerable light
in this, and many other the like points of difficulty relating either to
Divine or human operations.--See the notes on Antiq. B. V ch. 1. sect.
2; and Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4. sect. 3.</note>
who made the counsel of Hushai appear best to the mind of Absalom.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="222" unit="section" /><p>So Hushai made haste to the high priests, Zadok and Abiathar, and
told them the opinion of Ahithophel, and his own, and that the resolution
was taken to follow this latter advice. He therefore bade them send to
David, and tell him of it, and to inform him of the counsels that had been
taken; and to desire him further to pass quickly over Jordan, lest his
son should change his mind, and make haste to pursue him, and so prevent
him, and seize upon him before he be in safety. Now the high priests had
their sons concealed in a proper place out of the city, that they might
carry news to David of what was transacted. Accordingly, they sent a maid-servant,
whom they could trust, to them, to carry the news of Absalom's counsels,
and ordered them to signify the same to David with all speed. So they made
no excuse nor delay, but taking along with them their fathers' injunctions,
because pious and faithful ministers, and judging that quickness and suddenness
was the best mark of faithful service, they made haste to meet with David.
But certain horsemen saw them when they were two furlongs from the city,
and informed Absalom of them, who immediately sent some to take them; but
when the sons of the high priest perceived this, they went out of the road,
and betook themselves to a certain village; that village was called Bahurim;
there they desired a certain woman to hide them, and afford them security.
Accordingly she let the young men down by a rope into a well, and laid
fleeces of wool over them; and when those that pursued them came to her,
and asked her whether she saw them, she did not deny that she had seen
them, for that they staid with her some time, but she said they then went
their ways; and she foretold that, however, if they would follow them directly,
they would catch them; but when after a long pursuit they could not catch
them, they came back again; and when the woman saw those men were returned,
and that there was no longer any fear of the young men's being caught by
them, she drew them up by the rope, and bade them go on their journey accordingly,
they used great diligence in the prosecution of that journey, and came
to David, and informed him accurately of all the counsels of Absalom. So
he commanded those that were with him to pass over Jordan while it was
night, and not to delay at all on that account.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>But Ahithophel, on rejection of his advice, got upon his ass, and
rode away to his own country, Gilon; and, calling his family together,
he told them distinctly what advice he had given Absalom; and since he
had not been persuaded by it, he said he would evidently perish, and this
in no long time, and that David would overcome him, and return to his kingdom
again; so he said it was better that he should take his own life away with
freedom and magnanimity, than expose himself to be punished by David, in
opposition to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom. When he had discoursed
thus to them, he went into the inmost room of his house, and hanged himself;
and thus was the death of Ahithophel, who was self-condemned; and when
his relations had taken him down from the halter, they took care of his
funeral. Now, as for David, he passed over Jordan, as we have said already,
and came to Mahanaim, every fine and very strong city; and all the chief
men of the country received him with great pleasure, both out of the shame
they had that he should be forced to flee away [from Jerusalem], and out
of the respect they bare him while he was in his former prosperity. These
were Barzillai the Gileadite, and Siphar the ruler among the Ammonites,
and Machir the principal man of Gilead; and these furnished him with plentiful
provisions for himself and his followers, insomuch that they wanted no
beds nor blankets for them, nor loaves of bread, nor wine; nay, they brought
them a great many cattle for slaughter, and afforded them what furniture
they wanted for their refreshment when they were weary, and for food, with
plenty of other necessaries.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, WHEN ABSALOM WAS BEATEN, HE WAS CAUGHT IN A TREE BY
HIS HAIR AND WAS SLAIN</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="232" unit="section" /><p>AND this was the state of David and his followers: but Absalom got
together a vast army of the Hebrews to oppose his father, and passed therewith
over the river Jordan, and sat down not far off Mahanaim, in the country
of Gilead. He appointed Amasa to be captain of all his host, instead of
Joab his kinsman: his father was Ithra and his mother Abigail: now she
and Zeruiah, the mother of Joab, were David's sisters. But when David had
numbered his followers, and found them to be about four thousand, he resolved
not to tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over his men captains of
thousands, and captains of hundreds, and divided his army into three parts;
the one part he committed to Joab, the next to Abishai, Joab's brother,
and the third to Ittai, David's companion and friend, but one that came
from the city Gath; and when he was desirous of fighting himself among
them, his friends would not let him: and this refusal of theirs was founded
upon very wise reasons: "For," said they, "if we be conquered
when he is with us, we have lost all good hopes of recovering ourselves;
but if we should be beaten in one part of our army, the other parts may
retire to him, and may thereby prepare a greater force, while the enemy
will naturally suppose that he hath another army with him." So David
was pleased with this their advice, and resolved himself to tarry at Mahanaim;
and as he sent his friends and commanders to the battle, he desired them
to show all possible alacrity and fidelity, and to bear in mind what advantages
they had received from him, which, though they had not been very great,
yet had they not been quite inconsiderable; and he begged of them to spare
the young man Absalom, lest some mischief should befall himself, if he
should be killed; and thus did he send out his army to the battle, and
wished them victory therein.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="236" unit="section" /><p>Then did Joab put his army in battle-array over against the enemy
in the Great Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Absalom also brought
his army into the field to oppose him. Upon the joining of the battle,
both sides showed great actions with their hands and their boldness; the
one side exposing themselves to the greatest hazards, and using their utmost
alacrity, that David might recover his kingdom; and the other being no
way deficient, either in doing or suffering, that Absalom might not be
deprived of that kingdom, and be brought to punishment by his father for
his impudent attempt against him. Those also that were the most numerous
were solicitous that they might not be conquered by those few that were
with Joab, and with the other commanders, because that would be the greater
disgrace to them; while David's soldiers strove greatly to overcome so
many ten thousands as the enemy had with them. Now David's men were conquerors,
as superior in strength and skill in war; so they followed the others as
they fled away through the forests and valleys; some they took prisoners,
and many they slew, and more in the flight than in the battle for there
fell about twenty thousand that day. But all David's men ran violently
upon Absalom, for he was easily known by his beauty and tallness. He was
himself also afraid lest his enemies should seize on him, so he got upon
the king's mule, and fled; but as he was carried with violence, and noise,
and a great motion, as being himself light, he entangled his hair greatly
in the large boughs of a knotty tree that spread a great way, and there
he hung, after a surprising manner; and as for the beast, it went
on farther, and that swiftly, as if his master had been still upon his
back; but he, hanging in the air upon the boughs, was taken by his enemies.
Now when one of David's soldiers saw this, he informed Joab of it; and
when the general said, that if he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would
have given him fifty shekels, - he replied, "I would not have killed
my master's son if thou wouldst have given me a thousand shekels, especially
when he desired that the young man might be spared in the hearing of us
all." But Joab bade him show him where it was that he saw Absalom
hang; whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew him, and Joab's armor-bearers
stood round the tree, and pulled down his dead body, and cast it into a
great chasm that was out of sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him,
till the cavity was filled up, and had both the appearance and the bigness
of a grave. Then Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own soldiers
from pursuing the enemy's army, in order to spare their countrymen.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="243" unit="section" /><p>Now Absalom had erected for himself a marble pillar in the king's
dale, two furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which he named Absalom's Hand,
saying, that if his children were killed, his name would remain by that
pillar; for he had three sons and one daughter, named Tamar, as we said
before, who when she was married to David's grandson, Rehoboam, bare a
son, Abijah by name, who succeeded his father in the kingdom; but of these
we shall speak in a part of our history which will be more proper. After
the death of Absalom, they returned every one to their own homes respectively.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="245" unit="section" /><p>But now Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok the high priest, went to Joab,
and desired he would permit him to go and tell David of this victory, and
to bring him the good news that God had afforded his assistance and his
providence to him. However, he did not grant his request, but said to him,
"Wilt thou, who hast always been the messenger of good news, now go
and acquaint the king that his son is dead?" So he desired him to
desist. He then called Cushi, and committed the business to him, that he
should tell the king what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again desired him
to let him go as a messenger, and assured him that he would only relate
what concerned the victory, but not concerning the death of Absalom, he
gave him leave to go to David. Now he took a nearer road than the former
did, for nobody knew it but himself, and he came before Cushi. Now as David
was sitting between the gates,<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Those that take a view of my description of the gates of the temple, will
not be surprised at this account of David's throne, both here and 2 Samuel
18:21, that it was between two gates or portals. Gates being in cities,
as well as at the temple, large open places, with a portal at the entrance,
and another at the exit, between which judicial causes were heard, and
public consultations taken, as is well known from several places of Scripture,
2 Chronicles 31:2; Psalm 9:14; 137:5; Proverbs 1:21; 8:3, 31; 31:23, and
often elsewhere.</note>
and waiting to see when somebody would come to him from the battle, and
tell him how it went, one of the watchmen saw Ahimaaz running, and before
be could discern who he was, be told David that he saw somebody coming
to him, who said he was a good messenger. A little while after, he informed
him that another messenger followed him; whereupon the king said that he
also was a good messenger: but when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and that
he was already very near, he gave the king notice that it was the son of
Zadok the high priest who came running. So David was very glad, and said
he was a messenger of good tidings, and brought him some such news from
the battle as be desired to hear.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="250" unit="section" /><p>While the king was saying thus, Ahimaaz appeared, and worshipped
the king. And when the king inquired of him about the battle, he said he
brought him the good news of victory and dominion. And when he inquired
what he had to say concerning his son, he said that he came away on the
sudden as soon as the enemy was defeated, but that he heard a great noise
of those that pursued Absalom, and that he could learn no more, because
of the haste be made when Joab sent him to inform him of the victory. But
when Cushi was come, and had worshipped him, and informed him of the victory,
he asked him about his son, who replied, "May the like misfortune
befall thine enemies as hath befallen Absalom." That word did not
permit either himself or his soldiers to rejoice for the victory, though
it was a very great one; but David went up to the highest part of the city,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since David was now in Mahanairn, and in the open place of that city gate,
which seems still to have been built the highest of any part of the wall,
and since our other copies say he went up to the chamber over the gate,
2 Samuel 18:33, I think we ought to correct our present reading in Josephus,
and for city, should read gate, i.e. instead of the highest part of the
city, should say the highest part of the gate. Accordingly we find David
presently, in Josephus, as well as in our other copies, 2 Samuel 19:8,
sitting as before, in the gate of the city.</note> and
wept for his son, and beat his breast, tearing [the hair of] his head,
tormenting himself all manner of ways, and crying out, "O my son!
I wish that I had died myself, and ended my days with thee!<emph>"</emph> for
he was of a tender natural affection, and had extraordinary compassion
for this son in particular. But when the army and Joab heard that the king
mourned for his son, they were ashamed to enter the city in the habit of
conquerors, but they all came in as cast down, and in tears, as if they
had been beaten. Now while the king covered himself, and grievously lamented
his son, Joab went in to him, and comforted him, and said, "O my lord
the king, thou art not aware that thou layest a blot on thyself by what
thou now doest; for thou seemest to hate those that love thee, and undergo
dangers for thee nay, to hate thyself and thy family, and to love those
that are thy bitter enemies, and to desire the company of those that are
no more, and who have been justly slain; for had Absalom gotten the victory,
and firmly settled himself in the kingdom, there had been none of us left
alive, but all of us, beginning with thyself and thy children, had miserably
perished, while our enemies had not wept for his, but rejoiced over us<emph>,
</emph>and punished even those that pitied us in our misfortunes; and thou
art not ashamed to do this in the case of one that has been thy bitter
enemy, who, while he was thine own son hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave
off, therefore, thy unreasonable grief, and come abroad and be seen of
thy soldiers, and return them thanks for the alacrity they showed in the
fight; for I myself will this day persuade the people to leave thee, and
to give the kingdom to another, if thou continuest to do thus; and then
I shall make thee to grieve bitterly and in earnest." Upon Joab's
speaking thus to him, he made the king leave off his sorrow, and brought
him to the consideration of his affairs. So David changed his habit, and
exposed himself in a manner fit to be seen by the multitude, and sat at
the gates; whereupon all the people heard of it, and ran together to him,
and saluted him. And this was the present state of David's affairs.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DAVID, WHEN HE HAD RECOVERED HIS KINGDOM, WAS RECONCILED
TO SHIMEI, AND TO ZIBA; AND SHOWED A GREAT AFFECTION TO BARZILLAI; AND
HOW, UPON THE RISE OF A SEDITION, HE MADE AMASA CAPTAIN OF HIS HOST, IN
ORDER TO PURSUE SEBA; WHICH AMASA WAS SLAIN BY JOAB.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="258" unit="section" /><p>NOW those Hebrews that had been With Absalom, and had retired out
of the battle, when they were all returned home, sent messengers to every
city to put them in mind of what benefits David had bestowed upon them,
and of that liberty which he had procured them, by delivering them from
many and great wars. But they complained, that whereas they had ejected
him out of his kingdom, and committed it to another governor, which other
governor, whom they had set up, was already dead, they did not now beseech
David to leave off his anger at them, and to become friends with them,
and, as he used to do, to resume the care of their affairs, and take the
kingdom again. This was often told to David. And, this notwithstanding,
David sent to Zadok and Abiathar the high priests, that they should speak
to the rulers of the tribe of Judah after the manner following: That it
would be a reproach upon them to permit the other tribes to choose David
for their king before their tribe, "and this," said he, "while
you are akin to him, and of the same common blood." He commanded them
also to say the same to Amasa the captain of their forces, That whereas
he was his sister's son, he had not persuaded the multitude to restore
the kingdom to David; that he might expect from him not only a reconciliation,
for that was already granted, but that supreme command of the army also
which Absalom had bestowed upon him. Accordingly the high priests, when
they had discoursed with the rulers of the tribe, and said what the king
had ordered them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care of his affairs.
So he persuaded that tribe to send immediately ambassadors to him, to beseech
him to return to his own kingdom. The same did all the Israelites, at the
like persuasion of Amasa.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>When the ambassadors came to him, he came to Jerusalem; and the tribe
of Judah was the first that came to meet the king at the river Jordan.
And Shimei, the son of Gera, came with a thousand men, which he brought
with him out of the tribe of Benjamin; and Ziba, the freed-man of Saul,
with his sons, fifteen in number, and with his twenty servants. All these,
as well as the tribe of Judah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river,
that the king, and those that were with him, might with ease pass over
it. Now as soon as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah saluted him.
Shimei also came upon the bridge, and took hold of his feet, and prayed
him to forgive him what he had offended, and not to be too bitter against
him, nor to think fit to make him the first example of severity under his
new authority; but to consider that he had repented of his failure of duty,
and had taken care to come first of all to him. While he was thus entreating
the king, and moving him to compassion, Abishai, Joab's brother, said,
"And shall not this man die for this, that he hath cursed that king
whom God hath appointed to reign over us?" But David turned himself
to him, and said, "Will you never leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah? Do
not you, I pray, raise new troubles and seditions among us, now the former
are over; for I would not have you ignorant that I this day begin my reign,
and therefore swear to remit to all offenders their punishments, and not
to animadvert on any one that has sinned. Be thou, therefore," said
he, "O Shimei, of good courage, and do not at all fear being put to
death." So he worshipped him, and went on before him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="267" unit="section" /><p>Mephibosheth also, Saul's grandson, met David, clothed in a sordid
garment, and having his hair thick and neglected; for after David was fled
away, he was in such grief that he had not polled his head, nor had he
washed his clothes, as dooming himself to undergo such hardships upon occasion
of the change-of the king's affairs. Now he had been unjustly calumniated
to the king by Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the king, and worshipped
him, the king began to ask him why he did not go out of Jerusalem with
him, and accompany him during his flight. He replied, that this piece of
injustice was owing to Ziba; because, when he was ordered to get things
ready for his going out with him, he took no care of it, but regarded him
no more than if he had been a slave; "and, indeed, had I had my feet
sound and strong, I had not deserted thee, for I could then have made use
of them in my flight: but this is not all the injury that Ziba has done
me, as to my duty to thee, my lord and master, but he hath calumniated
me besides, and told lies about me of his own invention; but I know thy
mind will not admit of such calumnies, but is righteously disposed, and
a lover of truth, which it is also the will of God should prevail. For
when thou wast in the greatest danger of suffering by my grandfather, and
when, on that account, our whole family might justly have been destroyed,
thou wast moderate and merciful, and didst then especially forget all those
injuries, when, if thou hadst remembered them, thou hadst the power of
punishing us for them; but thou hast judged me to be thy friend, and hast
set me every day at thine own table; nor have I wanted any thing which
one of thine own kinsmen, of greatest esteem with thee, could have expected."
When he had said this, David resolved neither to punish Mephibosheth, nor
to condemn Ziba, as having belied his master; but said to him, that as
he had [before] granted all his estate to Ziba, because he did not come
along with him, so he [now] promised to forgive him, and ordered that the
one half of his estate should be restored to him. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By David's disposal of half Mephibosheth's estate to Ziba, one would imagine
that he was a good deal dissatisfied, and doubtful whether Mephibosheth's
story were entirely true or not; nor does David now invite him to diet
with him, as he did before, but only forgives him, if he had been at all
guilty. Nor is this odd way of mourning that Mephibosheth made use of here,
and 2 Samuel 19:24, wholly free from suspicion by hypocrisy. If Ziba neglected
or refused to bring Mephibosheh an ass of his own, on which he might ride
to David, it is half to suppose that so great a man as he was should not
be able to procure some other beast for the same purpose.</note>
Whereupon Mephibosheth said, "Nay, let Ziba take all; it suffices
me that thou hast recovered thy kingdom."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="272" unit="section" /><p>But David desired Barzillai the Gileadite, that great and good man,
and one that had made a plentiful provision for him at Mahanaim, and had
conducted him as far as Jordan, to accompany him to Jerusalem, for he promised
to treat him in his old age with all manner of respect - to take care of
him, and provide for him. But Barzillai was so desirous to live at home,
that he entreated him to excuse him from attendance on him; and said that
his age was too great to enjoy the pleasures [of a court,] since he was
fourscore years old, and was therefore making provision for his death and
burial: so he desired him to gratify him in this request, and dismiss him;
for he had no relish of his meat, or his drink, by reason of his age; and
that his ears were too much shut up to hear the sound of pipes, or the
melody of other musical instruments, such as all those that live with kings
delight in. When he entreated for this so earnestly, the king said, "I
dismiss thee, but thou shalt grant me thy son Chimham, and upon him I will
bestow all sorts of good things." So Barzillai left his son with him,
and worshipped the king, and wished him a prosperous conclusion of all
his affairs according to his own mind, and then returned home; but David
came to Gilgal, having about him half the people [of Israel], and the [whole]
tribe of Judah.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="276" unit="section" /><p>Now the principal men of the country came to Gilgal to him with a
great multitude, and complained of the tribe of Judah, that they had come
to him in a private manner; whereas they ought all conjointly, and with
one and the same intention, to have given him the meeting. But the rulers
of the tribe of Judah desired them not to be displeased, if they had been
prevented by them; for, said they, "We are David's kinsmen, and on
that account we the rather took care of him, and loved him, and. so came
first to him;" yet had they not, by their early coming, received any
gifts from him, which might give them who came last any uneasiness. When
the rulers of the tribe of Judah had said this, the rulers of the other
tribes were not quiet, but said further, "O brethren, we cannot but
wonder at you when you call the king your kinsman alone, whereas he that
hath received from God the power over all of us in common ought to be esteemed
a kinsman to us all; for which reason the whole people have eleven parts
in him, and you but one part <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I clearly prefer Josephus's reading here, when it supposes eleven tribes,
including Benjamin, to be on the one side, and the tribe of Judah alone
on the other, since Benjamin, in general, had been still father of the
house of Saul, and less firm to David hitherto, than any of the rest, and
so cannot be supposed to be joined with Judah at this time, to make it
double, especially when the following rebellion was headed by a Benjamite.
See sect. 6, and 2 Samuel 20:2, 4.</note>
we are also elder than you; wherefore you have not done justly in coming
to the king in this private and concealed manner."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="278" unit="section" /><p>While these rulers were thus disputing one with another,. a certain
wicked man, who took a pleasure in seditious practices, (his name was Sheba,
the son of Bichri, of the tribe of Benjamin,) stood up in the midst of
the multitude, and cried aloud, and spake thus to them: "We have no
part in David, nor inheritance in the son of Jesse." And when he had
used those words, he blew with a trumpet, and declared war against the
king; and they all left David, and followed him; the tribe of Judah alone
staid with him, and settled him in his royal palace at Jerusalem. But as
for his concubines, with whom Absalom his son had accompanied, truly he
removed them to another house, and ordered those that had the care of them
to make a plentiful provision for them, but he came not near them any more.
He also appointed Amass for the captain of his forces, and gave him the
same high office which Joab before had; and he commanded him to gather
together, out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as he could, and
come to him within three days, that he might deliver to him his entire
army, and might send him to fight against [Sheba] the son of Bichri. Now
while Amass was gone out, and made some delay in gathering the army together,
and so was not yet returned, on the third day the king said to Joab, "It
is not fit we should make any delay in this affair of Sheba, lest he get
a numerous army about him, and be the occasion of greater mischief, and
hurt our affairs more than did Absalom himself; do not thou therefore wait
any longer, but take such forces as thou hast at hand, and that [old] body
of six hundred men, and thy brother Abishai, with thee, and pursue after
our enemy, and endeavor to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake him.
Make haste to prevent him, lest he seize upon some fenced cities, and cause
us great labor and pains before we take him."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="283" unit="section" /><p>So Joab resolved to make no delay, but taking with him his brother,
and those six hundred men, and giving orders that the rest of the army
which was at Jerusalem should follow him, he marched with great speed against
Sheba; and when he was come to Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs
distant from Jerusalem, Amasa brought a great army with him, and met Joab.
Now Joab was girded with a sword, and his breastplate on; and when Amasa
came near him to salute him, he took particular care that his sword should
fall out, as it were, of its own accord: so he took it up from the ground,
and while he approached Amasa, who was then near him, as though he would
kiss him, he took hold of Amasa's beard with his other hand, and he smote
him in his belly when he did not foresee it, and slew him. This impious
and altogether profane action Joab did to a good young man, and his kinsman,
and one that had done him no injury, and this out of jealousy that he would
obtain the chief command of the army, and be in equal dignity with himself
about the king; and for the same cause it was that he killed Abner. But
as to that former wicked action, the death of his brother Asahel, which
he seemed to revenge, afforded him a decent pretense, and made that crime
a pardonable one; but in this murder of Amasa there was no such covering
for it. Now when Joab had killed this general, he pursued after Sheba,
having left a man with the dead body, who was ordered to proclaim aloud
to the army, that Amasa was justly slain, and deservedly punished. "But,"
said he, "if you be for the king, follow Joab his general, and Abishai,
Joab's brother:" but because the body lay on the road, and all the
multitude came running to it, and, as is usual with the multitude, stood
wondering a great while at it, he that guarded it removed it thence, and
carried it to a certain place that was very remote from the road, and there
laid it, and covered it with his garment. When this was done, all the people
followed Joab. Now as he pursued Sheba through all the country of Israel,
one told him that he was in a strong city, called Abelbeth-maachah. Hereupon
Joab went thither, and set about it with his army, and cast up a bank round
it, and ordered his soldiers to undermine the walls, and to overthrow them;
and since the people in the city did not admit him, he was greatly displeased
at them.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="289" unit="section" /><p>Now there was a woman of small account, and yet both wise and intelligent,
who seeing her native city lying at the last extremity, ascended upon the
wall, and, by means of the armed men, called for Joab; and when he came
to her, she began to say, That "God ordained kings and generals
of armies, that they might cut off the enemies of the Hebrews, and introduce
a universal peace among them; but thou art endeavoring to overthrow and
depopulate a metropolis of the Israelites, which hath been guilty of no
offense." But he replied, "God continue to be merciful unto me:
I am disposed to avoid killing any one of the people, much less would I
destroy such a city as this; and if they will deliver me up Sheba, the
son of Bichri, who hath rebelled against the king, I will leave off the
siege, and withdraw the army from the place." Now as soon as the woman
heard what Joab said, she desired him to intermit the siege for a little
while, for that he should have the head of his enemy thrown out to him
presently. So she went down to the citizens, and said to them, "Will
you be so wicked as to perish miserably, with your children and wives,
for the sake of a vile fellow, and one whom nobody knows who he is? And
will you have him for your king instead of David, who hath been so great
a benefactor to you, and oppose your city alone to such a mighty and strong
army?" So she prevailed with them, and they cut off the head of Sheba,
and threw it into Joab's army. When this was done, the king's general sounded
a retreat, and raised the siege. And when he was come to Jerusalem, he
was again appointed to be general of all the people. The king also constituted
Benaiah captain of the guards, and of the six hundred men. He also set
Adoram over the tribute, and Sabathes and Achilaus over the records. He
made Sheva the scribe, and appointed Zadok and Abiathar the high priests.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE HEBREWS WERE DELIVERED FROM A FAMINE WHEN THE GIBEONITES
HAD CAUSED PUNISHMENT TO BE INFLICTED FOR THOSE OF THEM THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN:
AS ALSO, WHAT GREAT ACTIONS WERE PERFORMED AGAINST THE PHILISTINES BY DAVID,
AND THE MEN OF VALOR ABOUT HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="294" unit="section" /><p>AFTER this, when the country was greatly afflicted with a famine,
David besought God to have mercy on the people, and to discover to him
what was the cause of it, and how a remedy might be found for that distemper.
And when the prophets answered, that God would have the Gibeonites avenged
whom Saul the king was so wicked as to betray to slaughter, and had not
observed the oath which Joshua the general and the senate had sworn to
them: If, therefore, said God, the king would permit such vengeance to
be taken for those that were slain as the Gibeonites should desire, he
promised that he would be reconciled to them, and free the multitude from
their miseries. As soon therefore as the king understood that this it was
which God sought, he sent for the Gibeonites, and asked them what it was
they should have; and when they desired to have seven sons of Saul delivered
to them to be punished, he delivered them up, but spared Mephibosheth the
son of Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had received the men, they punished
them as they pleased; upon which God began to send rain, and to recover
the earth to bring forth its fruits as usual, and to free it from the foregoing
drought, so that the country of the Hebrews flourished again. A little
afterward the king made war against the Philistines; and when he had joined
battle with them, and put them to flight, he was left alone, as he was
in pursuit of them; and when he was quite tired down, he was seen by one
of the enemy, his name was Achmon, the son of Araph, he was one of the
sons of the giants. He had a spear, the handle of which weighed three hundred
shekels, and a breastplate of chain-work, and a sword. He turned back,
and ran violently to slay [David] their enemy's king, for he was quite
tired out with labor; but Abishai, Joab's brother, appeared on the sudden,
and protected the king with his shield, as he lay down, and slew the enemy.
Now the multitude were very uneasy at these dangers of the king, and that
he was very near to be slain; and the rulers made him swear that he would
no more go out with them to battle, lest he should come to some great misfortune
by his courage and boldness, and thereby deprive the people of the benefits
they now enjoyed by his means, and of those that they might hereafter enjoy
by his living a long time among them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="301" unit="section" /><p>When the king heard that the Philistines were gathered together at
the city Gazara, he sent an army against them, when Sibbechai the Hittite,
one of David's most courageous men, behaved himself so as to deserve great
commendation, for he slew many of those that bragged they were the posterity
of the giants, and vaunted themselves highly on that account, and thereby
was the occasion of victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat, the Philistines
made war again; and when David had sent an army against them, Nephan his
kinsman fought in a single combat with the stoutest of all the Philistines,
and slew him, and put the rest to flight. Many of them also were slain
in the fight. Now a little while after this, the Philistines pitched their
camp at a city which lay not far off the bounds of the country of the Hebrews.
They had a man who was six cubits tall, and had on each of his feet and
hands one more toe and finger than men naturally have. Now the person who
was sent against them by David out of his army was Jonathan, the son of
Shimea, who fought this man in a single combat, and slew him; and as he
was the person who gave the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest
reputation for courage therein. This man also vaunted himself to be of
the sons of the giants. But after this fight the Philistines made war no
more against the Israelites.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="305" unit="section" /><p>And now David being freed from wars and dangers, and enjoying for
the future a profound peace, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This section is a very remarkable one, and shows that, in the opinion of
Josephus, David composed the Book of Psalms, not at several times before,
as their present inscriptions frequently imply, but generally at the latter
end of his life, or after his wars were over. Nor does Josephus, nor the
authors of the known books of the Old and New Testament, nor the Apostolical
Constitutions, seem to have ascribed any of them to any other author than
to David himself. See Essay on the Old Testament, pages 174, 175. Of these
metres of the Psalms, see the note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 16. sect. 4.</note>
composed songs and hymns to God of several sorts of metre; some of those
which he made were <emph>trimeters</emph>, and some were <emph>pentameters</emph>. He
also made instruments of music, and taught the Levites to sing hymns to
God, both on that called the sabbath day, and on other festivals. Now the
construction of the instruments was thus: The viol was an instrument of
ten strings, it was played upon with a bow; the psaltery had twelve musical
notes, and was played upon by the fingers; the cymbals were broad and large
instruments, and were made of brass. And so much shall suffice to be spoken
by us about these instruments, that the readers may not be wholly unacquainted
with their nature.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="307" unit="section" /><p>Now all the men that were about David were men of courage. Those
that were most illustrious and famous of them for their actions were thirty-eight;
of five of whom I will only relate the performances, for these will suffice
to make manifest the virtues of the others also; for these were powerful
enough to subdue countries, and conquer great nations. First, therefore,
was Jessai, the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped upon the troops
of the enemy, and did not leave off fighting till he overthrew nine hundred
of them. After him was Eleazar, the son of Dodo, who was with the king
at Arasam. This man, when once the Israelites were under a consternation
at the multitude of the Philistines, and were running away, stood alone,
and fell upon the enemy, and slew many of them, till his sword clung to
his band by the blood he had shed, and till the Israelites, seeing the
Philistines retire by his means, came down from the mountains and pursued
them, and at that time won a surprising and a famous victory, while Eleazar
slew the men, and the multitude followed and spoiled their dead bodies.
The third was Sheba, the son of Ilus. Now this man, when, in the wars against
the Philistines, they pitched their camp at a place called Lehi, and when
the Hebrews were again afraid of their army, and did not stay, he stood
still alone, as an army and a body of men; and some of them he overthrew,
and some who were not able to abide his strength and force he pursued.
These are the works of the hands, and of fighting, which these three performed.
Now at the time when the king was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the
Philistines came upon him to fight him, David went up to the top of the
citadel, as we have already said, to inquire of God concerning the battle,
while the enemy's camp lay in the valley that extends to the city Bethlehem,
which is twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. Now David said to his
companions, "We have excellent water in my own city, especially that
which is in the pit near the gate," wondering if any one would bring
him some of it to drink; but he said that he would rather have it than
a great deal of money. When these three men heard what he said, they ran
away immediately, and burst through the midst of their enemy's camp, and
came to Bethlehem; and when they had drawn the water, they returned again
through the enemy's camp to the king, insomuch that the Philistines were
so surprised at their boldness and alacrity, that they were quiet, and
did nothing against them, as if they despised their small number. But when
the water was brought to the king, he would not drink it, saying, that
it was brought by the danger and the blood of men, and that it was not
proper on that account to drink it. But he poured it out to God, and gave
him thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to these was Abishai, Joab's
brother; for he in one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these was Benaiah,
by lineage a priest; for being challenged by [two] eminent men in the country
of Moab, he overcame them by his valor, Moreover, there was a man, by nation
an Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and challenged him, yet did he, when
he was unarmed, kill him with his own spear, which he threw at him; for
he caught him by force, and took away his weapons while he was alive and
fighting, and slew him with his own weapons. One may also add this to the
forementioned actions of the same man, either as the principal of them
in alacrity, or as resembling the rest. When God sent a snow, there was
a lion who slipped and fell into a certain pit, and because the pit's mouth
was narrow it was evident he would perish, being enclosed with the snow;
so when he saw no way to get out and save himself, he roared. When Benaiah
heard the wild beast, he went towards him, and coming at the noise he made,
he went down into the mouth of the pit and smote him, as he struggled,
with a stake that lay there, and immediately slew him. The other thirty-three
were like these in valor also.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT WHEN DAVID HAD NUMBERED THE PEOPLE, THEY WERE PUNISHED;
AND HOW THE DIVINE COMPASSION RESTRAINED THAT PUNISHMENT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="318" unit="section" /><p>NOW king David was desirous to know how many ten thousands there
were of the people, but forgot the commands of Moses, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The words of God by Moses, Exodus 30:12, sufficiently satisfy the reason
here given by Josephus for the great plague mentioned in this chapter:
— "When thou takest the sum of the children of Israel after their
number, then shall they give a ransom for his soul unto the Lord, when
thou numberest them; that there be no plague amongst them, when numberest
them." Nor indeed could David's or the neglect of executing this law
at this numeration of half a shekel apiece with them, when they came numbered.
The great reason why nations are so committed by and with their wicked
kings and governors that they almost constantly comply with them in their
of or disobedience to the Divine laws, and suffer Divine laws to go into
disuse or contempt, in order to kings and governors; and that they sub-political
laws and commands of those governors, instead of the righteous laws of
God, which all mankind ought ever to obey, let their kings and governors
say what they please to the contrary; this preference of human before Divine
laws seeming to me the principal character of idolatrous or antichristian
nations. Accordingly, Josephus well observes, Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect.
17, that it was the duty of the people of Israel to take care that their
kings, when they should have them, did not exceed their proper limits of
power, and prove ungovernable by the laws of God, which would certainly
be a most pernicious thing to their Divine settlement. Nor do I think that
negligence peculiar to the Jews: those nations which are called Christians,
are sometimes indeed very solicitous to restrain their kings and governors
from breaking the human laws of their several kingdoms, but without the
like care for restraining them from breaking the laws of God. "Whether
it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto men more than to God, judge
ye," Acts 4:19. "We ought to obey God rather than men,"
ver. 29.</note>
who told them beforehand, that if the multitude were numbered, they should
pay half a shekel to God for every head. Accordingly the king commanded
Joab, the captain of his host, to go and number the whole multitude; but
when he said there was no necessity for such a numeration, he was not persuaded
[to countermand it], but he enjoined him to make no delay, but to go about
the numbering of the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with him the heads
of the tribes, and the scribes, and went over the country of the Israelites,
and took notice how numerous the multitude were, and returned to Jerusalem
to the king, after nine months and twenty days; and he gave in to the king
the number of the people, without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not
yet numbered that tribe, no more than the tribe of Levi, for the king repented
of his having sinned against God. Now the number of the rest of the Israelites
was nine hundred thousand men, who were able to bear arms and go to war;
but the tribe of Judah, by itself, was four hundred thousand men.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="321" unit="section" /><p>Now when the prophets had signified to David that God was angry at
him, he began to entreat him, and to desire he would be merciful to him,
and forgive his sin. But God sent Nathan the prophet to him, to propose
to him the election of three things, that he might choose which he liked
best: Whether he would have famine come upon the country for seven years,
or would have a war, and be subdued three months by his enemies? or, whether
God should send a pestilence and a distemper upon the Hebrews for three
days? But as he was fallen to a fatal choice of great miseries, he was
in trouble, and sorely confounded; and when the prophet had said that he
must of necessity make his choice, and had ordered him to answer quickly,
that he might declare what he had chosen to God, the king reasoned with
himself, that in case he should ask for famine, he would appear to do it
for others, and without danger to himself, since he had a great deal of
corn hoarded up, but to the harm of others; that in case he should choose
to be overcome [by his enemies] for three months, he would appear to have
chosen war, because he had valiant men about him, and strong holds, and
that therefore he feared nothing therefrom: so he chose that affliction
which is common to kings and to their subjects, and in which the fear was
equal on all sides; and said this beforehand, that it was much better to
fall into the hands of God, than into those of his enemies.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="324" unit="section" /><p>When the prophet had heard this, he declared it to God; who thereupon
sent a pestilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews; nor did they die after
one and the same manner, nor so that it was easy to know what the distemper
was. Now the miserable disease was one indeed, but it carried them off
by ten thousand causes and occasions, which those that were afflicted could
not understand; for one died upon the neck of another, and the terrible
malady seized them before they were aware, and brought them to their end
suddenly, some giving up the ghost immediately with very great pains and
bitter grief, and some were worn away by their distempers, and had nothing
remaining to be buried, but as soon as ever they fell were entirely macerated;
some were choked, and greatly lamented their case, as being also stricken
with a sudden darkness; some there were who, as they were burying a relation,
fell down dead, without finishing the rites of the funeral. Now there perished
of this disease, which began with the morning, and lasted till the hour
of dinner, seventy thousand. Nay, the angel stretched out his hand over
Jerusalem, as sending this terrible judgment upon it. But David had put
on sackcloth, and lay upon the ground, entreating God, and begging that
the distemper might now cease, and that he would be satisfied with those
that had already perished. And when the king looked up into the air, and
saw the angel carried along thereby into Jerusalem, with his sword drawn,
he said to God, that he might justly be punished, who was their shepherd,
but that the sheep ought to be preserved, as not having sinned at all;
and he implored God that he would send his wrath upon him, and upon all
his family, but spare the people.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="329" unit="section" /><p>When God heard his supplication, he caused the pestilence to cease,
and sent Gad the prophet to him, and commanded him to go up immediately
to the thrashing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, and build an altar there
to God, and offer sacrifices. When David heard that, he did not neglect
his duty, but made haste to the place appointed him. Now Araunah was thrashing
wheat; and when he saw the king and all his servants coming to him, he
ran before, and came to him and worshipped him: he was by his lineage a
Jebusite, but a particular friend of David's; and for that cause it was
that, when he overthrew the city, he did him no harm, as we informed the
reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired, "Wherefore
is my lord come to his servant?" He answered, to buy of him the
thrashing-floor, that he might therein build an altar to God, and offer
a sacrifice. He replied, that he freely gave him both the thrashing-floor
and the ploughs and the oxen for a burnt-offering; and he besought God
graciously to accept his sacrifice. But the king made answer, that he took
his generosity and magnanimity loudly, and accepted his good-will, but
he desired him to take the price of them all, for that it was not just
to offer a sacrifice that cost nothing. And when Araunah said he would
do as he pleased, he bought the thrashing-floor of him for fifty shekels.
And when he had built an altar, he performed Divine service, and brought
a burnt-offering, and offered peace-offerings also. With these God was
pacified, and became gracious to them again. Now it happened that
Abraham <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus adds here is very remarkable, that this Mount Moriah was
not only the very place where Abraham offered up Isaac long ago, but that
God had foretold to David by a prophet, that here his son should build
him a temple, which is not directly in any of our other copies, though
very agreeable to what is in them, particularly in 1 Chronicles 21:25,
28; 22:1, to which places I refer the reader.</note>came
and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering at that very place; and
when the youth was ready to have his throat cut, a ram appeared on a sudden,
standing by the altar, which Abraham sacrificed in the stead of his son,
as we have before related. Now when king David saw that God had heard his
prayer, and had graciously accepted of his sacrifice, he resolved
to call that entire place <emph>The Altar of all the People</emph>, and to build
a temple to God there; which words he uttered very appositely to what was
to be done afterward; for God sent the prophet to him, and told him that
there should his son build him an altar, that son who was to take the kingdom
after him.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT DAVID MADE GREAT PREPARATIONS FOR THE HOUSE OF GOD;
AND THAT, UPON ADONIJAH'S ATTEMPT TO GAIN THE KINGDOM, HE APPOINTED SOLOMON
TO REIGN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="335" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the delivery of this prophecy, the king commanded the strangers
to be numbered; and they were found to be one hundred and eighty thousand;
of these he appointed fourscore thousand to be hewers of stone, and the
rest of the multitude to carry the stones, and of them he set over the
workmen three thousand and five hundred. He also prepared a great quantity
of iron and brass for the work, with many (and those exceeding large) cedar
trees; the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to him, for he had sent to
them for a supply of those trees. And he told his friends that these things
were now prepared, that he might leave materials ready for the building
of the temple to his son, who was to reign after him, and that he might
not have them to seek then, when he was very young, and by reason of his
age unskillful in such matters, but might have them lying by him, and so
might the more readily complete the work.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="337" unit="section" /><p>So David called his son Solomon, and charged him, when he had received
the kingdom, to build a temple to God, and said, "!I was willing to
build God a temple myself, but he prohibited me, because I was polluted
with blood and wars; but he hath foretold that Solomon, my youngest son,
should build him a temple, and should be called by that name; over whom
he hath promised to take the like care as a father takes over his son;
and that he would make the country of the Hebrews happy under him, and
that, not only in other respects, but by giving it peace and freedom from
wars, and from internal seditions, which are the greatest of all blessings.
Since, therefore," says he, "thou wast ordained king by God himself
before thou wast born, endeavor to render thyself worthy of this his providence,
as in other instances, so particularly in being religious, and righteous,
and courageous. Keep thou also his commands and his laws, which he hath
given us by Moses, and do not permit others to break them. Be zealous also
to dedicate to God a temple, which he hath chosen to be built under thy
reign; nor be thou aftrighted by the vastness of the work, nor set about
it timorously, for I will make all things ready before I die: and take
notice, that there are already ten thousand talents of gold, and a hundred
thousand talents of silver <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the quantity of gold and silver expended in the building of Solomon's
temple, and whence it arose, see the description of ch. 13.</note>
collected together. I have also laid together brass and iron without number,
and an immense quantity of timber and of stones. Moreover, thou hast many
ten thousand stone-cutters and carpenters; and if thou shalt want any thing
further, do thou add somewhat of thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest
this work, thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have him for thy patron."
David also further exhorted the rulers of the people to assist his son
in this building, and to attend to the Divine service, when they should
be free from all their misfortunes, for that they by this means should
enjoy, instead of them, peace and a happy settlement, with which blessings
God rewards such men as are religious and righteous. He also gave orders,
that when the temple should be once built, they should put the ark therein,
with the holy vessels; and he assured them that they ought to have had
a temple long ago, if their fathers had not been negligent of God's commands,
who had given it in charge, that when they had got the possession of this
land, they should build him a temple. Thus did David discourse to the governors,
and to his son.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="343" unit="section" /><p>David was now in years, and his body, by length of time, was become
cold, and benumbed, insomuch that he could get no heat by covering himself
with many clothes; and when the physicians came together, they agreed to
this advice, that a beautiful virgin, chosen out of the whole country,
should sleep by the king's side, and that this damsel would communicate
heat to him, and be a remedy against his numbness. Now there was found
in the city one woman, of a superior beauty to all other women, (her name
was Abishag,) who, sleeping with the king, did no more than communicate
warmth to him, for he was so old that he could not know her as a husband
knows his wife. But of this woman we shall speak more presently.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="345" unit="section" /><p>Now the fourth son of David was a beautiful young man, and tall,
born to him of Haggith his wife. He was named Adonijah, and was in his
disposition like to Absalom; and exalted himself as hoping to be king,
and told his friends that he ought to take the government upon him. He
also prepared many chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him.
When his father saw this, he did not reprove him, nor restrain him from
his purpose, nor did he go so far as to ask wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah
had for his assistants Joab the captain of the army, and Abiathar the high
priest; and the only persons that opposed him were Zadok the high priest,
and the prophet Nathan, and Benaiah, who was captain of the guards, and
Shimei, David's friend, with all the other most mighty men. Now Adonijah
had prepared a supper out of the city, near the fountain that was in the
king's paradise, and had invited all his brethren except Solomon, and had
taken with him Joab the captain of the army, and: Abiathar, and the rulers
of the tribe of Judah, but had not invited to this feast either Zadok the
high priest, or Nathan the prophet, or Benaiah the captain of the guards,
nor any of those of the contrary party. This matter was told by Nathan
the prophet to Bathsheba, Solomon's mother, that Adonijah was king, and
that David knew nothing of it; and he advised her to save herself and her
son Solomon, and to go by herself to David, and say to him, that he had
indeed sworn that Solomon should reign after him, but that in the mean
time Adonijah had already taken the kingdom. He said that he, the prophet
himself, would come after her, and when she had spoken thus to the king,
would confirm what she had said. Accordingly Bathsheba agreed with Nathan,
and went in to the king and worshipped him, and when she had desired leave
to speak with him, she told him all things in the manner that Nathan had
suggested to her; and related what a supper Adonijah had made, and who
they were whom he had invited; Abiathar the and Joab the general, and David's
sons, excepting Solomon and his intimate friends. She also said that all
the people had their eyes upon him, to know whom he would choose for their
king. She desired him also to consider how, after his departure, Adonijah,
if he were king, would slay her and her son Solomon.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="351" unit="section" /><p>Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the keeper of the king's chambers
told him that Nathan desired to see him. And when the king had commanded
that he should be admitted, he came in, and asked him whether he had ordained
Adonijah to be king, and delivered the government to him, or not; for that
he had made a splendid supper, and invited all his sons, except Solomon;
as also that he had invited Joab, the captain of his host, [and Abiathar
the high priest,] who are feasting with applauses, and many joyful sounds
of instruments, and wish that his kingdom may last for ever; but he hath
not invited me, nor Zadok the high priest, nor Benaiah the captain
of the guards; and it is but fit that all should know whether this be done
by thy approbation or not. When Nathan had said thus, the king commanded
that they should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone out of the room
when the prophet came. And when Bathsheba was come, David said, "I
swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solomon shall certainly he king, as
I formerly swore; and that he shall sit upon my throne, and that this very
day also." So Bathsheba worshipped him, and wished him a long life;
and the king sent for Zadok the high priest, and Benaiah the captain of
the guards; and when they were come, he ordered them to take with them
Nathan the prophet, and all the armed men about the palace, and to set
his son Solomon upon the king's mule, and to carry him out of the city
to the fountain called Gihon, and to anoint him there with the holy oil,
and to make him king. This he charged Zadok the high priest, and Nathan
the prophet, to do, and commanded them to follow Solomon through the midst
of the city, and to sound the trumpets, and wish aloud that Solomon the
king may sit upon the royal throne for ever, that so all the people may
know that he is ordained king by his father. He also gave Solomon a charge
concerning his government, to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and
particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and righteously. And when
Benaiah had prayed to God to be favorable to Solomon, without any delay
they set Solomon upon the mule, and brought him out of the city to the
fountain, and anointed him with oil, and brought him into the city again,
with acclamations and wishes that his kingdom might continue a long time:
and when they had introduced him into the king's house, they set him upon
the throne; whereupon all the people betook themselves to make merry, and
to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting themselves with musical
pipes, till both the earth and the air echoed with the multitude of the
instruments of music.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="359" unit="section" /><p>Now when Adonijah and his guests perceived this noise, they were
in disorder; and Joab the captain of the host said he was not pleased with
these echoes, and the sound of these trumpets. And when supper was set
before them, nobody tasted of it, but they were all very thoughtful what
would be the matter. Then Jonathan, the son of Abiathar the high priest,
came running to them; and when Adonijah saw the young man gladly, and said
to him that he was a good messenger, he declared to them the whole matter
about Solomon, and the determination of king David: hereupon both Adonijah
and all the guests rose hastily from the feast, and every one fled to their
own homes. Adonijah also, as afraid of the king for what he had done, became
a supplicant to God, and took hold of the horns of the altar, which were
prominent. It was also told Solomon that he had so done; and that he desired
to receive assurances from him that he would not remember the injury he
had done, and not inflict any severe punishment for it. Solomon answered
very mildly and prudently, that he forgave him this his offense; but said
withal, that if he were found out in any attempt for new innovations, that
he would be the author of his own punishment. So he sent to him, and raised
him up from the place of his supplication. And when he was come to the
king, and had worshipped him, the king bid him go away to his own house,
and have no suspicion of any harm; and desired him to show himself a worthy
man, as what would tend to his own advantage.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="363" unit="section" /><p>But David, being desirous of ordaining his son king of all the people,
called together their rulers to Jerusalem, with the priests and the Levites;
and having first numbered the Levites, he found them to be thirty-eight
thousand, from thirty years old to fifty; out of which he appointed twenty-three
thousand to take care of the building of the temple, and out of the same,
six thousand to be judges of the people and scribes, four thousand for
porters to the house of God, and as many for singers, to sing to the instruments
which David had prepared, as we have said already. He divided them also
into courses: and when he had separated the priests from them, he found
of these priests twenty-four courses, sixteen of the house of Eleazar,
and eight of that of Ithamar; and he ordained that one course should minister
to God eight days, from sabbath to sabbath. And thus were the courses distributed
by lot, in the presence of David, and Zadok and Abiathar the high priests,
and of all the rulers; and that course which came up first was written
down as the first, and accordingly the second, and so on to the twenty-fourth;
and this partition hath remained to this day. He also made twenty-four
parts of the tribe of Levi; and when they cast lots, they came up in the
same manner for their courses of eight days. He also honored the posterity
of Moses, and made them the keepers of the treasures of God, and of the
donations which the kings dedicated. He also ordained that all the tribe
of Levi, as well as the priests, should serve God night and day, as Moses
had enjoined them.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="368" unit="section" /><p>After this he parted the entire army into twelve parts, with their
leaders [and captains of hundreds] and commanders. Now every part had twenty-four
thousand, which were ordered to wait on Solomon, by thirty days at a time,
from the first day till the last, with the captains of thousands and captains
of hundreds. He also set rulers over every part, such as he knew to be
good and righteous men. He set others also to take charge of the treasures,
and of the villages, and of the fields, and of the beasts, whose names
I do not think it necessary to mention. <milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="370" unit="section" />When David had ordered all these
officers after the manner before mentioned, he called the rulers of the
Hebrews, and their heads of tribes, and the officers over the several divisions,
and those that were appointed over every work, and every possession; and
standing upon a high pulpit, he said to the multitude as follows: "My
brethren and my people, I would have you know that I intended to build
a house for God, and prepared a large quantity of gold, and a hundred thousand
talents of silver; but God prohibited me by the prophet Nathan, because
of the wars I had on your account, and because my right hand was polluted
with the slaughter of our enemies; but he commanded that my son, who was
to succeed me in the kingdom, should build a temple for him. Now therefore,
since you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob our forefather had Judah
was appointed to be king, and that I was preferred before my six brethren,
and received the government from God, and that none of them were uneasy
at it, so do I also desire that my sons be not seditious one against another,
now Solomon has received the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for their
lord, as knowing that God hath chosen him; for it is not a grievous thing
to obey even a foreigner as a ruler, if it be God's will, but it is fit
to rejoice when a brother hath obtained that dignity, since the rest partake
of it with him. And I pray that the promises of God may be fulfilled; and
that this happiness which he hath promised to bestow upon king Solomon,
over all the country, may continue therein for all time to come. And these
promises O son, will be firm, and come to a happy end, if thou showest
thyself to be a religious and a righteous man, and an observer of the laws
of thy country; but if not, expect adversity upon thy disobedience to them."</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="375" unit="section" /><p>Now when the king had said this, he left off; but gave the description
and pattern of the building of the temple in the sight of them all to Solomon:
of the foundations and of the chambers, inferior and superior; how many
they were to be, and how large in height and in breadth; as also he determined
the weight of the golden and silver vessels: moreover, he earnestly excited
them with his words to use the utmost alacrity about the work; he exhorted
the rulers also, and particularly the tribe of Levi, to assist him, both
because of his youth, and because God had chosen him to take care of the
building of the temple, and of the government of the kingdom. He also declared
to them that the work would be easy, and not very laborious to them, because
he had prepared for it many talents of gold, and more of silver, with timber,
and a great many carpenters and stone-cutters, and a large quantity of
emeralds, and all sorts of precious stones; and he said, that even now
he would give of the proper goods of his own dominion two hundred talents,
and three hundred other talents of pure gold, for the most holy place,
and for the chariot of God, the cherubim, which are to stand over and cover
the ark. Now when David had done speaking, there appeared great alacrity
among the rulers, and the priests, and the Levites, who now contributed
and made great and splendid promises for a future Contribution; for they
undertook to bring of gold five thousand talents, and ten thousand drams,
and of silver ten thousand talents, and many ten thousand talents of iron;
and if any one had a precious stone he brought it, and bequeathed it to
be put among the treasures; of which Jachiel, one of the posterity of Moses,
had the care.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="380" unit="section" /><p>Upon this occasion all the people rejoiced, as in particular did
David, when he saw the zeal and forward ambition of the rulers, and the
priests, and of all the rest; and he began to bless God with a loud
voice, calling him the Father and Parent of the universe, and the Author
of human and divine things, with which he had adorned Solomon, the patron
and guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its happiness, and of that kingdom
which he hath given his son. Besides this, he prayed for happiness to all
the people; and to Solomon his son, a sound and a righteous mind, and confirmed
in all sorts of virtue; and then he commanded the multitude to bless God;
upon which they all fell down upon the ground and worshipped him. They
also gave thanks to David, on account of all the blessings which they had
received ever since he had taken the kingdom. On the next day he presented
sacrifices to God, a thousand bullocks, and as many lambs, which they offered
for burnt-offerings. They also offered peace-offerings, and slew many ten
thousand sacrifices; and the king feasted all day, together with all the
people; and they anointed Solomon a second time with the oil, and appointed
him to be king, and Zadok to be the high priest of the whole multitude.
And when they had brought Solomon to the royal palace, and had set him
upon his father's throne, they were obedient to him from that day.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT CHARGE DAVID GAVE TO HIS SON SOLOMON AT THE APPROACH
OF HIS DEATH, AND HOW MANY THINGS HE LEFT HIM FOR THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="383" unit="section" /><p>A LITTLE afterward David also fell into a distemper, by reason of
his age; and perceiving that he was near to death, he called his son Solomon,
and discoursed to him thus: "I am now, O my son, going to my grave,
and to my fathers, which is the common way which all men that now are,
or shall be hereafter, must go; from which way it is no longer possible
to return, and to know any thing that is done in this world. On which account
I exhort thee, while I am still alive, though already very near to death,
in the same manner as I have formerly said in my advice to thee, to be
righteous towards thy subjects, and religious towards God, that hath given
thee thy kingdom; to observe his commands and his laws, which he hath sent
us by Moses; and neither do thou out of favor nor flattery allow any lust
or other passion to weigh with thee to disregard them; for if thou transgressest
his laws, thou wilt lose the favor of God, and thou wilt turn away his
providence from thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so as it
behooves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou wilt preserve our kingdom to
our family, and no other house will bear rule over the Hebrews but we ourselves
for all ages. Be thou also mindful of the transgressions of Joab, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">David is here greatly blamed by some for recommending Joab and Shimei to
be punished by Solomon, if he could find a proper occasion, after he had
borne with the first a long while, and seemed to have pardoned the other
entirely, which Solomon executed accordingly; yet I cannot discern any
fault either in David or Solomon in these cases. Joab's murder of Abner
and Amasa were very barbarous, and could not properly be forgiven either
by David or Solomon; for a dispensing power in kings for the crime of willful
murder is warranted by no law of God, nay, is directly against it every
where; nor is it, for certain, in the power of men to grant such a prerogative
to any of their kings; though Joab was so nearly related to David, and
so potent in the army under a warlike administration, that David durst
not himself put him to death, 2 Samuel 3:39; 19:7. Shimei's cursing the
Lord's anointed, and this without any just cause, was the highest act of
treason against God and his anointed king, and justly deserved death; and
though David could forgive treason against himself, yet had he done no
more in the case of Shimei than promised him that he would not then, on
the day of his return and reinauguration, or upon that occasion, himself
put him to death, 2 Samuel 19:22; and he swore to him no further, ver.
23, as the words are in Josephus, than that he would not then put him to
death, which he performed; nor was Solomon under any obligation to spare
such a traitor.</note>
the captain of the host, who hath slain two generals out of envy, and those
righteous and good men, Abner the son of Ner, and Amasa the son of Jether;
whose death do thou avenge as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath
been too hard for me, and more potent than myself, and so hath escaped
punishment hitherto. I also commit to thee the son of Barzillai the Gileadite,
whom, in order to gratify me, thou shalt have in great honor, and take
great care of; for we have not done good to him first, but we only repay
that debt which we owe to his father for what he did to me in my flight.
There is also Shimei the son of Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after
he had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in my flight, I was going to
Mahanaim, met me at Jordan, and received assurances that he should then
suffer nothing. Do thou now seek out for some just occasion, and punish
him."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="389" unit="section" /><p>When David had given these admonitions to his son about public affairs,
and about his friends, and about those whom he knew to deserve punishment,
he died, having lived seventy years, and reigned seven years and six months
in Hebron over the tribe of Judah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem
over all the country. This man was of an excellent character, and was endowed
with all virtues that were desirable in a king, and in one that had the
preservation of so many tribes committed to him; for he was a man of valor
in a very extraordinary degree, and went readily and first of all into
dangers, when he was to fight for his subjects, as exciting the soldiers
to action by his own labors, and fighting for them, and not by commanding
them in a despotic way. He was also of very great abilities in understanding,
and apprehension of present and future circumstances, when he was to manage
any affairs. He was prudent and moderate, and kind to such as were under
any calamities; he was righteous and humane, which are good qualities,
peculiarly fit for kings; nor was he guilty of any offense in the exercise
of so great an authority, but in the business of the wife of Uriah. He
also left behind him greater wealth than any other king, either of the
Hebrews or, of other nations, ever did.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="392" unit="section" /><p>He was buried by his son Solomon, in Jerusalem, with great magnificence,
and with all the other funeral pomp which kings used to be buried with;
moreover, he had great and immense wealth buried with him, the vastness
of which may be easily conjectured at by what I shall now say; for a thousand
and three hundred years afterward Hyrcanus the high priest, when he was
besieged by Antiochus, that was called the Pious, the son of Demetrius,
and was desirous of giving him money to get him to raise the siege and
draw off his army, and having no other method of compassing the money,
opened one room of David's sepulcher, and took out three thousand talents,
and gave part of that sum to Antiochus; and by this means caused the siege
to be raised, as we have informed the reader elsewhere. Nay, after him,
and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away
a great deal of money, and yet neither of them came at the coffins of the
kings themselves, for their bodies were buried under the earth so artfully,
that they did not appear to even those that entered into their monuments.
But so much shall suffice us to have said concerning these matters.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="8" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book VIII</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-THREE YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF DAVID TO THE DEATH OF AHAB.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SOLOMON, WHEN HE HAD RECEIVED THE KINGDOM TOOK OFF HIS
ENEMIES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WE have already treated of David, and his virtue, and of the benefits
he was the author of to his countrymen; of his wars also and battles, which
he managed with success, and then died an old man, in the foregoing book.
And when Solomon his son, who was but a youth in age, had taken the kingdom,
and whom David had declared, while he was alive, the lord of that people,
according to God's will; when he sat upon the throne, the whole body of
the people made joyful acclamations to him, as is usual at the beginning
of a reign; and wished that all his affairs might come to a blessed conclusion;
and that he might arrive at a great age, and at the most happy state of
affairs possible.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="3" unit="section" /><p>But Adonijah, who, while his father was living, attempted to gain
possession of the government, came to the king's mother Bathsheba, and
saluted her with great civility; and when she asked him, whether he came
to her as desiring her assistance in any thing or not, and bade him tell
her if that were the case, for that she would cheerfully afford it him;
he began to say, that she knew herself that the kingdom was his, both
on account of his elder age, and of the disposition of the multitude, and
that yet it was transferred to Solomon her son, according to the will of
God. He also said that he was contented to be a servant under him, and
was pleased with the present settlement; but he desired her to be a means
of obtaining a favor from his brother to him, and to persuade him to bestow
on him in marriage Abishag, who had indeed slept by his father, but, because
his father was too old, he did not lie with her, and she was still a virgin.
So Bathsheba promised him to afford him her assistance very earnestly,
and to bring this marriage about, because the king would be willing to
gratify him in such a thing, and because she would press it to him very
earnestly. Accordingly he went away in hopes of succeeding in this match.
So Solomon's mother went presently to her son, to speak to him about what
she had promised, upon Adonijah's supplication to her. And when her son
came forward to meet her, and embraced her, and when he had brought her
into the house where his royal throne was set, he sat thereon, and bid
them set another throne on the right hand for his mother. When Bathsheba
was set down, she said, "O my son, grant me one request that
I desire of thee, and do not any thing to me that is disagreeable or ungrateful,
which thou wilt do if thou deniest me." And when Solomon bid her to
lay her commands upon him, because it was agreeable to his duty to grant
her every thing she should ask, and complained that she did not
at first begin her discourse with a firm expectation of obtaining what
she desired, but had some suspicion of a denial, she entreated him to grant
that his brother Adonijah might marry Abishag.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="9" unit="section" /><p>But the king was greatly offended at these words, and sent away his
mother, and said that Adonijah aimed at great things; and that he wondered
that she did not desire him to yield up the kingdom to him, as to his elder
brother, since she desired that he might marry Abishag; and that he had
potent friends, Joab the captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest.
So he called for Benaiah, the captain of the guards, and ordered him to
slay his brother Adonijah. He also called for Abiathar the priest, and
said to him, "I will not put thee to death because of those other
hardships which thou hast endured with my father, and because of the ark
which thou hast borne along with him; but I inflict this following punishment
upon thee, because thou wast among Adonijah's followers, and wast of his
party. Do not thou continue here, nor come any more into my sight, but
go to thine own town, and live on thy own fields, and there abide all thy
life; for thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not just that thou
shouldst retain thy dignity any longer." For the forementioned cause,
therefore, it was that the house of Ithamar was deprived of the sacerdotal
dignity, as God had foretold to Eli, the grandfather of Abiathar. So it
was transferred to the family of Phineas, to Zadok. Now those that were
of the family of Phineas, but lived privately during the time that the
high priesthood was transferred to the house of Ithamar, (of which family
Eli was the first that received it,)were these that follow: Bukki, the
son of Abishua the high priest; his son was Joatham; Joatham's son was
Meraioth; Meraioth's son was Arophseus; Aropheus's son was Ahitub; and
Ahitub's son was Zadok, who was first made high priest in the reign of
David.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="13" unit="section" /><p>Now when Joab the captain of the host heard of the slaughter of Adonijah,
he was greatly afraid, for he was a greater friend to him than to Solomon;
and suspecting, not without reason, that he was in danger, on account of
his favor to Adonijah, he fled to the altar, and supposed he might procure
safety thereby to himself, because of the king's piety towards God. But
when some told the king what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah, and
commanded him to raise him up from the altar, and bring him to the judgment-seat,
in order to make his defense. However, Joab said he would not leave the
altar, but would die there rather than in another place. And when Benaiah
had reported his answer to the king, Solomon commanded him to cut off his
head there <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
execution upon Joab, as a murderer, by slaying him, even when he had taken
sanctuary at God's altar, is perfectly agreeable to the law of Moses, which
enjoins, that "if a man come presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay
him with guile, thou shalt take him from mine altar that he die,"
Exodus 21:14.</note>
and let him take that as a punishment for those two captains of the host
whom he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body, that his sins might
never leave his family, but that himself and his father, by Joab's death,
might be guiltless. And when Benaiah had done what he was commanded to
do, he was himself appointed to be captain of the whole army. The king
also made Zadok to be alone the high priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom
he had removed.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="17" unit="section" /><p>But as to Shimei, Solomon commanded that he should build him a house,
and stay at Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should not have authority
to go over the brook Cedron; and that if he disobeyed that command, death
should be his punishment. He also threatened him so terribly, that he compelled
him to take all oath that he would obey. Accordingly Shimei said that he
had reason to thank Solomon for giving him such an injunction; and added
an oath, that he would do as he bade him; and leaving his own country,
he made his abode in Jerusalem. But three years afterwards, when he heard
that two of his servants were run away from him, and were in Gath, he went
for his servants in haste; and when he was come back with them, the king
perceived it, and was much displeased that he had contemned his commands,
and, what was more, had no regard to the oaths he had sworn to God; so
he called him, and said to him, "Didst not thou swear never to leave
me, nor to go out of this city to another? Thou shalt not therefore escape
punishment for thy perjury, but I will punish thee, thou wicked wretch,
both for this crime, and for those wherewith thou didst abuse my father
when he was in his flight, that thou mayst know that wicked men gain nothing
at last, although they be not punished immediately upon their unjust practices;
but that in all the time wherein they think themselves secure, because
they have yet suffered nothing, their punishment increases, and is heavier
upon them, and that to a greater degree than if they had been punished
immediately upon the commission of their crimes." So Benaiah, on the
king's command, slew Shimei.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE WIFE OF SOLOMON; CONCERNING HIS WISDOM AND
RICHES; AND CONCERNING WHAT HE OBTAINED OF HIRAM FOR THE BUILDING OF THE
TEMPLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="21" unit="section" /><p>SOLOMON having already settled himself firmly in his kingdom, and
having brought his enemies to punishment, he married the daughter of Pharaoh
king of Egypt, and built the walls of Jerusalem much larger and stronger
than those that had been before, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
building of the walls of Jerusalem, soon after David's death, illustrates
the conclusion of the 51st Psalm, where David prays, "Build thou the
walls of Jerusalem;" they being, it seems, unfinished or imperfect
at that time. See ch. 6. sect. 1; and ch. 1. sect. 7; also 1 Kings 9:15.</note>
and thenceforward he managed public affairs very peaceably. Nor was his
youth any hinderance in the exercise of justice, or in the observation
of the laws, or in the remembrance of what charges his father had given
him at his death; but he discharged every duty with great accuracy, that
might have been expected from such as are aged, and of the greatest prudence.
He now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacrifice to God upon the brazen altar
that was built by Moses. Accordingly he offered there burnt-offerings,
in number a thousand; and when he had done this, he thought he had paid
great honor to God; for as he was asleep that very night God appeared to
him, and commanded him to ask of him some gifts which he was ready to give
him as a reward for his piety. So Solomon asked of God what was most excellent,
and of the greatest worth in itself, what God would bestow with the greatest.
joy, and what it was most profitable for man to receive; for he
did not desire to have bestowed upon him either gold or silver, or any
other riches, as a man and a youth might naturally have done, for these
are the things that generally are esteemed by most men, as alone of the
greatest worth, and the best gifts of God; but, said he, "Give me,
O Lord, a sound mind, and a good understanding, whereby I may speak and
judge the people according to truth and righteousness." With these
petitions God was well pleased; and promised to give him all those things
that he had not mentioned in his option, riches, glory, victory over his
enemies; and, in the first place, understanding and wisdom, and this in
such a degree as no other mortal man, neither kings nor ordinary persons,
ever had. He also promised to preserve the kingdom to his posterity for
a very long time, if he continued righteous and obedient to him, and imitated
his father in those things wherein he excelled. When Solomon heard this
from God, he presently leaped out of his bed; and when he had worshipped
him, he returned to Jerusalem; and after he had offered great sacrifices
before the tabernacle, he feasted all his own family.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="26" unit="section" /><p>In these days a hard cause came before him in judgment, which it
was very difficult to find any end of; and I think it necessary to explain
the fact about which the contest was, that such as light upon my writings
may know what a difficult cause Solomon was to determine, and those that
are concerned in such matters may take this sagacity of the king for a
pattern, that they may the more easily give sentence about such questions.
There were two women, who were harlots in the course of their lives, that
came to him; of whom she that seemed to be injured began to speak first,
and said, "O king, I and this other woman dwell together in one room.
Now it came to pass that we both bore a son at the same hour of the same
day; and on the third day this woman overlaid her son, and killed it, and
then took my son out of my bosom, and removed him to herself, and as I
was asleep she laid her dead son in my arms. Now, when in the morning I
was desirous to give the breast to the child, I did not find my own, but
saw the woman's dead child lying by me; for I considered it exactly, and
found it so to be. Hence it was that I demanded my son, and when I could
not obtain him, I have recourse, my lord, to thy assistance; for since
we were alone, and there was nobody there that could convict her, she cares
for nothing, but perseveres in the stout denial of the fact." When
this woman had told this her story, the king asked the other woman what
she had to say in contradiction to that story. But when she denied that
she had done what was charged upon her, and said that it was her child
that was living, and that it was her antagonist's child that was dead,
and when no one could devise what judgment could be given, and the whole
court were blind in their understanding, and could not tell how to find
out this riddle, the king alone invented the following way how to discover
it. He bade them bring in both the dead child and the living child; and
sent one of his guards, and commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw it,
and to cut both the children into two pieces, that each of the women might
have half the living and half the dead child. Hereupon all the people privately
laughed at the king, as no more than a youth. But, in the mean time, she
that was the real mother of the living child cried out that he should not
do so, but deliver that child to the other woman as her own, for she would
be satisfied with the life of the child, and with the sight of it, although
it were esteemed the other's child; but the other woman was ready to see
the child divided, and was desirous, moreover, that the first woman should
be tormented. When the king understood that both their words proceeded
from the truth of their passions, he adjudged the child to her that cried
out to save it, for that she was the real mother of it; and he condemned
the other as a wicked woman, who had not only killed her own child, but
was endeavoring to see her friend's child destroyed also. Now the multitude
looked on this determination as a great sign and demonstration of the king's
sagacity and wisdom, and after that day attended to him as to one that
had a divine mind.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="35" unit="section" /><p>Now the captains of his armies, and officers appointed over the whole
country, were these: over the lot of Ephraim was Ures; over the toparchy
of Bethlehem was Dioclerus; Abinadab, who married Solomon's daughter, had
the region of Dora and the sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was under
Benaiah, the son of Achilus; he also governed all the country as far as
Jordan; Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulanitis, and had under him the
sixty great and fenced cities [of Og]; Achinadab managed the affairs of
all Galilee as far as Sidon, and had himself also married a daughter of
Solomon's, whose name was Basima; Banacates had the seacoast about Arce;
as had Shaphat Mount Tabor, and Carmel, and [the Lower] Galilee, as far
as the river Jordan; one man was appointed over all this country; Shimei
was intrusted with the lot of Benjamin; and Gabares had the country beyond
Jordan, over whom there was again one governor appointed. Now the people
of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, received a wonderful
increase when they betook themselves to husbandry, and the cultivation
of their grounds; for as they enjoyed peace, and were not distracted with
wars and troubles, and having, besides, an abundant fruition of the most
desirable liberty, every one was busy in augmenting the product of their
own lands, and making them worth more than they had formerly been.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="39" unit="section" /><p>The king had also other rulers, who were over the land of Syria and
of the Philistines, which reached from the river Euphrates to Egypt, and
these collected his tributes of the nations. Now these contributed to the
king's table, and to his supper every day <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
may not be amiss to compare the daily furniture of king Solomon's table,
here set down, and 1 Kings 4;22, 23, with the like daily furniture of Nehemiah
the governor's table, after the Jews were come back from Babylon; and to
remember withal, that Nehemiah was now building the walls of Jerusalem,
and maintained, more than usual, above a hundred and fifty considerable
men every day, and that, because the nation was then very poor, at his
own charges also, without laying any burden upon the people at all. "Now
that which was prepared for me daily was one ox and six choice sheep; also
fowls were prepared for me, and once in ten days store of all sorts of
wine; and yet for all this required not the bread of the governor, because
the bondage was heavy upon this people," Nehemiah 5:18: see the whole
context, ver. 14-19. Nor did the governor's usual allowance of forty shekels
of silver a-day, ver. 15, amount to 45 a day, nor to <date value="1800" authname="1800">1800</date> a-year. Nor does
it indeed appear that, under the judges, or under Samuel the prophet, there
was any such public allowance to those governors at all. Those great charges
upon the public for maintaining courts came in with kings, as God foretold
they would, 1 Samuel 8:11-18.</note>
thirty cori of fine flour, and sixty of meal; as also ten fat oxen, and
twenty oxen out of the pastures, and a hundred fat lambs; all these were
besides what were taken by hunting harts and buffaloes, and birds and fishes,
which were brought to the king by foreigners day by day. Solomon had also
so great a number of chariots, that the stalls of his horses for those
chariots were forty thousand; and besides these he had twelve thousand
horsemen, the one half of which waited upon the king in Jerusalem, and
the rest were dispersed abroad, and dwelt in the royal villages; but the
same officer who provided for the king's expenses supplied also the fodder
for the horses, and still carried it to the place where the king abode
at that time.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="42" unit="section" /><p>Now the sagacity and wisdom which God had bestowed on Solomon was
so great, that he exceeded the ancients; insomuch that he was no way inferior
to the Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond all men in understanding;
nay, indeed, it is evident that their sagacity was very much inferior to
that of the king's. He also excelled and distinguished himself in wisdom
above those who were most eminent among the Hebrews at that time for shrewdness;
those I mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, the sons of
Mahol. He also composed books of odes and songs a thousand and five, of
parables and similitudes three thousand; for he spake a parable upon every
sort of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar; and in like manner also about
beasts, about all sorts of living creatures, whether upon the earth, or
in the seas, or in the air; for he was not unacquainted with any of their
natures, nor omitted inquiries about them, but described them all like
a philosopher, and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of their several
properties. God also enabled him to learn that skill which expels demons,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Some
pretended fragments of these books of conjuration of Solomon are still
extant in Fabricius's Cod. Pseudepigr. Vet. Test. page <date value="1054" authname="1054">1054</date>, though I entirely
differ from Josephus in this his supposal, that such books and arts of
Solomon were parts of that wisdom which was imparted to him by God in his
younger days; they must rather have belonged to such profane but curious
arts as we find mentioned Acts 19:13-20, and had been derived from the
idolatry and superstition of his heathen wives and concubines in his old
age, when he had forsaken God, and God had forsaken him, and given him
up to demoniacal delusions. Nor does Josephus's strange account of the
root Baara (Of the War, B. VIII. ch. 6. sect. 3) seem to be other than
that of its magical use in such conjurations. As for the following history,
it confirms what Christ says, Matthew 12;27 "If I by Beelzebub cast
out demons, by whom do your Sons cast them out?"</note> which
is a science useful and sanative to men. He composed such incantations
also by which distempers are alleviated. And he left behind him the manner
of using exorcisms, by which they drive away demons, so that they never
return; and this method of cure is of great force unto this day; for I
have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing
people that were demoniacal in the presence of Vespasian, and his sons,
and his captains, and the whole multitude of his soldiers. The manner of
the cure was this: He put a ring that had a Foot of one of those sorts
mentioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the demoniac, after which he drew
out the demon through his nostrils; and when the man fell down immediately,
he abjured him to return into him no more, making still mention of Solomon,
and reciting the incantations which he composed. And when Eleazar would
persuade and demonstrate to the spectators that he had such a power, he
set a little way off a cup or basin full of water, and commanded the demon,
as he went out of the man, to overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators
know that he had left the man; and when this was done, the skill and wisdom
of Solomon was shown very manifestly: for which reason it is, that all
men may know the vastness of Solomon's abilities, and how he was beloved
of God, and that the extraordinary virtues of every kind with which this
king was endowed may not be unknown to any people under the sun for this
reason, I say, it is that we have proceeded to speak so largely of these
matters.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="50" unit="section" /><p>Moreover Hiram, king of Tyre, when he had heard that Solonion succeeded
to his father's kingdom, was very glad of it, for he was a friend of David's.
So he sent ambassadors to him, and saluted him, and congratulated him on
the present happy state of his affairs. Upon which Solomon sent him an
epistle, the contents of which here follow:
<quote><p>SOLOMON TO KING HIRAM.</p>
<p>"<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These
epistles of Solomon and Hiram are those in 1 Kings 5:3-9, and, as enlarged,
in 2 Chronicles 2:3-16, but here given us by Josephus in his own words.</note>Know
thou that my father would have built a temple to God, but was hindered
by wars, and continual expeditions; for he did not leave off to overthrow
his enemies till he made them all subject to tribute. But I give thanks
to God for the peace I at present enjoy, and on that account I am at leisure,
and design to build a house to God, for God foretold to my father that
such a house should he built by me; wherefore I desire thee to send some
of thy subjects with mine to Mount Lebanon to cut down timber, for the
Sidonians are more skillful than our people in cutting of wood. As for
wages to the hewers of wood, I will pay whatsoever price thou shalt determine."</p></quote>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="53" unit="section" /></p><p>When Hiram had read this epistle, he was pleased with it; and wrote
back this answer to Solomon.</p>
<quote><p>HIRAM TO KING SOLOMON.</p>
<p>"It is fit to bless God that he hath committed thy father's government
to thee, who art a wise man, and endowed with all virtues. As for myself,
I rejoice at the condition thou art in, and will be subservient to thee
in all that thou sendest to me about; for when by my subjects I have cut
down many and large trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send them to
sea, and will order my subjects to make floats of them, and to sail to
what place soever of thy country thou shalt desire, and leave them there,
after which thy subjects may carry them to Jerusalem. But do thou take
care to procure us corn for this timber, which we stand in need of, because
we inhabit in an island." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What
Josephus here puts into his copy of Hiram's epistle to Solomon, and repeats
afterwards, ch. 5. sect. 3, that Tyre was now an island, is not in any
of the three other copies, viz. that of the Kings, Chronicles, or Eusebius;
nor is it any other, I suppose, than his own conjectural paraphrase; for
when I, many years ago, inquired into this matter, I found the state of
this famous city, and of the island whereupon it stood, to have been very
different at different times. The result of my inquiries in this matter,
with the addition of some later improvements, stands thus: That the best
testimonies hereto relating, imply, that Paketyrus, or Oldest Tyre, was
no other than that most ancient smaller fort or city Tyre, situated on
the continent, and mentioned in Joshua 19:29, out of which the Canaanite
or Phoenician inhabitants were driven into a large island, that lay not
far off in the sea, by Joshua: that this island was then joined to the
continent at the present remains of Paketyrus, by a neck of land over against
Solomon's cisterns, still so called; and the city's fresh water, probably,
was carried along in pipes by that neck of land; and that this island was
therefore, in strictness, no other than a peninsula, having villages in
its fields, Ezekiel 26:6, and a wall about it, Amos 1:10, and the city
was not of so great reputation as Sitlon for some ages: that it was attacked
both by sea and land by Salmanasser, as Josephus informs us, Antiq. B.
IX. ch. 14. sect. 2, and afterwards came to be the metropolis of Phoenicia;
and was afterwards taken and destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, according to
the numerous Scripture prophecies thereto relating, Isaiah 23.; Jeremiah
25:22; 27:3; 47:4; Ezekiel 26., 27., 28.: that seventy years after that
destruction by Nebuchadnezzar, this city was in some measure revived and
rebuilt, Isaiah 23:17, 18, but that, as the prophet Ezekiel had foretold,
chap. 26:3-5, 14; 27: 34, the sea arose higher than before, till at last
it over flowed, not only the neck of land, but the main island or peninsula
itself, and destroyed that old and famous city for ever: that, however,
there still remained an adjoining smaller island, once connected to Old
Tyre itself by Hiram, which was afterwards inhabited; to which Alexander
the Great, with incredible pains, raised a new bank or causeway: and that
it plainly appears from Ifaundreh, a most authentic eye-witness, that the
old large and famous city, on the original large island, is now laid so
generally under water, that scarce more than forty acres of it, or rather
of that adjoining small island remain at this day; so that, perhaps, not
above a hundredth part of the first island and city is now above water.
This was foretold in the same prophecies of Ezekiel; and according to them,
as Mr. Maundrell distinctly observes, these poor remains of Old Tyre are
now "become like the top of a rock, a place for the spreading of nets
in the midst of the sea."</note></p></quote>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="55" unit="section" /><p>The copies of these epistles remain at this day, and are preserved
not only in our books, but among the Tyrians also; insomuch that if any
one would know the certainty about them, he may desire of the keepers of
the public records of Tyre to show him them, and he will find what is there
set down to agree with what we have said. I have said so much out of a
desire that my readers may know that we speak nothing but the truth, and
do not compose a history out of some plausible relations, which deceive
men and please them at the same time, nor attempt to avoid examination,
nor desire men to believe us immediately; nor are we at liberty to depart
from speaking truth, which is the proper commendation of an historian,
and yet be blameless: but we insist upon no admission of what we say, unless
we be able to manifest its truth by demonstration, and the strongest vouchers.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="57" unit="section" /><p>Now king Solomon, as soon as this epistle of the king of Tyre was
brought him, commended the readiness and good-will he declared therein,
and repaid him in what he desired, and sent him yearly twenty thousand
cori of wheat, and as many baths of oil: now the bath is able to contain
seventy-two sextaries. He also sent him the same measure of wine. So the
friendship between Hiram and Solomon hereby increased more and more; and
they swore to continue it for ever. And the king appointed a tribute to
be laid on all the people, of thirty thousand laborers, whose work he rendered
easy to them by prudently dividing it among them; for he made ten thousand
cut timber in Mount Lebanon for one month; and then to come home, and rest
two months, until the time when the other twenty thousand had finished
their task at the appointed time; and so afterward it came to pass that
the first ten thousand returned to their work every fourth month: and it
was Adoram who was over this tribute. There were also of the strangers
who were left by David, who were to carry the stones and other materials,
seventy thousand; and of those that cut the stones, eighty thousand. Of
these three thousand and three hundred were rulers over the rest. He also
enjoined them to cut out large stones for the foundations of the temple,
and that they should fit them and unite them together in the mountain,
and so bring them to the city. This was done not only by our own country
workmen, but by those workmen whom Hiram sent also.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">OF THE BUILDING OF THIS TEMPLE</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="61" unit="section" /><p>SOLOMON began to build the temple in the fourth year of his reign,
on the second month, which the Macedonians call <emph>Artemisius</emph>, and
the Hebrews <emph>Jur</emph>, five hundred and ninety-two years after the Exodus
out of Egypt; but one thousand and twenty years from Abraham's coming out
of Mesopotamia into Canaan, and after the deluge one thousand four hundred
and forty years; and from Adam, the first man who was created, until Solomon
built the temple, there had passed in all three thousand one hundred and
two years. Now that year on which the temple began to be built was already
the eleventh year of the reign of Hiram; but from the building of Tyre
to the building of the temple, there had passed two hundred and forty years.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="63" unit="section" /><p>Now, therefore, the king laid the foundations of the temple very
deep in the ground, and the materials were strong stones, and such as would
resist the force of time; these were to unite themselves with the earth,
and become a basis and a sure foundation for that superstructure which
was to be erected over it; they were to be so strong, in order to sustain
with ease those vast superstructures and precious ornaments, whose own
weight was to be not less than the weight of those other high and heavy
buildings which the king designed to be very ornamental and magnificent.
They erected its entire body, quite up to the roof, of white stone; its
height was sixty cubits, and its length was the same, and its breadth twenty.
There was another building erected over it, equal to it in its measures;
so that the entire altitude of the temple was a hundred and twenty cubits.
Its front was to the east. As to the porch, they built it before the temple;
its length was twenty cubits, and it was so ordered that it might agree
with the breadth of the house; and it had twelve cubits in latitude, and
its height was raised as high as a hundred and twenty cubits. He also built
round about the temple thirty small rooms, which might include the whole
temple, by their closeness one to another, and by their number and outward
position round it. He also made passages through them, that they might
come into on through another. Every one of these rooms had five cubits
in breadth, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of
the temple of Solomon here described by Josephus, in this and the following
sections of this chapter, see my description of the temples belonging to
this work, ch. 13, These small rooms, or side chambers, seem to have been,
by Josephus's description, no less than twenty cubits high a piece, otherwise
there must have been a large interval between one and the other that was
over it; and this with double floors, the one of six cubits distance from
the floor beneath it, as 1 Kings 6:5</note>
and the same in length, but in height twenty. Above these there were other
rooms, and others above them, equal, both in their measures and number;
so that these reached to a height equal to the lower part of the house;
for the upper part had no buildings about it. The roof that was over the
house was of cedar; and truly every one of these rooms had a roof of their
own, that was not connected with the other rooms; but for the other parts,
there was a covered roof common to them all, and built with very long beams,
that passed through the rest, and rough the whole building, that so the
middle walls, being strengthened by the same beams of timber, might be
thereby made firmer: but as for that part of the roof that was under the
beams, it was made of the same materials, and was all made smooth, and
had ornaments proper for roofs, and plates of gold nailed upon them. And
as he enclosed the walls with boards of cedar, so he fixed on them plates
of gold, which had sculptures upon them; so that the whole temple shined,
and dazzled the eyes of such as entered, by the splendor of the gold that
was on every side of them, Now the whole structure of the temple was made
with great skill of polished stones, and those laid together so very harmoniously
and smoothly, that there appeared to the spectators no sign of any hammer,
or other instrument of architecture; but as if, without any use of them,
the entire materials had naturally united themselves together, that the
agreement of one part with another seemed rather to have been natural,
than to have arisen from the force of tools upon them. The king also had
a fine contrivance for an ascent to the upper room over the temple, and
that was by steps in the thickness of its wall; for it had no large door
on the east end, as the lower house had, but the entrances were by the
sides, through very small doors. He also overlaid the temple, both within
and without, with boards of cedar, that were kept close together by thick
chains, so that this contrivance was in the nature of a support and a strength
to the building.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="71" unit="section" /><p>Now when the king had divided the temple into two parts, he made
the inner house of twenty cubits [every way], to be the most secret chamber,
but he appointed that of forty cubits to be the sanctuary; and when he
had cut a door-place out of the wall, he put therein doors of Cedar, and
overlaid them with a great deal of gold, that had sculptures upon it. He
also had veils of blue, and purple, and scarlet, and the brightest and
softest linen, with the most curious flowers wrought upon them, which were
to be drawn before those doors. He also dedicated for the most secret place,
whose breadth was twenty cubits, and length the same, two cherubims of
solid gold; the height of each of them was five cubits <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus
says here that the cherubims were of solid gold, and only five cubits high,
while our Hebrew copies (1 Kings 6;23, 28) say they were of the olive tree,
and the LXXX. of the cypress tree, and only overlaid with gold; and both
agree they were ten cubits high. I suppose the number here is falsely transcribed,
and that Josephus wrote ten cubits also.</note>
they had each of them two wings stretched out as far as five cubits; wherefore
Solomon set them up not far from each other, that with one wing they might
touch the southern wall of the secret place, and with another the northern:
their other wings, which joined to each other, were a covering to the ark,
which was set between them; but nobody can tell, or even conjecture, what
was the shape of these cherubims. He also laid the floor of the temple
with plates of gold; and he added doors to the gate of the temple, agreeable
to the measure of the height of the wall, but in breadth twenty cubits,
and on them he glued gold plates. And, to say all in one word, he left
no part of the temple, neither internal nor external, but what was covered
with gold. He also had curtains drawn over these doors in like manner as
they were drawn over the inner doors of the most holy place; but the porch
of the temple had nothing of that sort.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="76" unit="section" /><p>Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was Hiram;
he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother's side, (for she
was of that tribe,) but his father was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites.
This man was skillful in all sorts of work; but his chief skill lay in
working in gold, and silver, and brass; by whom were made all the mechanical
works about the temple, according to the will of Solomon. Moreover, this
Hiram made two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were of brass, and the
thickness of the brass was four fingers' breadth, and the height of the
pillars was eighteen cubits and their circumference twelve cubits; but
there was cast with each of their chapiters lily-work that stood upon the
pillar, and it was elevated five cubits, round about which there was net-work
interwoven with small palms, made of brass, and covered the lily-work.
To this also were hung two hundred pomegranates, in two rows. The one of
these pillars he set at the entrance of the porch on the right hand, and
called it <emph>Jachin</emph> <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As
for these two famous pillars, Jachin and Booz, their height could be no
more than eighteen cubits, as here, and 1 Kings 7:15; 2 Kings 25:17; Jeremiah
3:21; those thirty-five cubits in 2 Chronicles 3:15, being contrary to
all the rules of architecture in the world.</note>
and the other at the left hand, and called it <emph>Booz</emph>. </p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="79" unit="section" /><p>Solomon also cast a brazen sea, whose figure was that of a hemisphere.
This brazen vessel was called <emph>a sea</emph> for its largeness, for the laver
was ten feet in diameter, and cast of the thickness of a palm. Its middle
part rested on a short pillar that had ten spirals round it, and that pillar
was ten cubits in diameter. There stood round about it twelve oxen, that
looked to the four winds of heaven, three to each wind, having their hinder
parts depressed, that so the hemispherical vessel might rest upon them,
which itself was also depressed round about inwardly. Now this sea contained
three thousand baths.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="81" unit="section" /><p>He also made ten brazen bases for so many quadrangular lavers; the
length of every one of these bases was five cubits, and the breadth four
cubits, and the height six cubits. This vessel was partly turned, and was
thus contrived: There were four small quadrangular pillars that stood one
at each corner; these had the sides of the base fitted to them on each
quarter; they were parted into three parts; every interval had a border
fitted to support [the laver]; upon which was engraven, in one place a
lion, and in another place a bull, and an eagle. The small pillars had
the same animals engraven that were engraven on the sides. The whole work
was elevated, and stood upon four wheels, which were also cast, which had
also naves and felloes, and were a foot and a half in diameter. Any one
who saw the spokes of the wheels, how exactly they were turned, and united
to the sides of the bases, and with what harmony they agreed to the felloes,
would wonder at them. However, their structure was this: Certain shoulders
of hands stretched out held the corners above, upon which rested a short
spiral pillar, that lay under the hollow part of the laver, resting upon
the fore part of the eagle and the lion, which were adapted to them, insomuch
that those who viewed them would think they were of one piece: between
these were engravings of palm trees. This was the construction of the ten
bases. He also made ten large round brass vessels, which were the lavers
themselves, each of which contained forty baths; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The round or cylindrical lavers of four cubits in diameter, and four in
height, both in our copies, 1 Kings 7:38, 39, and here in Josephus, must
have contained a great deal more than these forty baths, which are always
assigned them. Where the error lies is hard to say: perhaps Josephus honestly
followed his copies here, though they had been corrupted, and he was not
able to restore the true reading. In the mean time, the forty baths are
probably the true quantity contained in each laver, since they went upon
wheels, and were to be drawn by the Levites about the courts of the priests
for the washings they were designed for; and had they held much more, they
would have been too heavy to have been so drawn.</note>
for it had its height four cubits, and its edges were as much distant from
each other. He also placed these lavers upon the ten bases that were called
Mechonoth; and he set five of the lavers on the left side of the temple
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here Josephus gives us a key to his own language, of right and left hand
in the tabernacle and temple; that by the right hand he means what is against
our left, when we suppose ourselves going up from the east gate of the
courts towards the tabernacle or temple themselves, and so vice versa;
whence it follows, that the pillar Jachin, on the right hand of the temple
was on the south, against our left hand; and Booz on the north, against
our right hand. Of the golden plate on the high priest's forehead that
was in being in the days of Josephus, and a century or two at least later,
seethe note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 7. sect. 6.</note> which
was that side towards the north wind, and as many on the right side, towards
the south, but looking towards the east; the same [eastern] way he also
set the sea Now he appointed the sea to be for washing the hands and the
feet of the priests, when they entered into the temple and were to ascend
the altar, but the lavers to cleanse the entrails of the beasts that were
to be burnt-offerings, with their feet also.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>He also made a brazen altar, whose length was twenty cubits, and
its breadth the same, and its height ten, for the burnt-offerings. He also
made all its vessels of brass, the pots, and the shovels, and the basons;
and besides these, the snuffers and the tongs, and all its other vessels,
he made of brass, and such brass as was in splendor and beauty like gold.
The king also dedicated a great number of tables, but one that was large
and made of gold, upon which they set the loaves of God; and he made ten
thousand more that resembled them, but were done after another manner,
upon which lay the vials and the cups; those of gold were twenty thousand,
those of silver were forty thousand. He also made ten thousand candlesticks,
according to the command of Moses, one of which he dedicated for the temple,
that it might burn in the day time, according to the law; and one table
with loaves upon it, on the north side of the temple, over against the
candlestick; for this he set on the south side, but the golden altar stood
between them. All these vessels were contained in that part of the holy
house, which was forty cubits long, and were before the veil of that most
secret place wherein the ark was to be set.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="91" unit="section" /><p>The king also made pouring vessels, in number eighty thousand, and
a hundred thousand golden vials, and twice as many silver vials: of golden
dishes, in order therein to offer kneaded fine flour at the altar, there
were eighty thousand, and twice as many of silver. Of large basons also,
wherein they mixed fine flour with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and twice
as many of silver. Of the measures like those which Moses called the <emph>Hin
</emph>and the <emph>Assaron</emph>, (a tenth deal,) there were twenty thousand
of gold, and twice as many of silver. The golden censers, in which they
carried the incense to the altar, were twenty thousand; the other censers,
in which they carried fire from the great altar to the little altar, within
the temple, were fifty thousand. The sacerdotal garments which belonged
to the high priest, with the long robes, and the oracle, and the precious
stones, were a thousand. But the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name
of God], <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the golden plate on the High priests forehead that was in being in the
days of Josephus, and a century or two at least later, see the note on
Antiq. B. III. ch.vii. sect. 6.</note>was only one, and hath remained to this very day. He also made ten
thousand sacerdotal garments of fine linen, with purple girdles for every
priest; and two hundred thousand trumpets, according to the command of
Moses; also two hundred thousand garments of fine linen for the singers,
that were Levites. And he made musical instruments, and such as were invented
for singing of hymns, called <emph>,Nablee</emph> and <emph>Cindree</emph>, [psalteries
and harps,] which were made of electrum, [the finest brass,] forty thousand.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="95" unit="section" /><p>Solomon made all these things for the honor of God, with great variety
and magnificence, sparing no cost, but using all possible liberality in
adorning the temple; and these things he dedicated to the treasures of
God. He also placed a partition round about the temple, which in our tongue
we call <emph>Gison</emph>, but it is called <emph>Thrigcos</emph> by the Greeks, and
he raised it up to the height of three cubits; and it was for the exclusion
of the multitude from coming into the temple, and showing that it was a
place that was free and open only for the priests. He also built beyond
this court a temple, whose figure was that of a quadrangle, and erected
for it great and broad cloisters; this was entered into by very high gates,
each of which had its front exposed to one of the [four] winds, and were
shut by golden doors. Into this temple all the people entered that were
distinguished from the rest by being pure and observant of the laws. But
he made that temple which was beyond this a wonderful one indeed, and such
as exceeds all description in words; nay, if I may so say, is hardly believed
upon sight; for when he had filled up great valleys with earth, which,
on account of their immense depth, could not be looked on, when you bended
down to see them, without pain, and had elevated the ground four hundred
cubits, he made it to be on a level with the top of the mountain, on which
the temple was built, and by this means the outmost temple, which was exposed
to the air, was even with the temple itself. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">When Josephus here says that the floor of the outmost temple or court of
the Gentiles was with vast labor raised to be even, or of equal height,
with the floor of the inner, or court of the priests, he must mean this
in a gross estimation only; for he and all others agree, that the inner
temple, or court of the priests, was a few cubits more elevated than the
middle court, the court of Israel, and that much more was the court of
the priests elevated several cubits above that outmost court, since the
court of Israel was lower than the one and higher than the other. The Septuagint
say that "they prepared timber and stones to build the temple for
three years," 1 Kings 5:18; and although neither our present Hebrew
copy, nor Josephus, directly name that number of years, yet do they both
say the building itself did not begin till Solomon's fourth year; and both
speak of the preparation of materials beforehand, 1 Kings v. 18; Antiq.
B. VIII. ch. 5. sect. 1. There is no reason, therefore, to alter the Septuagint's
number; but we are to suppose three years to have been the just time of
the preparation, as I have done in my computation of the expense in building
that temple.</note>
He encompassed this also with a building of a double row of cloisters,
which stood on high upon pillars of native stone, while the roofs were
of cedar, and were polished in a manner proper for such high roofs; but
he made all the doors of this temple of silver.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SOLOMON REMOVED THE ARK INTO THE TEMPLE HOW HE MADE SUPPLICATION
TO GOD, AND OFFERED PUBLIC SACRIFICES TO HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>WHEN king Solomon had finished these works, these large and beautiful
buildings, and had laid up his donations in the temple, and all this in
the interval of seven years, and had given a demonstration of his riches
and alacrity therein, insomuch that any one who saw it would have thought
it must have been an immense time ere it could have been finished; and
would be surprised that so much should be finished in so short a time;
short, I mean, if compared with the greatness of the work: he also wrote
to the rulers and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered all the people to
gather themselves together to Jerusalem, both to see the temple which he
had built, and to remove the ark of God into it; and when this invitation
of the whole body of the people to come to Jerusalem was every where carried
abroad, it was the seventh month before they came together; which month
is by our countrymen called <emph>Thisri</emph>, but by the Macedonians <emph>Hyperberetoets.
</emph>The feast of tabernacles happened to fall at the same time, which was
celebrated by the Hebrews as a most holy and most eminent feast. So they
carried the ark and the tabernacle which Moses had pitched, and all the
vessels that were for ministration, to the sacrifices of God, and removed
them to the temple. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This solemn removal of the ark from Mount Sion to Mount Moriah, at the
distance of almost three quarters of a mile, confutes that notion of the
modern Jews, and followed by many Christians also, as if those two were
after a sort one and the same mountain, for which there is, I think, very
little foundation.</note>
The king himself, and all the people and the Levites, went before, rendering
the ground moist with sacrifices, and drink-offerings, and the blood of
a great number of oblations, and burning an immense quantity of incense,
and this till the very air itself every where round about was so full of
these odors, that it met, in a most agreeable manner, persons at a great
distance, and was an indication of God's presence; and, as men's opinion
was, of his habitation with them in this newly built and consecrated place,
for they did not grow weary, either of singing hymns or of dancing, until
they came to the temple; and in this manner did they carry the ark. But
when they should transfer it into the most secret place, the rest of the
multitude went away, and only those priests that carried it set it between
the two cherubims, which embracing it with their wings, (for so were they
framed by the artificer,) they covered it, as under a tent, or a cupola.
Now the ark contained nothing else but those two tables of stone that preserved
the ten commandments, which God spake to Moses in Mount Sinai, and which
were engraved upon them; but they set the candlestick, and the table, and
the golden altar in the temple, before the most secret place, in the very
same places wherein they stood till that time in the tabernacle. So they
offered up the daily sacrifices; but for the brazen altar, Solomon set
it before the temple, over against the door, that when the door was opened,
it might be exposed to sight, and the sacred solemnities, and the richness
of the sacrifices, might be thence seen; and all the rest of the vessels
they gathered together, and put them within the temple.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="106" unit="section" /><p>Now as soon as the priests had put all things in order about the
ark, and were gone out, there cane down a thick cloud, and stood there,
and spread itself, after a gentle manner, into the temple; such a cloud
it was as was diffused and temperate, not such a rough one as we see full
of rain in the winter season. This cloud so darkened the place, that one
priest could not discern another, but it afforded to the minds of all a
visible image and glorious appearance of God's having descended into this
temple, and of his having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein. So these
men were intent upon this thought. But Solomon rose up, (for he was sitting
before,) and used such words to God as he thought agreeable to the Divine
nature to receive, and fit for him to give; for he said, "Thou hast
an eternal house, O Lord, and such a one as thou hast created for thyself
out of thine own works; we know it to be the heaven, and the air, and the
earth, and the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou contained within
their limits. I have indeed built this temple to thee, and thy name, that
from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform sacred operations, we
may send our prayers up into the air, and may constantly believe that thou
art present, and art not remote from what is thine own; for neither when
thou seest all things, and hearest all things, nor now, when it pleases
thee to dwell here, dost thou leave the care of all men, but rather thou
art very near to them all, but especially thou art present to those that
address themselves to thee, whether by night or by day." When he had
thus solemnly addressed himself to God, he converted his discourse to the
multitude, and strongly represented the power and providence of God to
them; - how he had shown all things that were come to pass to David his
father, as many of those things had already come to pass, and the rest
would certainly come to pass hereafter; and how he had given him his name,
and told to David what he should be called before he was born; and foretold,
that when he should be king after his father's death, he should build him
a temple, which since they saw accomplished, according to his prediction,
he required them to bless God, and by believing him, from the sight of
what they had seen accomplished, never to despair of any thing that he
had promised for the future, in order to their happiness, or suspect that
it would not come to pass.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="111" unit="section" /><p>When the king had thus discoursed to the multitude, he looked again
towards the temple, and lifting up his right hand to the multitude, he
said, "It is not possible by what men can do to return sufficient
thanks to God for his benefits bestowed upon them, for the Deity stands
in need of nothing, and is above any such requital; but so far as we have
been made superior, O Lord, to other animals by thee, it becomes us to
bless thy Majesty, and it is necessary for us to return thee thanks for
what thou hast bestowed upon our house, and on the Hebrew people; for with
what other instrument can we better appease thee when thou art angry at
us, or more properly preserve thy favor, than with our voice? which, as
we have it from the air, so do we know that by that air it ascends upwards
[towards thee]. I therefore ought myself to return thee thanks thereby,
in the first place, concerning my father, whom thou hast raised from obscurity
unto so great joy; and, in the next place, concerning myself, since thou
hast performed all that thou hast promised unto this very day. And I beseech
thee for the time to come to afford us whatsoever thou, O God, hast power
to bestow on such as thou dost esteem; and to augment our house for all
ages, as thou hast promised to David my father to do, both in his lifetime
and at his death, that our kingdom shall continue, and that his posterity
should successively receive it to ten thousand generations. Do not thou
therefore fail to give us these blessings, and to bestow on my children
that virtue in which thou delightest. And besides all this, I humbly beseech
thee that thou wilt let some portion of thy Spirit come down and inhabit
in this temple, that thou mayst appear to be with us upon earth. As to
thyself, the entire heavens, and the immensity of the things that are therein,
are but a small habitation for thee, much more is this poor temple so;
but I entreat thee to keep it as thine own house, from being destroyed
by our enemies for ever, and to take care of it as thine own possession:
but if this people be found to have sinned, and be thereupon afflicted
by thee with any plague, because of their sin, as with dearth or
pestilence, or any other affliction which thou usest to inflict on those
that transgress any of thy holy laws, and if they fly all of them to this
temple, beseeching thee, and begging of time to deliver them, then do thou
hear their prayers, as being within thine house, and have mercy upon them,
and deliver them from their afflictions. Nay, moreover, this help is what
I implore of thee, not for the Hebrews only, when they are in distress,
but when any shall come hither from any ends of the world whatsoever, and
shall return from their sins and implore thy pardon, do thou then pardon
them, and hear their prayer. For hereby all shall learn that thou thyself
wast pleased with the building of this house for thee; and that we are
not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like enemies
to such as are not of our own people; but are willing that thy assistance
should be communicated by thee to all men in common, and that they may
have the enjoyment of thy benefits bestowed upon them."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="118" unit="section" /><p>When Solomon had said this, and had cast himself upon the ground,
and worshipped a long time, he rose up, and brought sacrifices to the altar;
and when he had filled it with unblemished victims, he most evidently discovered
that God had with pleasure accepted of all that he had sacrificed to him,
for there came a fire running out of the air, and rushed with violence
upon the altar, in the sight of all, and caught hold of and consumed the
sacrifices. Now when this Divine appearance was seen, the people supposed
it to be a demonstration of God's abode in the temple, and were pleased
with it, and fell down upon the ground and worshipped. Upon which the king
began to bless God, and exhorted the multitude to do the same, as now having
sufficient indications of God's favorable disposition to them; and to pray
that they might always have the like indications from him, and that he
would preserve in them a mind pure from all wickedness, in righteousness
and religious worship, and that they might continue in the observation
of those precepts which God had given them by Moses, because by that means
the Hebrew nation would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all nations
among all mankind. He exhorted them also to be mindful, that by what methods
they had attained their present good things, by the same they must preserve
them sure to themselves, and make them greater and more than they were
at present; for that it was not sufficient for them to suppose they had
received them on account of their piety and righteousness, but that they
had no other way of preserving them for the time to come; for that it is
not so great a thing for men to acquire somewhat which they want, as to
preserve what they have acquired, and to be guilty of no sin whereby it
may be hurt.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="122" unit="section" /><p>So when the king had spoken thus to the multitude, he dissolved the
congregation, but not till he had completed his oblations, both for himself
and for the Hebrews, insomuch that he sacrificed twenty and two thousand
oxen, and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep; for then it was that the
temple did first of all taste of the victims, and all the Hebrews, with
their wives and children, feasted therein: nay, besides this, the king
then observed splendidly and magnificently the feast which is called the
<emph>Feast of Tabernacles</emph>, before the temple, for twice seven days; and
he then feasted together with all the people.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="124" unit="section" /><p>When all these solemnities were abundantly satisfied, and nothing
was omitted that concerned the Divine worship, the king dismissed them;
and they every one went to their own homes, giving thanks to the king for
the care he had taken of them, and the works he had done for them; and
praying to God to preserve Solomon to be their king for a long time. They
also took their journey home with rejoicing, and making merry, and singing
hymns to God. And indeed the pleasure they enjoyed took away the sense
of the pains they all underwent in their journey home. So when they had
brought the ark into the temple, and had seen its greatness, and how fine
it was, and had been partakers of the many sacrifices that had been offered,
and of the festivals that had been solemnized, they every one returned
to their own cities. But a dream that appeared to the king in his sleep
informed him that God had heard his prayers; and that he would not only
preserve the temple, but would always abide in it; that is, in case his
posterity and the whole multitude would be righteous. And for himself,
it said, that if he continued according to the admonitions of his father,
he would advance him to an immense degree of dignity and happiness, and
that then his posterity should be kings of that country, of the tribe of
Judah, for ever; but that still, if he should be found a betrayer of the
ordinances of the law, and forget them, and turn away to the worship of
strange gods, he would cut him off by the roots, and would neither suffer
any remainder of his family to continue, nor would overlook the people
of Israel, or preserve them any longer from afflictions, but would utterly
destroy them with ten thousand wars and misfortunes; would cast them out
of the land which he had given their fathers, and make them sojourners
in strange lands; and deliver that temple which was now built to be burnt
and spoiled by their enemies, and that city to be utterly overthrown by
the hands of their enemies; and make their miseries deserve to be a proverb,
and such as should very hardly be credited for their stupendous magnitude,
till their neighbors, when they should hear of them, should wonder at their
calamities, and very earnestly inquire for the occasion, why the Hebrews,
who had been so far advanced by God to such glory and wealth, should be
then so hated by him? and that the answer that should be made by the remainder
of the people should be, by confessing their sins, and their transgression
of the laws of their country. Accordingly we have it transmitted to us
in writing, that thus did God speak to Solomon in his sleep.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SOLOMON BUILT HIMSELF A ROYAL PALACE, VERY COSTLY AND
SPLENDID; AND HOW HE SOLVED THE RIDDLES WHICH WERE SENT HIM BY HIRAM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="130" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the building of the temple, which, as we have before said,
was finished in seven years, the king laid the foundation of his palace,
which be did not finish under thirteen years, for he was not equally zealous
in the building of this palace as he had been about the temple; for as
to that, though it was a great work, and required wonderful and surprising
application, yet God, for whom it was made, so far co-operated therewith,
that it was finished in the forementioned number of years: but the palace,
which was a building much inferior in dignity to the temple, both on account
that its materials had not been so long beforehand gotten ready, nor had
been so zealously prepared, and on account that this was only a habitation
for kings, and not for God, it was longer in finishing. However, this building
was raised so magnificently, as suited the happy state of the Hebrews,
and of the king thereof. But it is necessary that I describe the entire
structure and disposition of the parts, that so those that light upon this
book may thereby make a conjecture, and, as it were, have a prospect of
its magnitude.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="133" unit="section" /><p>This house was a large and curious building, and was supported by
many pillars, which Solomon built to contain a multitnde for hearing causes,
and taking cognizance of suits. It was sufficiently capacious to contain
a great body of men, who would come together to have their causes determined.
It was a hundred cubits long, and fifty broad, and thirty high, supported
by quadrangular pillars, which were all of cedar; but its roof was according
to the Corinthian order, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This mention of the Corinthian ornaments of architecture in Solomon's palace
by Josephus seems to be here set down by way of prophecy although it appears
to me that the Grecian and Roman most ancient orders of architecture were
taken from Solomon's temple, as from their original patterns, yet it is
not so clear that the last and most ornamental order of the Corinthian
was so ancient, although what the same Josephus says, (Of the War, B. V.
ch. 5. sect. 3,) that one of the gates of Herod's temple was built according
to the rules of this Corinthian order, is no way improbable, that order
being, without dispute, much older than the reign of Herod. However, upon
some trial, I confess I have not hitherto been able fully to understand
the structure of this palace of Solomon, either as described in our Bibles,
or even with the additional help of this description here by Josephus;
only the reader may easily observe with me, that the measures of this first
building in Josephus, a hundred cubits long, and fifty cubits broad, are
the very same with the area of the cart of the tabernacle of Moses. and
just hall' an Egyptian orout, or acre.</note>
with folding doors, and their adjoining pillars of equal magnitude, each
fluted with three cavities; which building as at once firm, and very ornamental.
There was also another house so ordered, that its entire breadth was placed
in the middle; it was quadrangular, and its breadth was thirty cubits,
having a temple over against it, raised upon massy pillars; in which temple
there was a large and very glorious room, wherein the king sat in judgment.
To this was joined another house that was built for his queen. There were
other smaller edifices for diet, and for sleep, after public matters were
over; and these were all floored with boards of cedar. Some of these Solomon
built with stones of ten cubits, and wainscoted the walls with other stones
that were sawed, and were of great value, such as are dug out of the earth
for the ornaments of temples, and to make fine prospects in royal palaces,
and which make the mines whence they are dug famous. Now the contexture
of the curious workmanship of these stones was in three rows, but the fourth
row would make one admire its sculptures, whereby were represented trees,
and all sorts of plants; with the shades that arose from their branches,
and leaves that hung down from them. Those trees anti plants covered the
stone that was beneath them, and their leaves were wrought so prodigious
thin and subtile, that you would think they were in motion; but the other
part up to the roof, was plastered over, and, as it were, embroidered with
colors and pictures. He, moreover, built other edifices for pleasure; as
also very long cloisters, and those situate in an agreeable place of the
palace; and among them a most glorious dining room, for feastings and compotations,
and full of gold, and such other furniture as so fine a room ought to have
for the conveniency of the guests, and where all the vessels were made
of gold. Now it is very hard to reckon up the magnitude and the variety
of the royal apartments; how many rooms there were of the largest sort,
how many of a bigness inferior to those, and how many that were subterraneous
and invisible; the curiosity of those that enjoyed the fresh air; and the
groves for the most delightful prospect, for the avoiding the heat, and
covering of their bodies. And, to say all in brief, Solomon made the whole
building entirely of white stone, and cedar wood, and gold, and silver.
He also adorned the roofs and walls with stones set in gold, and beautified
them thereby in the same manner as he had beautified the temple of God
with the like stones. He also made himself a throne of prodigious bigness,
of ivory, constructed as a seat of justice, and having six steps to it;
on every one of which stood, on each end of the step two lions, two other
lions standing above also; but at the sitting place of the throne hands
came out and received the king; and when he sat backward, he rested on
half a bullock, that looked towards his back; but still all was fastened
together with gold.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="141" unit="section" /><p>When Solomon had completed all this in twenty years' time, because
Hiram king of Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold, and more silver
to these buildings, as also cedar wood and pine wood, he also rewarded
Hiram with rich presents; corn he sent him also year by year, and wine
and oil, which were the principal things that he stood in need of, because
he inhabited an island, as we have already said. And besides these, he
granted him certain cities of Galilee, twenty in number, that lay not far
from Tyre; which, when Hiram went to, and viewed, and did not like the
gift, he sent word to Solomon that he did not want such cities as they
were; and after that time these cities were called the land of Cabul; which
name, if it be interpreted according to the language of the Phoenicians,
denotes <emph>what does not please</emph>. Moreover, the king of Tyre sent sophisms
and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and desired he would solve them, and
free them from the ambiguity that was in them. Now so sagacious and understanding
was Solomon, that none of these problems were too hard for him; but he
conquered them all by his reasonings, and discovered their hidden meaning,
and brought it to light. Menander also, one who translated the Tyrian archives
out of the dialect of the Phoenicians into the Greek language, makes mention
of these two kings, where he says thus: "When Abibalus was dead,.
his son Hiram received the kingdom from him, who, when he had lived fifty-three
years, reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank in the large place, and dedicated
the golden pillar which is in Jupiter's temple. He also went and cut down
materials of timber out of the mountain called Libanus, for the roof of
temples; and when he had pulled down the ancient temples, he both built
the temple of Hercules and that of Astarte; and he first set up the temple
of Hercules in the month Peritius; he also made an expedition against the
Euchii, or Titii, who did not pay their tribute, and when he had subdued
them to himself he returned. Under this king there was Abdemon, a very
youth in age, who always conquered the difficult problems which Solomon,
king of Jerusalem, commanded him to explain. Dius also makes mention of
him, where he says thus: "When Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram reigned.
He raised the eastern parts of the city higher, and made the city itself
larger. He also joined the temple of Jupiter, which before stood by itself,
to the city, by raising a bank in the middle between them; and he adorned
it with donations of gold. Moreover, he went up to Mount Libanus, and cut
down materials of wood for the building of the temples." He says also,
that Solomon, who was then king of Jerusalem, sent riddles to Hiram, and
desired to receive the like from him, but that he who could not solve them
should pay money to them that did solve them, and that Hiram accepted the
conditions; and when he was not able to solve the riddles proposed by Solomon,
he paid a great deal of money for his fine; but that he afterward did solve
the proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a man of Tyre; and that Hiram
proposed other riddles, which, when Solomon could not solve, he paid back
a great deal of money to Hiram." This it is which Dius wrote.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SOLOMON FORTIFIED THE CITY OF JERUSALEM, AND BUILT GREAT
CITIES; AND HOW HE BROUGHT SOME OF THE CANAANITES INTO SUBJECTION, AND
ENTERTAINED THE QUEEN OF EGYPT AND OF ETHIOPIA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="144" unit="section" /><p>Now when the king saw that the walls of Jerusalem stood in need of
being better secured, and made stronger, (for he thought the wails that
encompassed Jerusalem ought to correspond to the dignity of the city,)
he both repaired them, and made them higher, with great towers upon them;
he also built cities which might be counted among the strongest, Hazor
and Megiddo, and the third Gezer, which had indeed belonged to the Philistines;
but Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made an expedition against it, and
besieged it, and taken it by force; and when he had slain all its inhabitants,
he utterly overthrew it, and gave it as a present to his daughter, who
had been married to Solomon; for which reason the king rebuilt it, as a
city that was naturally strong, and might be useful in wars, and the mutations
of affairs that sometimes happen. Moreover, he built two other cities not
far from it, Beth-horon was the name of one of them, and Baalath of the
other. He also built other cities that lay conveniently for these, in order
to the enjoyment of pleasures and delicacies in them, such as were naturally
of a good temperature of the air, and agreeable for fruits ripe in their
proper seasons, and well watered with springs. Nay, Solomon went as far
as the desert above Syria, and possessed himself of it, and built there
a very great city, which was distant two days' journey from Upper Syria,
and one day's journey from Euphrates, and six long days' journey from Babylon
the Great. Now the reason why this city lay so remote from the parts of
Syria that are inhabited is this, that below there is no water to be had,
and that it is in that place only that there are springs and pits of water.
When he had therefore built this city, and encompassed it with very strong
walls, he gave it the name of Tadmor, and that is the name it is still
called by at this day among the Syrians, but the Greeks name it Palmyra.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="150" unit="section" /><p>Now Solomon the king was at this time engaged in building these cities.
But if any inquire why all the kings of Egypt from Menes, who built Memphis,
and was many years earlier than our forefather Abraham, until Solomon,
where the interval was more than one thousand three hundred years, were
called Pharaohs, and took it from one Pharaoh that lived after the kings
of that interval, I think it necessary to inform them of it, and this in
order to cure their ignorance, and to make the occasion of that name manifest.
Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a <gloss>king</gloss><note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This signification of the name Pharaoh appears to be true. But what Josephus
adds presently, that no king of Egypt was called Pharaoh after Solomon's
father-in-law, does hardly agree to our copies, which have long afterwards
the names of Pharaoh Neehob, and Pharaoh Hophrah, 2 Kings 23:29; Jeremiah
44:30, besides the frequent mention of that name Pharaoh in the prophets.
However, Josephus himself, in his own speech to the Jews, Of the War, B.
V. ch. 9. sect. 4, speaks of Neehao, who was also called Pharaoh, as the
name of that king of Egypt with whom Abraham was concerned; of which name
Neehao yet we have elsewhere no mention till the days of Josiah, but only
of Pharaoh. And, indeed, it must be conceded, that here, and sect. 5, we
have more mistakes made by Josephus, and those relating to the kings of
Egypt, and to that queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, whom he supposes to have
come to see Solomon, than almost any where else in all his Antiquities.</note>
but I suppose they made use of other names from their childhood; but when
they were made kings, they changed them into the name which in their own
tongue denoted their authority; for thus it was also that the kings of
Alexandria, who were called formerly by other names, when they took the
kingdom, were named Ptolemies, from their first king. The Roman emperors
also were from their nativity called by other names, but are styled Caesars,
their empire and their dignity imposing that name upon them, and not suffering
them to continue in those names which their fathers gave them. I suppose
also that Herodotus of Halicarnassus, when he said there were three hundred
and thirty kings of Egypt after Menes, who built Memphis, did therefore
not tell us their names, because they were in common called Pharaohs; for
when after their death there was a queen reigned, he calls her by her name
Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while the kings were of the male line,
and so admitted of the same nature, while a woman did not admit the same,
he did therefore set down that her name, which she could not naturally
have. As for myself, I have discovered from our own books, that after Pharaoh,
the father-in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt did any longer use
that name; and that it was after that time when the forenamed queen of
Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, concerning whom we shall inform the
reader presently; but I have now made mention of these things, that I may
prove that our books and those of the Egyptians agree together in many
things.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="155" unit="section" /><p>But king Solomon subdued to himself the remnant of the Canaanites
that had not before submitted to him; those I mean that dwelt in Mount
Lebanon, and as far as the city Hamath; and ordered them to pay tribute.
He also chose out of them every year such as were to serve him in the meanest
offices, and to do his domestic works, and to follow husbandry; for none
of the Hebrews were servants [in such low employments]: nor was it reasonable,
that when God had brought so many nations under their power, they should
depress their own people to such mean offices of life, rather than those
nations; while all the Israelites were concerned in warlike affairs, and
were in armor; and were set over the chariots and the horses, rather than
leading the life of slaves. He appointed also five hundred and fifty rulers
over those Canaanites who were reduced to such domestic slavery, who received
the entire care of them from the king, and instructed them in those labors
and operations wherein he wanted their assistance.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="160" unit="section" /><p>Moreover, the king built many ships in the Egyptian Bay of the Red
Sea, in a certain place called Ezion-geber: it is now called Berenice,
and is not far from the city Eloth. This country belonged formerly to the
Jews, and became useful for shipping from the donations of Hiram king of
Tyre; for he sent a sufficient number of men thither for pilots, and such
as were skillful in navigation, to whom Solomon gave this command: That
they should go along with his own stewards to the land that was of old
called Ophir, but now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs to India, to
fetch him gold. And when they had gathered four hundred talents together,
they returned to the king again.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="163" unit="section" /><p>There was then a woman queen of Egypt and Ethiopia; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That this queen of Sheba was a queen of Sabea in South Arabia, and not
of Egypt and Ethiopia, as Josephus here asserts, is, I suppose, now generally
agreed. And since Sabea is well known to be a country near the sea in the
south of Arabia Felix, which lay south from Judea also; and since our Savior
calls this queen, "the queen of the south," and says, "she
came from the utmost parts of the earth," Matthew 12:42; Luke 11:31,
which descriptions agree better to this Arabia than to Egypt and Ethiopia;
there is little occasion for doubting in this matter.</note>
she was inquisitive into philosophy, and one that on other accounts also
was to be admired. When this queen heard of the virtue and prudence of
Solomon, she had a great mind to see him; and the reports that went every
day abroad induced her to come to him, she being desirous to be satisfied
by her own experience, and not by a bare hearing; (for reports thus heard
are likely enough to comply with a false opinion, while they wholly depend
on the credit of the relators;) so she resolved to come to him, and that
especially in order to have a trial of his wisdom, while she proposed questions
of very great difficulty, and entreated that he would solve their hidden
meaning. Accordingly she came to Jerusalem with great splendor and rich
furniture; for she brought with her camels laden with gold, with several
sorts of sweet spices, and with precious stones. Now, upon the king's kind
reception of her, he both showed a great desire to please her, and easily
comprehending in his mind the meaning of the curious questions she propounded
to him, he resolved them sooner than any body could have expected. So she
was amazed at the wisdom of Solomon, and discovered that it was more excellent
upon trial than what she had heard by report beforehand; and especially
she was surprised at the fineness and largeness of his royal palace, and
not less so at the good order of the apartments, for she observed that
the king had therein shown great wisdom; but she was beyond measure astonished
at the house which was called the <emph>Forest of Lebanon</emph>, as also at
the magnificence of his daily table, and the circumstances of its preparation
and ministration, with the apparel of his servants that waited, and the
skillful and decent management of their attendance: nor was she less affected
with those daily sacrifices which were offered to God, and the careful
management which the priests and Levites used about them. When she saw
this done every day, she was in the greatest admiration imaginable, insomuch
that she was not able to contain the surprise she was in, but openly confessed
how wonderfully she was affected; for she proceeded to discourse with the
king, and thereby owned that she was overcome with admiration at the things
before related; and said, "All things indeed, O king, that came to
our knowledge by report, came with uncertainty as to our belief of them;
but as to those good things that to thee appertain, both such as thou thyself
possessest, I mean wisdom and prudence, and the happiness thou hast from
thy kingdom, certainly the same that came to us was no falsity; it was
not only a true report, but it related thy happiness after a much lower
manner than I now see it to be before my eyes. For as for the report, it
only attempted to persuade our hearing, but did not so make known the dignity
of the things themselves as does the sight of them, and being present among
them. I indeed, who did not believe what was reported, by reason of the
multitude and grandeur of the things I inquired about, do see them to be
much more numerous than they were reported to be. Accordingly I esteem
the Hebrew people, as well as thy servants and friends, to be happy, who
enjoy thy presence and hear thy wisdom every day continually. One would
therefore bless God, who hath so loved this country, and those that inhabit
therein, as to make thee king over them."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="165" unit="section" /><p>Now when the queen had thus demonstrated in words how deeply the
king had affected her, her disposition was known by certain presents, for
she gave him twenty talents of gold, and an immense quantity of spices
and precious stones. (They say also that we possess the root of that balsam
which our country still bears by this woman's gift.) <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Some blame Josephus for supposing that the balsam tree might be first brought
out of Arabia, or Egypt, or Ethiopia, into Judea, by this queen of Sheba,
since several have said that of old no country bore this precious balsam
but Judea; yet it is not only false that this balsam was peculiar to Judea
but both Egypt and Arabia, and particularly Sabea; had it; which last was
that very country whence Josephus, if understood not of Ethiopia, but of
Arabia, intimates this queen might bring it first into Judea. Nor are we
to suppose that the queen of Sabaea could well omit such a present as this
balsam tree would be esteemed by Solomon, in case it were then almost peculiar
to her own country. Nor is the mention of balm or balsam, as carried by
merchants, and sent as a present out of Judea by Jacob, to the governor
of Egypt, Genesis 37:25; 43:11, to be alleged to the contrary, since what
we there render balm or balsam, denotes rather that turpentine which we
now call turpentine of Chio, or Cyprus, the juice of the turpentine tree,
than this precious balm. This last is also the same word that we elsewhere
render by the same mistake balm of Gilead; it should be rendered, the turpentine
of Gilead, Jeremiah 8:22.</note>
Solomon also repaid her with many good things, and principally by bestowing
upon her what she chose of her own inclination, for there was nothing that
she desired which he denied her; and as he was very generous and liberal
in his own temper, so did he show the greatness of his soul in bestowing
on her what she herself desired of him. So when this queen of Ethiopia
had obtained what we have already given an account of, and had again communicated
to the king what she brought with her, she returned to her own kingdom.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SOLOMON GREW RICH, AND FELL DESPERATELY IN LOVE WITH
WOMEN AND HOW GOD, BEING INCENSED AT IT, RAISED UP ADER AND JEROBOAM AGAINST
HIM. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF SOLOMON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="174" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT the same time there were brought to the king from the Aurea
Chersonesus, a country so called, precious stones, and pine trees, and
these trees he made use of for supporting the temple and the palace, as
also for the materials of musical instruments, the harps and the psalteries,
that the Levites might make use of them in their hymns to God. The wood
which was brought to him at this time was larger and finer than any that
had ever been brought before; but let no one imagine that these pine trees
were like those which are now so named, and which take that their denomination
from the merchants, who so call them, that they may procure them to be
admired by those that purchase them; for those we speak of were to the
sight like the wood of the fig tree, but were whiter, and more shining.
Now we have said thus much, that nobody may be ignorant of the difference
between these sorts of wood, nor unacquainted with the nature of the genuine
pine tree; and we thought it both a seasonable and humane thing, when we
mentioned it, and the uses the king made of it, to explain this difference
so far as we have done.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="176" unit="section" /><p>Now the weight of gold that was brought him was six hundred and sixty-six
talents, not including in that sum what was brought by the merchants, nor
what the toparchs and kings of Arabia gave him in presents. He also cast
two hundred targets of gold, each of them weighing six hundred shekels.
He also made three hundred shields, every one weighing three pounds of
gold, and he had them carried and put into that house which was called
<emph>The Forest of Lebanon</emph>. He also made cups of gold, and of [precious]
stones, for the entertainment of his guests, and had them adorned in the
most artificial manner; and he contrived that all his other furniture of
vessels should be of gold, for there was nothing then to be sold or bought
for silver; for the king had many ships which lay upon the sea of Tarsus,
these he commanded to carry out all sorts of merchandise unto the remotest
nations, by the sale of which silver and gold were brought to the king,
and a great quantity of ivory, and Ethiopians, and apes; and they finished
their voyage, going and returning, in three years' time.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly there went a great fame all around the neighboring countries,
which proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of Solomon, insomuch that all the
kings every where were desirous to see him, as not giving credit to what
was reported, on account of its being almost incredible: they also demonstrated
the regard they had for him by the presents they made him; for they sent
him vessels of gold, and silver, and purple garments, and many sorts of
spices, and horses, and chariots, and as many mules for his carriages as
they could find proper to please the king's eyes, by their strength and
beauty. This addition that he made to those chariots and horses which he
had before from those that were sent him, augmented the number of his chariots
by above four hundred, for he had a thousand before, and augmented the
number of his horses by two thousand, for he had twenty thousand before.
These horses also were so much exercised, in order to their making a fine
appearance, and running swiftly, that no others could, upon the comparison,
appear either finer or swifter; but they were at once the most beautiful
of all others, and their swiftness was incomparable also. Their riders
also were a further ornament to them, being, in the first place, young
men in the most delightful flower of their age, and being eminent for their
largeness, and far taller than other men. They had also very long heads
of hair hanging down, and were clothed in garments of Tyrian purple. They
had also dust of gold every day sprinkled on their hair, so that their
heads sparkled with the reflection of the sun-beams from the gold. The
king himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of these men, who were still
in armor, and had their bows fitted to them. He had on a white garment,
and used to take his progress out of the city in the morning. There was
a certain place about fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, which is called
Etham, very pleasant it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivulets of
water; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether these fine gardens and rivulets of Etham, about six miles from
Jerusalem, whither Solomon rode so often in state, be not those alluded
to, Ecclesiastes 2:5, 6, where he says, "He made him gardens and orchards,
and planted trees in them of all kinds of fruits: he made him pools of
water, to water the wood that bringeth forth trees;" and to the finest
part whereof he seems to allude, when, in the Canticles, he compares his
spouse to a garden "enclosed," to a "spring shut up,"
to a "fountain sealed," ch. 4. 12 (part of which from rains are
still extant, as Mr. Matmdrell informs us, page 87, 88); cannot now be
certainly determined, but may very probably be conjectured. But whether
this Etham has any relation to those rivers of Etham, which Providence
once dried up in a miraculous manner, Psalm 74:15, in the Septuagint, I
cannot say.</note>
thither did he use to go out in the morning, sitting on high [in his chariot.]</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="182" unit="section" /><p>Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in all things, and was very diligent
and studious to have things done after an elegant manner; so he did not
neglect the care of the ways, but he laid a causeway of black stone along
the roads that led to Jerusalem, which was the royal city, both to render
them easy for travelers, and to manifest the grandeur of his riches and
government. He also parted his chariots, and set them in a regular order,
that a certain number of them should be in every city, still keeping a
few about him; and those cities he called the <emph>cities of his chariots.
</emph>And the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusalem as stones in the
street; and so multiplied cedar trees in the plains of Judea, which did
not grow there before, that they were like the multitude of common sycamore
trees. He also ordained the Egyptian merchants that brought him their merchandise
to sell him a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six hundred drachmae
of silver, and he sent them to the kings of Syria, and to those kings that
were beyond Euphrates.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="187" unit="section" /><p>But although Solomon was become the most glorious of kings, and the
best beloved by God, and had exceeded in wisdom and riches those that had
been rulers of the Hebrews before him, yet did not he persevere in this
happy state till he died. Nay, he forsook the observation of the laws of
his fathers, and came to an end no way suitable to our foregoing history
of him. He grew mad in his love of women, and laid no restraint on himself
in his lusts; nor was he satisfied with the women of his country alone,
but he married many wives out of foreign nations; Sidontans, and Tyrians,
and Ammonites, and Edomites; and he transgressed the laws of Moses, which
forbade Jews to marry any but those that were of their own people. He also
began to worship their gods, which he did in order to the gratification
of his wives, and out of his affection for them. This very thing our legislator
suspected, and so admonished us beforehand, that we should not marry women
of other countries, lest we should be entangled with foreign customs, and
apostatize from our own; lest we should leave off to honor our own God,
and should worship their gods. But Solomon was Gllen headlong into unreasonable
pleasures, and regarded not those admonitions; for when he had married
seven hundred wives, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These seven hundred wives, or the daughters of great men, and the three
hundred concubines, the daughters of the ignoble, make one thousand in
all; and are, I suppose, those very one thousand women intimated elsewhere
by Solomon himself, when he speaks of his not having found one [good] woman
among that very number, Ecclesiastes 7:28.</note>
the daughters of princes and of eminent persons, and three hundred concubines,
and those besides the king of Egypt's daughter, he soon was governed by
them, till he came to imitate their practices. He was forced to give them
this demonstration of his kindness and affection to them, to live according
to the laws of their countries. And as he grew into years, and his reason
became weaker by length of time, it was not sufficient to recall to his
mind the institutions of his own country; so he still more and more contemned
his own God, and continued to regard the gods that his marriages had introduced
nay, before this happened, he sinned, and fell into an error about the
observation of the laws, when he made the images of brazen oxen that supported
the brazen sea, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus is here certainly too severe upon Solomon, who, in making the
cherubims, and these twelve brazen oxen, seems to have done no more than
imitate the patterns left him by David, which were all given David by Divine
inspiration. See my description of the temples, ch. 10. And although God
gave no direction for the lions that adorned his throne, yet does not Solomon
seem therein to have broken any law of Moses; for although the Pharisees
and latter Rabbins have extended the second commandment, to forbid the
very making of any image, though without any intention to have it worshipped,
yet do not I suppose that Solomon so understood it, nor that it ought to
be so understood. The making any other altar for worship but that at the
tabernacle was equally forbidden by Moses, Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 5;
yet did not the two tribes and a half offend when they made an altar for
a memorial only, Joshua 22; Antiq. B. V. ch. 1. sect. 26, 27.</note>
and the images of lions about his own throne; for these he made, although
it was not agreeable to piety so to do; and this he did, notwithstanding
that he had his father as a most excellent and domestic pattern of virtue,
and knew what a glorious character he had left behind him, because of his
piety towards God. Nor did he imitate David, although God had twice appeared
to him in his sleep, and exhorted him to imitate his father. So he died
ingloriously. There came therefore a prophet to him, who was sent by God,
and told him that his wicked actions were not concealed from God; and threatened
him that he should not long rejoice in what he had done; that, indeed,
the kingdom should not be taken from him while he was alive, because God
had promised to his father David that he would make him his successor,
but that he would take care that this should befall his son when he :was
dead; not that he would withdraw all the people from him, but that he would
give ten tribes to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes to David's
grandson for his sake, because he loved God, and for the sake of the city
of Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="190" unit="section" /><p>When Solomon heard this he was grieved, and greatly confounded, upon
this change of almost all that happiness which had made him to be admired,
into so bad a state; nor had there much time passed after the prophet had
foretold what was coming before God raised up an enemy against him, whose
name was Ader, who took the following occasion of his enmity to him. He
was a child of the stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal; and when
Joab, the captain of David's host, laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed
all that were men grown, and able to bear arms, for six months' time, this
Hadad fled away, and came to Pharaoh the king of Egypt, who received him
kindly, and assigned him a house to dwell in, and a country to supply him
with food; and when he was grown up he loved him exceedingly, insomuch
that he gave him his wife's sister, whose name was Tahpenes, to wife, by
whom he had a son; who was brought up with the king's children. When Hadad
heard in Egypt that both David and Joab were dead, he came to Pharaoh,
and desired that he would permit him to go to his own country; upon which
the king asked what it was that he wanted, and what hardship he had met
with, that he was so desirous to leave him. And when he was often troublesome
to him, and entreated him to dismiss him, he did not then do it; but at
the time when Solomon's affairs began to grow worse, on account of his
forementioned transgressions <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since the beginning of Solomon's evil life and adversity was the time when
Hadad or Ader, who was born at least twenty or thirty years before Solomon
came to the crown, in the days of David, began to give him disturbance,
this implies that Solomon's evil life began early, and continued very long,
which the multitude of his wives and concubines does imply also; I suppose
when he was not fifty years of age.</note>
and God's anger against him for the same, Hadad, by Pharaoh's permission,
came to Edom; and when he was not able to make the people forsake Solomon,
for it was kept under by many garrisons, and an innovation was not to be
made with safety, he removed thence, and came into Syria; there he lighted
upon one Rezon, who had run away from Hadadezer, king of Zobah, his master,
and was become a robber in that country, and joined friendship with him,
who had already a band of robbers about him. So he went up, and seized
upon that part of Syria, and was made king thereof. He also made incursions
into the land of Israel, and did it no small mischief, and spoiled it,
and that in the lifetime of Solomon. And this was the calamity which the
Hebrews suffered by Hadad.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="199" unit="section" /><p>There was also one of Solomon's own nation that made an attempt against
him, Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an expectation of rising, from
a prophecy that had been made to him long before. He was left a child by
his father, and brought up by his mother; and when Solomon saw that he
was of an active and bold disposition, he made him the curator of the walls
which he built round about Jerusalem; and he took such care of those works,
that the king approved of his behavior, and gave him, as a reward for the
same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And when about that time Jeroboam
was once going out of Jerusalem, a prophet of the city Shilo, whose name
was Ahijah, met him and saluted him; and when he had taken him a little
aside to a place out of the way, where there was not one other person present,
he rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces, and bid Jeroboam take
ten of them; and told him beforehand, that "this is the will of God;
he will part the dominion of Solomon, and give one tribe, with that which
is next it, to his son, because of the promise made to David for his succession,
and will have ten tribes to thee, because Solomon hath sinned against him,
and delivered up himself to women, and to their gods. Seeing therefore
thou knowest the cause for which God hath changed his mind, and is alienated
from Solomon, be thou</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>So Jeroboam was elevated by these words of the prophet; and being
a young man, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This youth of Jeroboam, when Solomon built the walls of righteous and keep
the laws, because he hath proposed to thee the greatest of all rewards
for thy piety, and the honor thou shalt pay to God, namely, to be as greatly
exalted as thou knowest David to have been." Jerusalem, not very long
after he had finished his twenty years building of the temple and his own
palace, or not very long after the twenty-fourth of his reign, 1 Kings
9:24; 2 Chronicles 8:11, and his youth here still mentioned, when Solomon's
wickedness was become intolerable, fully confirm my former observation,
that such his wickedness began early, and continued very long. See Ecclus.
47:14.</note>
of a warm temper, and ambitious of greatness, he could not be quiet; and
when he had so great a charge in the government, and called to mind what
had been revealed to him by Ahijah, he endeavored to persuade the people
to forsake Solomon, to make a disturbance, and to bring the government
over to himself. But when Solomon understood his intention and treachery,
he sought to catch him and kill him; but Jeroboam was informed of it beforehand,
and fled to Shishak, the king of Egypt, and there abode till the death
of Solomon; by which means he gained these two advantages to suffer no
harm from Solomon, and to be preserved for the kingdom. So Solomon died
when he was already an old man, having reigned eighty years, and lived
ninety-four. He was buried in Jerusalem, having been superior to all other
kings in happiness, and riches, and wisdom, excepting that when he was
growing into years he was deluded by women, and transgressed the law; concerning
which transgressions, and the miseries which befell the Hebrews thereby,
I think proper to discourse at another opportunity.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF SOLOMON THE PEOPLE FORSOOK HIS SON
REHOBOAM, AND ORDAINED JEROBOAM KING OVER THE TEN TRIBES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="209" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Solomon was dead, and his son Rehoboam (who was born of
an Amntonite wife; whose name was Naamah) had succeeded him in the kingdom,
the rulers of the multitude sent immediately into Egypt, and called back
Jeroboam; and when he was come to them, to the city Shethem, Rehoboam came
to it also, for he had resolved to declare himself king to the Israelites
while they were there gathered together. So the rulers of the people, as
well as Jeroboam, came to him, and besought him, and said that he ought
to relax, and to be gentler than his father, in the servitude he had imposed
on them, because they had borne a heavy yoke, and that then they should
be better affected to him, and be well contented to serve him under his
moderate government, and should do it more out of love than fear. But Rehoboam
told them they should come to him again in three days' time, when he would
give an answer to their request. This delay gave occasion to a present
suspicion, since he had not given them a favorable answer to their mind
immediately; for they thought that he should have given them a humane answer
off-hand, especially since he was but young. However, they thought that
this consultation about it, and that he did not presently give them a denial,
afforded them some good hope of success.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="212" unit="section" /><p>Rehoboam now called his father's friends, and advised with them what
sort of answer he ought to give to the multitude; upon which they gave
him the advice which became friends, and those that knew the temper of
such a multitude. They advised him to speak in a way more popular than
suited the grandeur of a king, because he would thereby oblige them to
submit to him with goodwill, it being most agreeable to subjects that their
kings should be almost upon the level with them. But Rehoboam rejected
this so good, and in general so profitable, advice, (it was such, at least,
at that time when he was to be made king,) God himself, I suppose, causing
what was most advantageous to be condemned by him. So he called for the
young men who were brought up with him, and told them what advice the elders
had given him, and bade them speak what they thought he ought to do. They
advised him to give the following answer to the people (for neither their
youth nor God himself suffered them to discern what was best): That his
little finger should be thicker than his father's loins; and if they had
met with hard usage from his father, they should experience much rougher
treatment from him; and if his father had chastised them with whips, they
must expect that he would do it with scorpions. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That by scorpions is not here meant that small animal so called, which
was never used in corrections, but either a shrub, furze bush, or else
some terrible sort of whip of the like nature see Hudson's and Spanheim's
notes here.</note>
The king was pleased with this advice, and thought it agreeable to the
dignity of his government to give them such an answer. Accordingly, when
the multitude was come together to hear his answer on the third day, all
the people were in great expectation, and very intent to hear what the
king would say to them, and supposed they should hear somewhat of a kind
nature; but he passed by his friends, and answered as the young men had
given him counsel. Now this was done according to the will of God, that
what Ahijah had foretold might come to pass.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>By these words the people were struck as it were by all iron hammer,
and were so grieved at the words, as if they had already felt the effects
of them; and they had great indignation at the king; and all cried out
aloud, and said, "We will have no longer any relation to David or
his posterity after this day." And they said further, "We only
leave to Rehoboam the temple which his father built;" and they threatened
to forsake him. Nay, they were so bitter, and retained their wrath so long,
that when he sent Adoram, which was over the tribute, that he might pacify
them, and render them milder, and persuade them to forgive him, if he had
said any thing that was rash or grievous to them in his youth, they would
not hear it, but threw stones at him, and killed him. When Rehoboam saw
this, he thought himself aimed at by those stones with which they had killed
his servant, and feared lest he should undergo the last of punishments
in earnest; so he got immediately into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem,
where the tribe of Judah and that of Benjamin ordained him king; but the
rest of the multitude forsook the sons of David from that day, and appointed
Jeroboam to be the ruler of their public affairs. Upon this Rehoboam, Solomon's
son, assembled a great congregation of those two tribes that submitted
to him, and was ready to take a hundred and eighty thousand chosen men
out of the army, to make an expedition against Jeroboam and his people,
that he might force them by war to be his servants; but he was forbidden
of God by the prophet [Shemaiah] to go to war, for that it was not just
that brethren of the same contry should fight one against another. He also
said that this defection of the multitude was according to the purpose
of God. So he did not proceed in this expedition. And now I will relate
first the actions of Jeroboam the king of Israel, after which we will relate
what are therewith connected, the actions of Rehoboam, the king of the
two tribes; by this means we shall preserve the good order of the history
entire.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="219" unit="section" /><p>When therefore Jeroboam had built him a palace in the city Shechem,
he dwelt there. He also built him another at Penuel, a city so called.
And now the feast of tabernacles was approaching in a little time, Jeroboam
considered, that if he should permit the multitude to go to worship God
at Jerusalem, and there to celebrate the festival, they would probably
repent of what they had done, and be enticed by the temple, and by the
worship of God there performed, and would leave him, and return to their
first kings; and if so, he should run the risk of losing his own life;
so he invented this contrivance; He made two golden heifers, and built
two little temples for them, the one in the city Bethel, and the other
in Dan, which last was at the fountains of the Lesser Jordan <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether these "fountains of the Lesser Jordan" were near a place
called Dan, and the fountains of the Greater near a place called Jor, before
their conjunction; or whether there was only one fountain, arising at the
lake Phiala, at first sinking under ground, and then arising near the mountain
Paneum, and thence running through the lake Scmochonitis to the Sea of
Galilee, and so far called the Lesser Jordan; is hardly certain, even in
Josephus himself, though the latter account be the most probable. However,
the northern idolatrous calf, set up by Jeroboam, was where Little Jordan
fell into Great Jordan, near a place called Daphnae, as Josephus elsewhere
informs us, Of the War, B. IV. ch. 1. sect. 1: see the note there.</note>
and he put the heifers into both the little temples, in the forementioned
cities. And when he had called those ten tribes together over whom he ruled,
he made a speech to the people in these words: "I suppose, my countrymen,
that you know this, that every place hath God in it; nor is there any one
determinate place in which he is, but he every where hears and sees those
that worship him; on which account I do not think it right for you to go
so long a journey to Jerusalem, which is an enemy's city, to worship him.
It was a man that built the temple: I have also made two golden heifers,
dedicated to the same God; and the one of them I have consecrated in the
city Bethel, and the other in Dan, to the end that those of you that dwell
nearest those cities may go to them, and worship God there; and I will
ordain for you certain priests and Levites from among yourselves, that
you may have no want of the tribe of Levi, or of the sons of Aaron; but
let him that is desirous among you of being a priest, bring to God a bullock
and a ram, which they say Aaron the first priest brought also." When
Jeroboam had said this, he deluded the people, and made them to revolt
from the worship of their forefathers, and to transgress their laws. This
was the beginning of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause why they were
overcome in war by foreigners, and so fell into captivity. But we shall
relate those things in their proper places hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="225" unit="section" /><p>When the feast [of tabernacles] was just approaching, Jeroboam was
desirous to celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two tribes celebrate
it in Jerusalem. Accordingly he built an altar before the heifer, and undertook
to be high priest himself. So he went up to the altar, with his own priests
about him; but when he was going to offer the sacrifices and the burnt-offerings,
in the sight of all the people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was sent
by God, and came to him from Jerusalem, who stood in the midst of the multitude,
and in the 'hearing of' the king, and directing his discourse to the altar,
said thus: "God foretells that there shall be a certain man of the family
of David, Josiah by name, who shall slay upon thee those false priests
that shall live at that time, and upon thee shall burn the bones of those
deceivers of the people, those impostors' and wicked wretches. However,
that this people may believe that these things shall so come to pass, I
foretell a sign to them that shall also come to pass. This altar shall
be broken to pieces immediately, and all the fat of the sacrifices that
is upon it shall be poured upon the ground." When the prophet had
said this, Jeroboam fell into a passion, and stretched out his hand, and
bid them lay hold of him; but that hand which he stretched out was enfeebled,
and he was not able to pull it in again to him, for it was become withered,
and hung down, as if it were a dead hand. The altar also was broken to
pieces, and all that was upon it was poured out, as the prophet had foretold
should come to pass. So the king understood that he was a man of veracity,
and had a Divine foreknowledge; and entreated him to pray to God that he
would restore his right hand. Accordingly the prophet did pray to God to
grant him that request. So the king, having his hand recovered to its natural
state, rejoiced at it, and invited the prophet to sup with him; but Jadon
said that he could not endure to come into his house, nor to taste of bread
or water in this city, for that was a thing God had forbidden him to do;
as also to go back by the same way which he came, but he said he was to
return by another way. So the king wondered at the abstinence of the man,
but was himself in fear, as suspecting a change of his affairs for the
worse, from what had been said to him.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JADON THE PROPHET WAS PERSUADED BY ANOTHER LYING PROPHET
AND RETURNED [TO BETHEL,] AND WAS AFTERWARDS SLAIN BY A LION. AS ALSO WHAT
WORDS THE WICKED PROPHET MADE USE OF TO PERSUADE THE KING, AND THEREBY
ALIENATED HIS MIND FROM GOD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="230" unit="section" /><p>NOW there was a certain wicked man in that city, who was a false
prophet, whom Jeroboam had in great esteem, but was deceived by him and
his flattering words. This man was bedrid, by reason or the infirmities
of old age: however, he was informed by his sons concerning the prophet
that was come from Jerusalem, and concerning the signs done by him; and
how, when Jeroboam's right hand had been enfeebled, at the prophet's prayer
he had it revived again. Whereupon he was afraid that this stranger and
prophet should be in better esteem with the king than himself, and obtain
greater honor from him: and he gave orders to his sons to saddle his ass
presently, and make all ready that he might go out. Accordingly they made
haste to do what they were commanded, and he got upon the ass and followed
after the prophet.; and when he had overtaken him, as he was resting himself
under a very large oak tree that was thick and shady, he at first saluted
him, but presently he complained of him, because he had not come into his
house, and partaken of his hospitality. And when the other said that God
had forbidden him to taste of any one's provision in that city, he replied,
that "for certain God had not forbidden that I should set food before
thee, for I am a prophet as thou art, and worship God in the same manner
that thou dost; and I am now come as sent by him, in order to bring thee
into my house, and make thee my guest." Now Jadon gave credit to this
lying prophet, and returned back with him. But when they were at dinner,
and merry together, God appeared to Jadon, and said that he should suffer
punishment for transgressing his commands, - and he told him what that
punishment should be for he said that he should meet with a lion as he
was going on his way, by which lion he should be torn in pieces, and be
deprived of burial in the sepulchers of his fathers; which things came
to pass, as I suppose, according to the will of God, that so Jeroboam might
not give heed to the words of Jadon as of one that had been convicted of
lying. However, as Jadon was again going to Jerusalem, a lion assaulted
him, and pulled him off the beast he rode on, and slew him; yet did he
not at all hurt the ass, but sat by him, and kept him, as also the prophet's
body. This continued till some travelers that saw it came and told it in
the city to the false prophet, who sent his sons, and brought the body
unto the city, and made a funeral for him at great expense. He also charged
his sons to bury himself with him and said that all which he had foretold
against that city, and the altar, and priests, and false prophets, would
prove true; and that if he were buried with him, he should receive no injurious
treatment after his death, the bones not being then to be distinguished
asunder. But now, when he had performed those funeral rites to the prophet,
and had given that charge to his sons, as he was a wicked and an impious
man, he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, "And wherefore is it now
that thou art disturbed at the words of this silly fellow?" And when
the king had related to him what had happened about the altar, and about
his own hand, and gave him the names <emph>of divine man</emph>, and <emph>an excellent
prophet</emph>, he endeavored by a wicked trick to weaken that his opinion;
and by using plausible words concerning what had happened, he aimed to
injure the truth that was in them; for he attempted to persuade him that
his hand was enfeebled by the labor it had undergone in supporting the
sacrifices, and that upon its resting awhile it returned to its former
nature again; and that as to the altar, it was but new, and had borne abundance
of sacrifices, and those large ones too, and was accordingly broken to
pieces, and fallen down by the weight of what had been laid upon it. He
also informed him of the death of him that had foretold those things, and
how he perished; [whence he concluded that] he had not any thing in him
of a prophet, nor spake any thing like one. When he had thus spoken, he
persuaded the king, and entirely alienated his mind from God, and from
doing works that were righteous and holy, and encouraged him to go on in
his impious practices <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">How much a larger and better copy Josephus had in this remarkable history
of the true prophet of Judea, and his concern with Jeroboam, and with the
false prophet of Bethel, than our other copies have, is evident at first
sight. The prophet's very name, Jadon, or, as the Constitutions call him,
Adonias, is wanting in our other copies; and it is there, with no little
absurdity, said that God revealed Jadon the true prophet's death, not to
himself as here, hut to the false prophet. Whether the particular account
of the arguments made use of, after all, by the false prophet against his
own belief and his own conscience, in order to persuade Jeroboam to persevere
in his idolatry and wickedness, than which more plausible could not be
invented, was intimated in Josephus's copy, or in some other ancient book,
cannot now be determined; our other copies say not one word of it.</note>
and accordingly he was to that degree injurious to God, and so great a
transgressor, that he sought for nothing else every day but how he might
be guilty of some new instances of wickedness, and such as should be more
detestable than what he had been so insolent as to do before. And so much
shall at present suffice to have said concerning Jeroboam.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING REHOBOAM, AND HOW GOD INFLICTED PUNISHMENT UPON
HIM FOR HIS IMPIETY BY SHISHAK [KING OF EGYPT].</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="236" unit="section" /><p>Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, who, as we said before, was king
of the two tribes, built strong and large cities, Bethlehem, and Etare,
and Tekoa, and Bethzur, and Shoco, and Adullam, and Ipan, and Maresha,
and Ziph, and Adorlam, and Lachlsh, and Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon,
and Hebron; these he built first of all in the tribe of Judah. He also
built other large cities in the tribe of Benjamin, and walled them about,
and put garrisons in them all, and captains, and a great deal of corn,
and wine, and oil, and he furnished every one of them plentifully with
other provisions that were necessary for sustenance; moreover, he put therein
shields and spears for many ten thousand men. The priests also that were
in all Israel, and the Levites, and if there were any of the multitude
that were good and righteous men, they gathered themselves together to
him, having left their own cities, that they might worship God in Jerusalem;
for they were not willing to be forced to worship the heifers which Jeroboam
had made; and they augmented the kingdom of Rehoboam for three years. And
after he had married a woman of his own kindred, and had by her three children
born to him, he married also another of his own kindred, who was daughter
of Absalom by Tamar, whose name was Maachah, and by her he had a son, whom
he named Abijah. He had moreover many other children by other wives, but
he loved Maachah above them all. Now he had eighteen legitimate wives,
and thirty concubines; and he had born to him twenty-eight sons and threescore
daughters; but he appointed Abijah, whom he had by Maachah, to be his successor
in the kingdom, and intrusted him already with the treasures and the strongest
cities.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="246" unit="section" /><p>Now I cannot but think that the greatness of a kingdom, and its change
into prosperity, often become the occasion of mischief and of transgression
to men; for when Rehoboam saw that his kingdom was so much increased, he
went out of the right way unto unrighteous and irreligious practices, and
he despised the worship of God, till the people themselves imitated his
wicked actions: for so it usually happens, that the manners of subjects
are corrupted at the same time with those of their governors, which subjects
then lay aside their own sober way of living, as a reproof of their governors'
intemperate courses, and follow their wickedness as if it were virtue;
for it is not possible to show that men approve of the actions of their
kings, unless they do the same actions with them. Agreeable whereto it
now happened to the subjects of Rehoboam; for when he was grown impious,
and a transgressor himself, they endeavored not to offend him by resolving
still to be righteous. But God sent Shishak, king of Egypt, to punish them
for their unjust behavior towards him, concerning whom Herodotus was mistaken,
and applied his actions to Sesostris; for this Shishak, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That this Shishak was not the same person with the famous Sesostris, as
some have very lately, in contradiction to all antiquity, supposed, and
that our Josephus did not take him to be the same, as they pretend, but
that Sesostris was many centuries earlier than Shishak, see Authent. Records,
part II. page <date value="1024" authname="1024">1024</date>.</note>
in the fifth year of the reign of Rehoboam, made an expedition [into Judea]
with many ten thousand men; for he had one thousand two hundred chariots
in number that followed him, and threescore thousand horsemen, and four
hundred thousand footmen. These he brought with him, and they were the
greatest part of them Libyans and Ethiopians. Now therefore when he fell
upon the country of the Hebrews, he took the strongest cities of Rehoboam's
kingdom without fighting; and when he had put garrisons in them, he came
last of all to Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="251" unit="section" /><p>Now when Rehoboam, and the multitude with him, were shut up in Jerusalem
by the means of the army of Shishak, and when they besought God to give
them victory and deliverance, they could not persuade God to be on their
side. But Shemaiah the prophet told them, that God threatened to forsake
them, as they had themselves forsaken his worship. When they heard this,
they were immediately in a consternation of mind; and seeing no way of
deliverance, they all earnestly set themselves to confess that God might
justly overlook them, since they had been guilty of impiety towards him,
and had let his laws lie in confusion. So when God saw them in that disposition,
and that they acknowledge their sins, he told the prophet that he would
not destroy them, but that he would, however, make them servants to the
Egyptians, that they may learn whether they will suffer less by serving
men or God. So when Shishak had taken the city without fighting, because
Rehoboam was afraid, and received him into it, yet did not Shishak stand
to the covenants he had made, but he spoiled the temple, and emptied the
treasures of God, and those of the king, and carried off innumerable ten
thousands of gold and silver, and left nothing at all behind him. He also
took away the bucklers of gold, and the shields, which Solomon the king
had made; nay, he did not leave the golden quivers which David had taken
from the king of Zobah, and had dedicated to God; and when he had thus
done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now Herodotus of Halicarnassus mentions
this expedition, having only mistaken the king's name; and [in saying that]
he made war upon many other nations also, and brought Syria of Palestine
into subjection, and took the men that were therein prisoners without fighting.
Now it is manifest that he intended to declare that our nation was subdued
by him; for he saith that he left behind him pillars in the land of those
that delivered themselves up to him without fighting, and engraved upon
them the secret parts of women. Now our king Rehoboam delivered up our
city without fighting. He says withal <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Herodotus, as here quoted by Josephus, and as this passage still stands
in his present copies, B. II. ch. 14., affirms, that "the Phoenicians
and Syrians in Palestine [which last are generally supposed to denote the
Jews] owned their receiving circumcision from the Egyptians;" whereas
it is abnudantly evident that the Jews received their circumcision from
the patriarch Abraham, Genesis 17:9-14; John 7:22, 23, as I conclude the
Egyptian priests themselves did also. It is not therefore very unlikely
that Herodotus, because the Jews had lived long in Egypt, and came out
of it circumcised, did thereupon think they had learned that circumcision
in Egypt, and had it not broke. Manetho, the famous Egyptian chronologer
and historian, who knew the history of his own country much better than
Herodotus, complains frequently of his mistakes about their affairs, as
does Josephus more than once in this chapter. Nor indeed does Herodotus
seem at all acquainted with the affairs of the Jews; for as he never names
them, so little or nothing of what he says about them, their country, or
maritime cities, two of which he alone mentions, Cadytus and Jenysus, proves
true; nor indeed do there appear to have ever been any such cities on their
coast.</note>
that the Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy parts from the Egyptians,
with this addition, that the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in Palestine
confess that they learned it of the Egyptians. Yet it is evident that no
other of the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us alone, are circumcised.
But as to such matters, let every one speak what is agreeable to his own
opinion.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>When Shishak was gone away, king Rehoboam made bucklers and shields
of brass, instead of those of gold, and delivered the same number of them
to the keepers of the king's palace. So, instead of warlike expeditions,
and that glory which results from those public actions, he reigned in great
quietness, though not without fear, as being always an enemy to Jeroboam,
and he died when he had lived fifty-seven years, and reigned seventeen.
He was in his disposition a proud and a foolish man, and lost [part of
his] dominions by not hearkening to his father's friends. He was buried
in Jerusalem, in the sepulchers of the kings; and his son Abijah succeeded
him in the kingdom, and this in the eighteenth year of Jeroboam's reign
over the ten tribes; and this was the conclusion of these affairs. It must
be now our business to relate the affairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended
his life; for he ceased not nor rested to be injurious to God, but every
day raised up altars upon high mountains, and went on making priests out
of the multitude.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE DEATH OF A SON OF JEROBOAM. HOW JEROBOAM WAS
BEATEN BY ABIJAH WHO DIED A LITTLE AFTERWARD AND WAS SUCCEEDED IN HIS KINGDOM
BY ASA. AND ALSO HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JEROBOAM BAASHA DESTROYED HIS
SON NADAB AND ALL THE HOUSE OF JEROBOAM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="266" unit="section" /><p>HOWEVER, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam's wicked
actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own head, and upon
the heads of all his house. And whereas a soil of his lay sick at that
time, who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife to lay aside her robes,
and to take the garments belonging to a private person, and to go to Ahijah
the prophet, for that he was a wonderful man in foretelling futurities,
it having been he who told me that I should be king. He also enjoined her,
when she came to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she were a
stranger, whether he should escape this distemper. So she did as her husband
bade her, and changed her habit, and came to the city Shiloh, for there
did Ahijah live. And as she was going into his house, his eyes being then
dim with age, God appeared to him, and informed him of two things; that
the wife of Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer he should make to
her inquiry. Accordingly, as the woman was coming into the house like a
private person and a stranger, he cried out, "Come in, O thou wife
of Jeroboam! Why concealest thou thyself? Thou art not concealed from God,
who hath appeared to me, and informed me that thou wast coming, and hath
given me in command what I shall say to thee." So he said that she
should go away to her husband, and speak to him thus: "Since I made
thee a great man when thou wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent
the kingdom from the house of David, and gave it to thee, and thou hast
been unmindful of these benefits, hast left off my worship, hast made thee
molten gods and honored them, I will in like manner cast thee down again,
and will destroy all thy house, and make them food for the dogs and the
fowls; for a certain king is rising up, by appointment, over all this people,
who shall leave none of the family of Jeroboam remaining. The multitude
also shall themselves partake of the same punishment, and shall be cast
out of this good land, and shall be scattered into the places beyond Euphrates,
because they have followed the wicked practices of their king, and have
worshipped the gods that he made, and forsaken my sacrifices. But do thou,
O woman, make haste back to thy husband, and tell him this message; but
thou shalt then find thy son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall
depart this life; yet shall he be buried with the lamentation of all the
multitude, and honored with a general mourning, for he was the only person
of goodness of Jeroboam's family." When the prophet had foretold these
events, the woman went hastily away with a disordered mind, and greatly
grieved at the death of the forenamed child. So she was in lamentation
as she went along the road, and mourned for the death of her son, that
was just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable condition at the unavoidable
misery of his death, and went apace, but in circumstances very unfortunate,
because of her son: for the greater haste she made, she would the sooner
see her son dead, yet was she forced to make such haste on account of her
husband. Accordingly, when she was come back, she found that the child
had given up the ghost, as the prophet had said; and she related all the
circumstances to the king.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="274" unit="section" /><p>Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these things to heart, but he brought
together a very numerous army, and made a warlike expedition against Abijah,
the son of Rehoboam, who had succeeded his father in the kingdom of the
two tribes; for he despised him because of his age. But when he heard of
the expedition of Jeroboam, he was not affrighted at it, but proved of
a courageous temper of mind, superior both to his youth and to the
hopes of his enemy; so he chose him an army out of the two tribes, and
met Jeroboam at a place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched his camp near
the other, and prepared everything necessary for the fight. His army consisted
of four hundred thousand, but the army of Jeroboam was double to it. Now
as the armies stood in array, ready for action and dangers, and were just
going to fight, Abijah stood upon an elevated place, and beckoning with
his hand, he desired the multitude and Jeroboam himself to hear first with
silence what he had to say. And when silence was made, he began to speak,
and told them, - "God had consented that David and his posterity should
be their rulers for all time to come, and this you yourselves are not unacquainted
with; but I cannot but wonder how you should forsake my father, and join
yourselves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now here with him to fight
against those who, by God's own determination, are to reign, and to deprive
them of that dominion which they have still retained; for as to the greater
part of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it. However, I do not
suppose he will enjoy it any longer; but when he hath suffered that punishment
which God thinks due to him for what is past, he will leave off the transgressions
he hath been guilty of, and the injuries he hath offered to him, and which
he hath still continued to offer and hath persuaded you to do the same:
yet when you were not any further unjustly treated by my father, than that
he did not speak to you so as to please you, and this only in compliance
with the advice of wicked men, you in anger forsook him, as you pretended,
but, in reality, you withdrew yourselves from God, and from his laws, although
it had been right for you to have forgiven a man that was young in age,
and not used to govern people, not only some disagreeable words, but if
his youth and unskilfulness in affairs had led him into some unfortunate
actions, and that for the sake of his father Solomon, and the benefits
you received from him; for men ought to excuse the sins of posterity on
account of the benefactions of parent; but you considered nothing of all
this then, neither do you consider it now, but come with so great an army
against us. And what is it you depend upon for victory? Is it upon these
golden heifers, and the altars that you have on high places, which are
demonstrations of your impiety, and not of religious worship? Or is it
the exceeding multitude of your army which gives you such good hopes? Yet
certainly there is no strength at all in an army of many ten thousands,
when the war is unjust; for we ought to place our surest hopes of success
against our enemies in righteousness alone, and in piety towards God; which
hope we justly have, since we have kept the laws from the beginning, and
have worshipped our own God, who was not made by hands out of corruptible
matter; nor was he formed by a wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude;
but who is his own workmanship, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is a strange expression in Josephus, that God is his own workmanship,
or that he made himself, contrary to common sense and to catholic Christianity;
perhaps he only means that he was not made by one, but was unoriginated.</note>
and the beginning and end of all things. I therefore give you counsel even
now to repent, and to take better advice, and to leave off the prosecution
of the war; to call to mind the laws of your country, and to reflect what
it hath been that hath advanced you to so happy a state as you are now
in."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="282" unit="section" /><p>This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But while
he was still speaking Jeroboam sent some of his soldiers privately to encompass
Abijab round about, on certain parts of the camp that were not taken notice
of; and when he was thus within the compass of the enemy, his army was
affrighted, and their courage failed them; but Abijah encouraged them,
and exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not encompassed
by the enemy. So they all at once implored the Divine assistance, while
the priests sounded with the trumpet, and they made a shout, and fell upon
their enemies, and God brake the courage and cast down the force of their
enemies, and made Ahijah's army superior to them; for God vouchsafed to
grant them a wonderful and very famous victory; and such a slaughter was
now made of Jeroboam's army <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">By this terrible and perfectly unparalleled slaughter of five hundred thousand
men of the newly idolatrous and rebellious ten tribes, God's high displeasure
and indignation against that idolatry and rebellion fully appeared; the
remainder were thereby seriously cautioned not to persist in them, and
a kind of balance or equilibrium was made between the ten and the two tribes
for the time to come; while otherwise the perpetually idolatrous and rebellious
ten tribes would naturally have been too powerful for the two tribes, which
were pretty frequently free both from such idolatry and rebellion; nor
is there any reason to doubt of the truth of the prodigious number upmost:
signal an occasion.</note>
as is never recorded to have happened in any other war, whether it were
of the Greeks or of the Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five
hundred thousand of their enemies, and they took their strongest cities
by force, and spoiled them; and besides those, they did the same to Bethel
and her towns, and Jeshanah and her towns. And after this defeat Jeroboam
never recovered himself during the life of Abijah, who yet did not long
survive, for he reigned but three years, and was buried in Jerusalem in
the sepulchers of his forefathers. He left behind him twenty-two sons,
and sixteen daughters; and he had also those children by fourteen wives;
and Asa his son succeeded in the kingdom; and the young man's mother was
Michaiah. Under his reign the country of the Israelites enjoyed peace for
ten years.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="287" unit="section" /><p>And so far concerning Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon,
as his history hath come down to us. But Jeroboam, the king of the ten
tribes, died when he had governed them two and twenty years; whose son
Nadab succeeded him, in the second year of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam's
son governed two years, and resembled his father in impiety and wickedness.
In these two years he made an expedition against Gibbethon, a city of the
Philistines, and continued the siege in order to take it; but he was conspired
against while he was there by a friend of his, whose name was Baasha, the
son of Ahijah, and was slain; which Baasha took the kingdom after the other's
death, and destroyed the whole house of Jeroboam. It also came to pass,
according as God had foretold, that some of Jeroboam's kindred that died
in the city were torn to pieces and devoured by dogs, and that others of
them that died in the fields were torn and devoured by the fowls. So the
house of Jeroboam suffered the just punishment of his impiety, and of his
wicked actions.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ZERAH, KING OF THE ETHIOPIANS, WAS BEATEN BY ASA; AND
HOW ASA, UPON BAASHA'S MAKING WAR AGAINST HIM, INVITED THE KING OF THE
DAMASCENS TO ASSIST HIM; AND HOW, ON THE DESTRUCTION OF THE HOUSE OF BAASHA
ZIMRI GOT THE KINGDOM AS DID HIS SON AHAB AFTER HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="290" unit="section" /><p>Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was of an excellent character, and
had a regard to God, and neither did nor designed any thing but what had
relation to the observation of the laws. He made a reformation of his kingdom,
and cut off whatsoever was wicked therein, and purified it from every impurity.
Now he had an army of chosen men that were armed with targets and spears;
out of the tribe of Judah three hundred thousand; and out of the tribe
of Benjamin, that bore shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty thousand.
But when he had already reigned ten years, Zerah, king of Ethiopia, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reader is to remember that Cush is not Ethiopia, but Arabia. See Bochart,
B. IV. ch. 2.</note>
made an expedition against him, with a great army, of nine hundred thousand
footmen, and one hundred thousand horsemen, and three hundred chariots,
and came as far as Mareshah, a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah.
Now when Zerah had passed so far with his own army, Asa met him, and put
his army in array over against him, in a valley called Zephathah, not far
from the city; and when he saw the multitude of the Ethiopians, he cried
out, and besought God to give him the victory, and that he might kill many
ten thousands of the enemy: "For," said he, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here is a very great error in our Hebrew copy in this place, 2 Chronicles
15:3-6, as applying what follows to times past, and not to times future;
whence that text is quite misapplied by Sir Isaac Newton.</note>
"I depend on nothing else but that assistance which I expect from
thee, which is able to make the fewer superior to the more numerous, and
the weaker to the stronger; and thence it is alone that I venture to meet
Zerah, and fight him."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="294" unit="section" /><p>While Asa was saying this, God gave him a signal of victory, and
joining battle cheerfully on account of what God had foretold about it,
he slew a great many of the Ethiopians; and when he had put them to flight,
he pursued them to the country of Gerar; and when they left off killing
their enemies, they betook themselves to spoiling them, (for the city Gerar
was already taken,) and to spoiling their camp, so that they carried off
much gold, and much silver, and a great deal of [other] prey, and camels,
and great cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accordingly, when Asa and his army
had obtained such a victory, and such wealth from God, they returned to
Jerusalem. Now as they were coming, a prophet, whose name was Azariah,
met them on the road, and bade them stop their journey a little; and began
to say to them thus: That the reason why they had obtained this victory
from God was this, that they had showed themselves righteous and religious
men, and had done every thing according to the will of God; that therefore,
he said, if they persevered therein, God would grant that they should always
overcome their enemies, and live happily; but that if they left off his
worship, all things shall fall out on the contrary; and a time should come,
wherein no true prophet shall be left in your whole multitude, nor a priest
who shall deliver you a true ,answer from the oracle; but your cities shall
be overthrown, and your nation scattered over the whole earth, and live
the life of strangers and wanderers. So he advised them, while they had
time, to be good, and not to deprive themselves of the favor of God. When
the king and the people heard this, they rejoiced; and all in common, and
every one in particular, took great care to behave themselves righteously.
The king also sent some to take care that those in the country should observe
the laws also.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="298" unit="section" /><p>And this was the state of Asa, king of the two tribes. I now return
to Baasha, the king of the multitude of the Israelites, who slew Nadab,
the son of Jeroboam, and retained the government. He dwelt in the city
Tirzah, having made that his habitation, and reigned twenty-four years.
He became more wicked and impious than Jeroboam or his son. He did a great
deal of mischief to the multitude, and was injurious to God, who sent the
prophet Jehu, and told him beforehand that his whole family should be destroyed,
and that he would bring the same miseries on his house which had brought
that of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had been made king by him, he
had not requited his kindness, by governing the multitude righteously and
religiously; which things, in the first place, tended to their own happiness,
and, in the next place, were pleasing to God: that he had imitated this
very wicked king Jeroboam; and although that man's soul had perished, yet
did he express to the life his wickedness; and he said that he should therefore
justly experience the like calamity with him, since he had been guilty
of the like wickedness. But Baasha, though he heard beforehand what miseries
would befall him and his whole family for their insolent behavior, yet
did not he leave off his wicked practices for the time to come, nor did
he care to appear other than worse and worse till he died; nor did he then
repent of his past actions, nor endeavor to obtain pardon of God for them,
but did as those do who have rewards proposed to them, when they have once
in earnest set about their work, they do not leave off their labors; for
thus did Baasha, when the prophet foretold to him what would come to pass,
grow worse, as if what were threatened, the perdition of his family, and
the destruction of his house, (which are really among the greatest of evils,)
were good things; and, as if he were a combatant for wickedness, he every
day took more and more pains for it: and at last he took his army and assaulted
a certain considerable city called Ramah, which was forty furlongs distant
from Jerusalem; and when he had taken it, he fortified it, having determined
beforehand to leave a garrison in it, that they might thence make excursions,
and do mischief to the kingdom of Asa.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="304" unit="section" /><p>Whereupon Asa was afraid of the attempts the enemy might make upon
him; and considering with himself how many mischiefs this army that was
left in Ramah might do to the country over which he reigned, he sent ambassadors
to the king of the Damascenes, with gold and silver, desiring his assistance,
and putting him in mind that we have had a friendship together from the
times of our forefathers. So he gladly received that sum of money, and
made a league with him, and broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and
sent the commanders of his own forces unto the cities that were under Baasha's
dominion, and ordered them to do them mischief. So they went and burnt
some of them, and spoiled others; Ijon, and Dan, and Abelmain <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Abelmain, or, in Josephus's copy, Abellane, that belonged to the land
of Israel, and bordered on the country of Damascus, is supposed, both by
Hudson and Spanheim, to be the same with Abel, or Ahila, whence came Abilene.
This may he that city so denominated from Abel the righteous, there buried,
concerning the shedding of whose blood within the compass of the land of
Israel, I understand our Savior's words about the fatal war and overthrow
of Judea by Titus and his Roman army; "That upon you may come all
the righteous blood shed upon the land, from the blood of righteous Abel
to the blood of Zacharias son of Barnchins, whom ye slew between the temple
and the altar. Verily, I say unto you, all these things shall come upon
this generation," Matthew 23;35, 36; Luke 11:51.</note>
and many others. Now when the king of Israel heard this, he left off building
and fortifying Ramah, and returned presently to assist his own people under
the distresses they were in; but Asa made use of the materials that were
prepared for building that city, for building in the same place two strong
cities, the one of which was called Geba, and the other Mizpah; so that
after this Baasha had no leisure to make expeditions against Asa, for he
was prevented by death, and was buried in the city Tirzah; and Elah his
son took the kingdom, who, when he had reigned two years, died, being treacherously
slain by Zimri, the captain of half his army; for when he was at Arza,
his steward's house, he persuaded some of the horsemen that were under
him to assault Elah, and by that means he slew him when he was without
his armed men and his captains, for they were all busied in the siege of
Gibbethon, a city of the Philistines.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="309" unit="section" /><p>When Zimri, the captain of the army, had killed Elah, he took the
kingdom himself, and, according to Jehu's prophecy, slew all the house
of Baasha; for it came to pass that Baasha's house utterly perished, on
account of his impiety, in the same manner as we have already described
the destruction of the house of Jeroboam. But the army that was besieging.
Gibbethon, when they heard what had befallen the king, and that when Zimri
had killed him, he had gained the kingdom, they made Omri their general
king, who drew off his army from Gibbethon, and came to Tirzah, where the
royal palace was, and assaulted the city, and took it by force. But when
Zimri saw that the city had none to defend it, he fled into the inmost
part of the palace, and set it on fire, and burnt himself with it, when
he had reigned only seven days. Upon which the people of Israel were presently
divided, and part of them would have Tibni to be king, and part Omri; but
when those that were for Omri's ruling had beaten Tibni, Omri reigned over
all the multitude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of the reign of Asa
that Omri reigned for twelve years; six of these years he reigned in the
city Tirzah, and the rest in the city called Semareon, but named by the
Greeks Samaria; but he himself called it Semareon, from Semer, who sold
him the mountain whereon he built it. Now Omri was no way different from
those kings that reigned before him, but that he grew worse than they,
for they all sought how they might turn the people away from God by their
daily wicked practices; and oil that account it was that God made one of
them to be slain by another, and that no one person of their families should
remain. This Omri also died in Samaria and Ahab his son succeeded him.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="314" unit="section" /><p>Now by these events we may learn what concern God hath for the affairs
of mankind, and how he loves good men, and hates the wicked, and destroys
them root and branch; for many of these kings of Israel, they and their
families, were miserably destroyed, and taken away one by another, in a
short time, for their transgression and wickedness; but Asa, who was king
of Jerusalem, and of the two tribes, attained, by God's blessing, a long
and a blessed old age, for his piety and righteousness, and died happily,
when he had reigned forty and one years; and when he was dead, his son
Jehoshaphat succeeded him in the government. He was born of Asa's wife
Azubah. And all men allowed that he followed the works of David his forefather,
and this both in courage and piety; but we are not obliged now to speak
any more of the affairs of this king.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW AHAB WHEN HE HAD TAKEN JEZEBEL TO WIFE BECAME MORE WICKED
THAN ALL THE KINGS THAT HAD BEEN BEFORE HIM; OF THE ACTIONS OF THE PROPHET
ELIJAH, AND WHAT BEFELL NABOTH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="316" unit="section" /><p>NOW Ahab the king of Israel dwelt in Samaria, and held the government
for twenty-two years; and made no alteration in the conduct of the kings
that were his predecessors, but only in such things as were of his own
invention for the worse, and in his most gross wickedness. He imitated
them in their wicked courses, and in their injurious behavior towards God,
and more especially he imitated the transgression of Jeroboam; for he worshipped
the heifers that he had made; and he contrived other absurd objects of
worship besides those heifers: he also took to wife the daughter of Ethbaal,
king of the Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Jezebel, of whom he learned
to worship her own gods. This woman was active and bold, and fell into
so great a degree of impurity and madness, that she built a temple to the
god of the Tyrians, Which they call Belus, and planted a grove of all sorts
of trees; she also appointed priests and false prophets to this god. The
king also himself had many such about him, and so exceeded in madness and
wickedness all [the kings] that went before him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="319" unit="section" /><p>There was now a prophet of God Almighty, of Thesbon, a country in
Gilead, that came to Ahab, and said to him, that God foretold he would
not send rain nor dew in those years upon the country but when he should
appear. And when he had confirmed this by an oath, he departed into the
southern parts, and made his abode by a brook, out of which he had water
to drink; for as for his food, ravens brought it to him every day: but
when that river was dried up for want of rain, he came to Zarephath, a
city not far from Sidon and Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at
the command of God, for [God told him] that he should there find a woman
who was a widow that should give him sustenance. So when he was not far
off the city, he saw a woman that labored with her own hands, gathering
of sticks: so God informed him that this was the woman who was to give
him sustenance. So he came and saluted her, and desired her to bring him
some water to drink; but as she was going so to do, he called to her, and
would have her to bring him a loaf of bread also; whereupon she affirmed
upon oath that she had at home nothing more than one handful of meal, and
a little oil, and that she was going to gather some sticks, that she might
knead it, and make bread for herself and her son; after which, she said,
they must perish, and be consumed by the famine, for they had nothing for
themselves any longer. Hereupon he said, "Go on with good courage,
and hope for better things; and first of all make me a little cake, and
bring it to me, for I foretell to thee that this vessel of meal and this
cruse of oil shall not fail until God send rain." When the prophet
had said this, she came to him, and made him the before-named cake; of
which she had part for herself, and gave the rest to her son, and to the
prophet also; nor did any thing of this fall until the drought ceased.
Now Menander mentions this drought in his account of the acts of Ethbaal,
king of the Tyrians; where he says thus: "Under him there was a want
of rain from the month Hyperberetmus till the month Hyperberetmus of the
year following; but when he made supplications, there came great thunders.
This Ethbaal built the city Botrys in Phoenicia, and the city Auza in Libya."
By these words he designed the want of rain that was in the days of Ahab,
for at that time it was that Ethbaal also reigned over the Tyrians, as
Menander informs us.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="325" unit="section" /><p>Now this woman, of whom we spake before, that sustained the prophet,
when her son was fallen into a distemper till he gave up the ghost, and
appeared to be dead, came to the prophet weeping, and beating her breasts
with her hands, and sending out such expressions as her passions dictated
to her, and complained to him that he had come to her to reproach her for
her sins, and that on this account it was that her son was dead. But he
bid her be of good cheer, and deliver her son to him, for that he would
deliver him again to her alive. So when she had delivered her son up to
him, he carried him into an upper room, where he himself lodged, and laid
him down upon the bed, and cried unto God, and said, that God had not done
well, in rewarding the woman who had entertained him and sustained him,
by taking away her son; and he prayed that he would send again the soul
of the child into him, and bring him to life again. Accordingly God took
pity on the mother, and was willing to gratify the prophet, that he might
not seem to have come to her to do her a mischief, and the child, beyond
all expectation, came to life again. So the mother returned the prophet
thanks, and said she was then clearly satisfied that God did converse with
him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="328" unit="section" /><p>After a little while Elijah came to king Ahab, according to God's
will, to inform him that rain was coming. Now the famine had seized upon
the whole country, and there was a great want of what was necessary for
sustenance, insomuch that it was after the recovery of the widow's son
of Sarepta, God sent not only men that wanted it, but the earth itself
also, which did not produce enough for the horse and the other beasts of
what was useful for them to feed on, by reason of the drought. So the king
called for Obadiah, who was steward over his cattle, and said to him, that
he would have him go to the fountains of water, and to the brooks, that
if any herbs could be found for them, they might mow it down, and reserve
it for the beasts. And when he had sent persons all over the habitable
earth <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus, in his present copies, says, that a little while rain upon the
earth; whereas, in our other copies, it is after many days, 1 Kings 18:1.
Several years are also intimated there, and in Josephus, sect. 2, as belonging
to this drought and famine; nay, we have the express mention of the third
year, which I suppose was reckoned from the recovery of the widow's son,
and the ceasing of this drought in Phmuiela (which, as Menander informs
us here, lasted one whole year); and both our Savior and St. James affirm,
that this drought lasted in all three years and six months. as their copies
of the Old Testament then informed them, Luke 4:25; James 5:17. Josephus
here seems to mean, that this drought affected all the habitable earth,
and presently all the earth, as our Savior says it was upon all the earth,
Luke 4:25. They who restrain these expressions to the land of Judea alone,
go without sufficient authority or examples.</note>
to discover the prophet Elijah, and they could not find him, he bade Obadiah
accompany him. So it was resolved they should make a progress, and divide
the ways between them; and Obadiah took one road, and the king another.
Now it happened that the same time when queen Jezebel slew the prophets,
that this Obadiah had hidden a hundred prophets, and had fed them with
nothing but bread and water. But when Obadiah was alone, and absent from
the king, the prophet Elijah met him; and Obadiah asked him who he was;
and when he had learned it from him, he worshipped him. Elijah then bid
him go to the king, and tell him that I am here ready to wait on him. But
Obadiah replied, "What evil have I done to thee, that thou sendest
me to one who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over all the earth
for thee? Or was he so ignorant as not to know that the king had left no
place untouched unto which he had not sent persons to bring him back, in
order, if they could take him, to have him put to death?" For he told
him he was afraid lest God should appear to him again, and he should go
away into another place; and that when the king should send him for Elijah,
and he should miss of him, and not be able to find him any where upon earth,
he should be put to death. He desired him therefore to take care of his
preservation; and told him how diligently he had provided for those of
his own profession, and had saved a hundred prophets, when Jezebel slew
the rest of them, and had kept them concealed, and that they had been sustained
by him. But Elijah bade him fear nothing, but go to the king; and he assured
him upon oath that he would certainly show himself to Ahab that very day.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="335" unit="section" /><p>So when Obadiah had informed the king that Elijah was there, Ahab
met him, and asked him, in anger, if he were the man that afflicted the
people of the Hebrews, and was the occasion of the drought they lay under?
But Elijah, without any flattery, said that he was himself the man, he
and his house, which brought such sad afflictions upon them, and that by
introducing strange gods into their country, and worshipping them, and
by leaving their own, who was the only true God, and having no manner of
regard to him. However, he bade him go his way, and gather together all
the people to him to Mount Carmel, with his own prophets, and those of
his wife, telling him how many there were of them, as also the prophets
of the groves, about four hundred in number. And as all the men whom Ahab
sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain, the prophet Elijah stood in
the midst of them, and said, "How long will you live thus in uncertainty
of mind and opinion?" He also exhorted them, that in case they esteemed
their own country God to be the true and the only God, they would follow
him and his commandments; but in case they esteemed him to be nothing,
but had an opinion of the strange gods, and that they ought to worship
them, his counsel was, that they should follow them. And when the multitude
made no answer to what he said, Elijah desired that, for a trial of the
power of the strange gods, and of their own God, he, who was his only prophet,
while they had four hundred, might take a heifer and kill it as a sacrifice,
and lay it upon pieces of wood, and not kindle any fire, and that they
should do the same things, and call upon their own gods to set the wood
on fire; for if that were done, they would thence learn the nature of the
true God. This proposal pleased the people. So Elijah bade the prophets
to choose out a heifer first, and kill it, and to call on their gods. But
when there appeared no effect of the prayer or invocation of the prophets
upon their sacrifice, Elijah derided them, and bade them call upon their
gods with a loud voice, for they might either be on a journey, or asleep;
and when these prophets had done so from morning till noon, and cut themselves
with swords and lances, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Mr. Spanheim takes notice here, that in the worship of Mithra (the god
of the Persians) the priests cut themselves in the same manner as did these
priests in their invocation of Baal (the god of the Phoenicians).</note>
according to the customs of their country, and he was about to offer his
sacrifice, he bade [the prophets] go away, but bade [the people] come near
and observe what he did, lest he should privately hide fire among the pieces
of wood. So, upon the approach of the multitude, he took twelve stones,
one for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews, and built an altar with
them, and dug a very deep trench; and when he had laid the pieces of wood
upon the altar, and upon them had laid the pieces of the sacrifices, he
ordered them to fill four barrels with the water of the fountain, and to
pour it upon the altar, till it ran over it, and till the trench was filled
with the water poured into it. When he had done this, he began to pray
to God, and to invocate him to make manifest his power to a people that
had already been in an error a long time; upon which words a fire came
on a sudden from heaven in the sight of the multitude, and fell upon the
altar, and consumed the sacrifice, till the very water was set on fire,
and the place was become dry.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="343" unit="section" /><p>Now when the Israelites saw this, they fell down upon the ground,
and worshipped one God, and called him <emph>The great and the only true God;
</emph>but they called the others mere names, framed by the evil and vile
opinions of men. So they caught their prophets, and, at the command of
Elijah, slew them. Elijah also said to the king, that he should go to dinner
without any further concern, for that in a little time he would see God
send them rain. Accordingly Ahab went his way. But Elijah went up to the
highest top of Mount Carmel, and sat down upon the ground, and leaned his
head upon his knees, and bade his servant go up to a certain elevated place,
and look towards the sea, and when he should see a cloud rising any where,
he should give him notice of it, for till that time the air had been clear.
When the Servant had gone up, and had said many times that he saw nothing,
at the seventh time of his going up, he said that he saw a small black
thing in the sky, not larger than a man's foot. When Elijah heard that,
he sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to the city before the rain
came down. So he came to the city Jezreel; and in a little time the air
was all obscured, and covered with clouds, and a vehement storm of wind
came upon the earth, and with it a great deal of rain; and the prophet
was under a Divine fury, and ran along with the king's chariot unto Jezreel
a city of Izar <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">For Izar we may here read (with Hudson and Cocceius) Isachar, i.e of the
tribe of Isachar, for to that tribe did Jezreel belong; and presently at
the beginning of sect. 8, as also ch. 15. sect. 4, we may read for Iar,
with one MS. nearly, and the Scripture, Jezreel, for that was the city
meant in the history of Naboth.</note>
[Issaachar].</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="347" unit="section" /><p>When Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, understood what signs Elijah had
wrought, and how he had slain her prophets, she was angry, and sent messengers
to him, and by them threatened to kill him, as he had destroyed her prophets.
At this Elijah was affrighted, and fled to the city called Beersheba, which
is situate at the utmost limits of the country belonging to the tribe of
Judah, towards the land of Edom; and there he left his servant, and went
away into the desert. He prayed also that he might die, for that he was
not better than his fathers, nor need he be very desirous to live, when
they were dead; and he lay and slept under a certain tree; and when somebody
awakened him, and he was risen up, he found food set by him and water:
so when he had eaten, and recovered his strength by that his food, he came
to that mountain which is called Sinai, where it is related that Moses
received his laws from God; and finding there a certain hollow cave, he
entered into it, and continued to make his abode in it. But when a certain
voice came to him, but from whence he knew not, and asked him, why he was
come thither, and had left the city? he said, that because he had slain
the prophets of the foreign gods, and had persuaded the people that he
alone whom they had worshipped from the beginning was God, he was sought
for by the king's wife to be punished for so doing. And when he had heard
another voice, telling him that he should come out the next day into the
open air, and should thereby know what he was to do, he came out of the
cave the next day accordingly, When he both heard an earthquake, and saw
the bright splendor of a fire; and after a silence made, a Divine voice
exhorted him not to be disturbed with the circumstances he was in, for
that none of his enemies should have power over him. The voice also commanded
him to return home, and to ordain Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be king over
their own multitude; and Hazael, of Damascus, to be over the Syrians; and
Elisha, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in his stead; and that of the
impious multitude, some should be slain by Hazael, and others by Jehu.
So Elijah, upon hearing this charge, returned into the land of the Hebrews.
And when he found Elisha, the son of Shaphat, ploughing, and certain others
with him, driving twelve yoke of oxen, he came to him, and cast his own
garment upon him; upon which Elisha began to prophesy presently, and leaving
his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when he desired leave to salute his parents,
Elijah gave him leave so to do; and when he had taken his leave of them,
he followed him, and became the disciple and the servant of Elijah all
the days of his life. And thus have I despatched the affairs in which this
prophet was concerned.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="355" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one Naboth, of the city Izar, [Jezreel,] who had a
field adjoining to that of the king: the king would have persuaded him
to sell him that his field, which lay so near to his own lands, at what
price he pleased, that he might join them together, and make them one farm;
and if he would not accept of money for it, he gave him leave to choose
any of his other fields in its stead. But Naboth said he would not do so,
but would keep the possession of that land of his own, which he had by
inheritance from his father. Upon this the king was grieved, as if he had
received an injury, when he could not get another man's possession, and
he would neither wash himself, nor take any food: and when Jezebel asked
him what it was that troubled him, and why he would neither wash himself,
nor eat either dinner or supper, he related to her the perverseness of
Naboth, and how, when he had made use of gentle words to him, and such
as were beneath the royal authority, he had been affronted, and had not
obtained what he desired. However, she persuaded him not to be cast down
at this accident, but to leave off his grief, and return to the usual care
of his body, for that she would take care to have Naboth punished; and
she immediately sent letters to the rulers of the Israelites [Jezreelites]
in Ahab's name, and commanded them to fast and to assemble a congregation,
and to set Naboth at the head of them, because he was of an illustrious
family, and to have three bold men ready to bear witness that he had blasphemed
God and the king, and then to stone him, and slay him in that manner. Accordingly,
when Naboth had been thus testified against, as the queen had written to
them, that he had blasphemed against God and Ahab the king, she desired
him to take possession of Naboth's vineyard on free cost. So Ahab was glad
at what had been done, and rose up immediately from the bed whereon he
lay to go to see Naboth's vineyard; but God had great indignation at it,
and sent Elijah the prophet to the field of Naboth, to speak to Ahab, and
to say to him, that he had slain the true owner of that field unjustly.
And as soon as he came to him, and the king had said that he might do with
him what he pleased, (for he thought it a reproach to him to be thus caught
in his sin,) Elijah said, that in that very place in which the dead body
of Naboth was eaten by dogs both his own blood and that of his wife's should
be shed, and that all his family should perish, because he had been so
insolently wicked, and had slain a citizen unjustly, and contrary to the
laws of his country. Hereupon Ahab began to be sorry for the things he
had done, and to repent of them; and he put on sackcloth, and went barefoot
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">"The Jews weep to this day," (says Jerome, here cited by Reland,)
"and roll themselves upon sackcloth, in ashes, barefoot, upon such
occasions." To which Spanheim adds, "that after the same manner
Bernice, when his life was in danger, stood at the tribunal of Florus barefoot."
Of the War, B. II. ch. 15. sect. 1. See the like of David, 2 Samuel 15:30;
Antiq. B. VII. ch. 9. sect. 2.</note> and
would not touch any food; he also confessed his sins, and endeavored
thus to appease God. But God said to the prophet, that while Ahab was living
he would put off the punishment of his family, because he repented of those
insolent crimes he had been guilty of, but that still he would fulfill
his threatening under Ahab's son; which message the prophet delivered to
the king.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HADAD KING OF DAMASCUS AND OF SYRIA, MADE TWO EXPEDITIONS
AGAINST AHAB AND WAS BEATEN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="363" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the affairs of Ahab were thus, at that very time the son of
Hadad, [Benhadad,] who was king of the Syrians and of Damascus, got together
an army out of all his country, and procured thirty-two kings beyond Euphrates
to be his auxiliaries: so he made an expedition against Ahab; but because
Ahab's army was not like that of Benhadad, he did not set it in array to
fight him, but having shut up every thing that was in the country in the
strongest cities he had, he abode in Samaria himself, for the walls about
it were very strong, and it appeared to be not easily to be taken in other
respects also. So the king of Syria took his army with him, and came to
Samaria, and placed his army round about the city, and besieged it. He
also sent a herald to Ahab, and desired he would admit the ambassadors
he would send him, by whom he would let him know his pleasure. So, upon
the king of Israel's permission for him to send, those ambassador's came,
and by their king's command spake thus: That Ahab's riches, and his children,
and his wives were Benhadad's, and if he would make an agreement, and give
him leave to take as much of what he had as he pleased, he would withdraw
his army, and leave off the siege. Upon this Ahab bade the ambassadors
to go back, and tell their king, that both he himself and all that he hath
are his possessions. And when these ambassadors had told this to Berthadad,
he sent to him again, and desired, since he confessed that all he had was
his, that he would admit those servants of his which he should send the
next day; and he commanded him to deliver to those whom he should send
whatsoever, upon their searching his palace, and the houses of his friends
and kindred, they should find to be excellent in its kind, but that what
did not please them they should leave to him. At this second embassage
of the king of Syria, Ahab was surprised, and gathered together the multitude
to a congregation, and told them that, for himself, he was ready, for their
safety and peace, to give up his own wives and children to the enemy, and
to yield to him all his own possessions, for that was what the Syrian king
required at his first embassage; but that now he desires to send his servants
to search all their houses, and in them to leave nothing that is excellent
in its kind, seeking an occasion of fighting against him, "as knowing
that I would not spare what is mine own for your sakes, but taking a handle
from the disagreeable terms he offers concerning you to bring a war upon
us; however, I will do what you shall resolve is fit to be done."
But the multitude advised him to hearken to none of his proposals, but
to despise him, and be in readiness to fight him. Accordingly, when he
had given the ambassadors this answer to be reported, that he still continued
in the mind to comply with what terms he at first desired, for the safety
of the citizens; but as for his second desires, he cannot submit to them,
- he dismissed them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="371" unit="section" /><p>Now when Benhadad heard this, he had indignation, and sent ambassadors
to Ahab the third time, and threatened that his army would raise a bank
higher than those walls, in confidence of whose strength he despised him,
and that by only each man of his army taking a handful of earth; hereby
making a show of the great number of his army, and aiming to affright him.
Ahab answered, that he ought not to vaunt himself when he had only put
on his armor, but when he should have conquered his enemies in the battle.
So the ambassadors came back, and found the king at supper with his thirty-two
kings, and informed him of Ahab's answer; who then immediately gave order
for proceeding thus: To make lines round the city, and raise a bulwark,
and to prosecute the siege all manner of ways. Now, as this was doing,
Ahab was in a great agony, and all his people with him; but he took courage,
and was freed from his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to him, and
saying to him, that God had promised to subdue so many ten thousands of
his enemies under him. And when he inquired by whose means the victory
was to be obtained, be said," By the sons of the princes; but under
thy conduct as their leader, by reason of their unskilfulness [in war]."
Upon which he called for the sons of the princes, and found them to be
two hundred and thirty-two persons. So when he was informed that the king
of Syria had betaken himself to feasting and repose, he opened the gates,
and sent out the princes' sons. Now when the sentinels told Benhadad of
it, he sent some to meet them, and commanded them, that if these men were
come out for fighting, they should bind them, and bring them to him; and
that if they came out peaceably, they should do the same. Now Ahab had
another army ready within the walls, but the sons of the princes fell upon
the out-guard, and slew many of them, and pursued the rest of them to the
camp; and when the king of Israel saw that these had the upper hand, he
sent out all the rest of his army, which, falling suddenly upon the Syrians,
beat them, for they did not think they would have come out; on which account
it was that they assaulted them when they were naked <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Mr. Reland notes here very truly, that the word naked does not always signify
entirely naked, but sometimes without men's usual armor, without heir usual
robes or upper garments; as when Virgil bids the husbandman plough naked,
and sow naked; when Josephus says (Antiq. B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 2) that God
had given the Jews the security of armor when they were naked; and when
he here says that Ahab fell on the Syrians when they were naked and drunk;
when (Antiq. B. XI. ch. 5. sect. 8) he says that Nehemiah commanded those
Jews that were building the walls of Jerusalem to take care to have their
armor on upon occasion, that the enemy might not fall upon them naked.
I may add, that the case seems to be the same in the Scripture, when it
says that Saul lay down naked among the prophets, 1 Samuel 19:24; when
it says that Isaiah walked naked and barefoot, Isaiah 20:2, 3; and when
it says that Peter, before he girt his fisher's coat to him, was naked,
John 21:7. What is said of David also gives light to this, who was reproached
by Michal for "dancing before the ark, and uncovering himself in the
eyes of his handmaids, as one of the vain fellows shamelessly uncovereth
himself," 2 Samuel 6:14, 20; yet it is there expressly said (ver.
14) that "David was girded with a linen ephod," i.e. he had laid
aside his robes of state, and put on the sacerdotal, Levitical, or sacred
garments, proper for such a solemnity.</note>
and drunk, insomuch that they left all their armor behind them when they
fled out of the camp, and the king himself escaped with difficulty, by
fleeing away on horseback. But Ahab went a great way in pursuit of the
Syrians; and when he had spoiled their camp, which contained a great deal
of wealth, and moreover a large quantity of gold and silver, he took Benhadad's
chariots and horses, and returned to the city; but as the prophet told
him he ought to have his army ready, because the Syrian king would make
another expedition against him the next year, Ahab was busy in making provision
for it accordingly.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="379" unit="section" /><p>Now Benhadad, when he had saved himself, and as much of his army
as he could, out of the battle, he consulted with his friends how he might
make another expedition against the Israelites. Now those friends advised
him not to fight with them on the hills, because their God was potent in
such places, and thence it had come to pass that they had very lately been
beaten; but they said, that if they joined battle with them in the plain,
they should beat them. They also gave him this further advice, to send
home those kings whom he had brought as his auxiliaries, but to retain
their army, and to set captains over it instead of the kings, and to raise
an army out of their country, and let them be in the place of the former
who perished in the battle, together with horses and chariots. So he judged
their counsel to be good, and acted according to it in the management of
the army.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="381" unit="section" /><p>At the beginning of the spring, Benhadad took his army with him,
and led it against the Hebrews; and when he was come to a certain city
which was called Aphek, he pitched his camp in the great plain. Ahab also
went to meet him with his army, and pitched his camp over against him,
although his army was a very small one, if it were compared with the enemy's;
but the prophet came again to him, and told him, that God would give him
the victory, that he might demonstrate his own power to be, not
only on the mountains, but on the plains also; which it seems was contrary
to the opinion of the Syrians. So they lay quiet in their camp seven days;
but on the last of those days, when the enemies came out of their camp,
and put themselves in array in order to fight, Ahab also brought out his
own army; and when the battle was joined, and they fought valiantly, he
put the enemy to flight, and pursued them, and pressed upon them, and slew
them; nay, they were destroyed by their own chariots, and by one another;
nor could any more than a few of them escape to their own city Aphek, who
were also killed by the walls falling upon them, being in number twenty-seven
thousand. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus's number, two myriads and seven thousand, agrees here with that
in our other copies, as those that were slain by the falling down of the
walls of Aphek; but I suspected at first that this number in Josephus's
present copies could not be his original number, because he calls them
"oligoi," a few, which could hardly be said of so many as twenty-seven
thousand, and because of the improbability of the fall of a particular
wall killing so many; yet when I consider Josephus's next words, how the
rest which were slain in the battle were "ten other myriads,"
that twenty-seven thousand are but a few in comparison of a hundred thousand,
and that it was not "a wall," as in our English version, but
"the walls" or "the entire walls" of the city that
fell down, as in all the originals, I lay aside that suspicion, and firmly
believe that Josephus himself hath, with the rest, given us the just number,
twenty-seven thousand.</note>
Now there were slain in this battle a hundred thousand more; but Benhadad,
the king of the Syrians, fled away, with certain others of his most faithful
servants, and hid himself in a cellar under ground; and when these told
him that the kings of Israel were humane and merciful men, and that they
might make use of the usual manner of supplication, and obtain deliverance
from Ahab, in case he would give them leave to go to him, he gave
them leave accordingly. So they came to Ahab, clothed in sackcloth, with
ropes about their heads, (for this was the ancient manner of supplication
among the Syrians,) <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This manner of supplication for men's lives among the Syrians, with ropes
or halters about their heads or necks, is, I suppose, no strange thing
in later ages, even in our own country.</note>
and said, that Benhadad desired he would save him, and that he would ever
be a servant to him for that favor. Ahab replied he was glad that he was
alive, and not hurt in the battle; and he further promised him the same
honor and kindness that a man would show to his brother. So they received
assurances upon oath from him, that when he came to him he should receive
no harm from him, and then went and brought him out of the cellar wherein
he was hid, and brought him to Ahab as he sat in his chariot. So Benhadad
worshipped him; and Ahab gave him his hand, and made him come up to him
into his chariot, and kissed him, and bid him be of good cheer, and not
to expect that any mischief should be done to him. So Berthadad returned
him thanks, and professed that he would remember his kindness to him all
the days of his life; and promised he would restore those cities of the
Israelites which the former kings had taken from them, and grant that he
should have leave to come to Damascus, as his forefathers had to come to
Samaria. So they confirmed their covenant by oaths, and Ahab made him many
presents, and sent him back to his own kingdom. And this was the conclusion
of the war that Benhadad made against Ahab and the Israelites.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="389" unit="section" /><p>But a certain prophet, whose name was Micaiah, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is here remarkable, that in Josephus's copy this prophet, whose severe
denunciation of a disobedient person's slaughter by a lion had lately come
to pass, was no other than Micaiah, the son of Imlah, who, as he now denounced
God's judgment on disobedient Ahab, seems directly to have been that very
prophet whom the same Ahab, in 1 Kings 22:8, 18, complains of, "as
one whom he hated, because he did not prophesy good concerning him, but
evil," and who in that chapter openly repeats his denunciations against
him; all which came to pass accordingly; nor is there any reason to doubt
but this and the former were the very same prophet.</note>
came to one of the Israelites, and bid him smite him on the head, for by
so doing he would please God; but when he would not do so, he foretold
to him, that since he disobeyed the commands of God, he should meet with
a lion, and be destroyed by him. When that sad accident had befallen the
man, the prophet came again to another, and gave him the same injunction;
so he smote him, and wounded his skull; upon which he bound up his head,
and came to the king, and told him that he had been a soldier of his<emph>,
</emph>and had the custody of one of the prisoners committed to him by an
officer, and that the prisoner being run away, he was in danger of losing
his own life by the means of that officer, who had threatened him, that
if the prisoner escaped he would kill him. And when Ahab had said that
he would justly die, he took off the binding about his head, and was known
by the king to be Micaiah the prophet, who made use of this artifice as
a prelude to his following words; for he said that God would punish him
who had suffered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him, to escape punishment;
and that he would so bring it about, that he should die by the other's
means <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What is most remarkable in this history, and in many histories on other
occasions in the Old Testament, is this, that during the Jewish theocracy
God acted entirely as the supreme King of Israel, and the supreme General
of their armies, and always expected that the Israelites should be in such
absolute subjection to him, their supreme and heavenly King, and General
of their armies, as subjects and soldiers are to their earthly kings and
generals, and that usually without knowing the particular reasons of their
injunctions.</note>
and his people by the other's army. Upon which Ahab was very angry at the
prophet, and gave commandment that he should be put in prison, and there
kept; but for himself, he was in confusion at the words of Micaiah, and
returned to his own house.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING JEHOSHAPHAT THE KING OF JERUSALEM AND HOW AHAB
MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SYRIANS AND WAS ASSISTED THEREIN BY JEHOSHAPHAT,
BUT WAS HIMSELF OVERCOME IN BATTLE AND PERISHED THEREIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="393" unit="section" /><p>AND these were the circumstances in which Ahab was. But I now return
to Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem, who, when he had augmented his kingdom,
had set garrisons in the cities of the countries belonging to his subjects,
and had put such garrisons no less into those cities which were taken out
of the tribe of Ephraim by his grandfather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned
over the ten tribes [than he did into the other]. But then he had God favorable
and assisting to him, as being both righteous and religious, and seeking
to do somewhat every day that should be agreeable and acceptable to God.
The kings also that were round about him honored him with the presents
they made him, till the riches that he had acquired were immensely great,
and the glory he had gained was of a most exalted nature.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="395" unit="section" /><p>Now, in the third year of this reign, he called together the rulers
of the country, and the priests, and commanded them to go round the land,
and teach all the people that were under him, city by city, the laws of
Moses, and to keep them, and to be diligent in the worship of God. With
this the whole multitude was so pleased, that they were not so eagerly
set upon or affected with any thing so much as the observation of the laws.
The neighboring nations also continued to love Jehoshaphat, and to be at
peace with him. The Philistines paid their appointed tribute, and the Arabians
supplied him every year with three hundred and sixty lambs, and as many
kids of the goats. He also fortified the great cities, which were many
in number, and of great consequence. He prepared also a mighty army of
soldiers and weapons against their enemies. Now the army of men that wore
their armor, was three hundred thousand of the tribe of Judah, of whom
Adnah was the chief; but John was chief of two hundred thousand. The same
man was chief of the tribe of Benjamin, and had two hundred thousand archers
under him. There was another chief, whose name was Jehozabad, who had a
hundred and fourscore thousand armed men. This multitude was distributed
to he ready for the king's service, besides those whom he sent to the best
fortified cities.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="398" unit="section" /><p>Jehoshaphat took for his son Jehoram to wife the daughter of Ahab,
the king of the ten tribes, whose name was Athaliah. And when, after some
time, he went to Samaria, Ahab received him courteously, and treated the
army that followed him in a splendid manner, with great plenty of corn
and wine, and of slain beasts; and desired that he would join with him
in his war against the king of Syria, that he might recover from him the
city Ramoth, in Gilead; for though it had belonged to his father, yet had
the king of Syria's father taken it away from him; and upon Jehoshaphat's
promise to afford him his assistance, (for indeed his army was not inferior
to the other,) and his sending for his army from Jerusalem to Samaria,
the two kings went out of the city, and each of them sat on his own throne,
and each gave their orders to their several armies. Now Jehoshaphat bid
them call some of the prophets, if there were any there, and inquire of
them concerning this expedition against the king of Syria, whether they
would give them counsel to make that expedition at this time, for there
was peace at that time between Ahab and the king of Syria, which had lasted
three years, from the time he had taken him captive till that day.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="401" unit="section" /><p>So Ahab called his own prophets, being in number about four hundred,
and bid them inquire of God whether he would grant him the victory, if
he made an expedition against Benhadad, and enable him to overthrow that
city, for whose sake it was that he was going to war. Now these prophets
gave their counsel for making this expedition, and said that he would beat
the king of Syria, and, as formerly, would reduce him under his power.
But Jehoshaphat, understanding by their words that they were false prophets,
asked Ahab whether there were not some other prophet, and he belonging
to the true God, that we may have surer information concerning futurities.
Hereupon Ahab said there was indeed such a one, but that he hated him,
as having prophesied evil to him, and having foretold that he should be
overcome and slain by the king of Syria, and that for this cause he had
him now in prison, and that his name was Micaiah, the son of Imlah. But
upon Jehoshaphat's desire that he might be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch,
who brought Micaiah to him. Now the eunuch had informed him by the way,
that all the other prophets had foretold that the king should gain the
victory; but he said, that it was not lawful for him to lie against God,
but that he must speak what he should say to him about the king, whatsoever
it were. When he came to Ahab, and he had adjured him upon oath to speak
the truth to him, he said that God had shown to him the Israelites running
away, and pursued by the Syrians, and dispersed upon the mountains by them,
as flocks of sheep are dispersed when their shepherd is slain. He said
further, that God signified to him, that those Israelites should return
:in peace to their own home, and that he only should fall in the battle.
When Micalab had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehoshaphat, "I told thee
a little while ago the disposition of the man with regard to me, and that
he uses to prophesy evil to me." Upon which Micaiah replied, that
he ought to hear all, whatsoever it be, that God foretells; and that in
particular, they were false prophets that encouraged him to make this war
in hope of victory, whereas he must fight and be killed. Whereupon the
king was in suspense with himself: but Zedekiah, one of those false prophets,
came near, and exhorted him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did not at
all speak truth; as a demonstration of which he instanced in what Elijah
had said, who was a better prophet in foretelling futurities than Micaiah
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These reasonings of Zedekiah the false prophet, in order to persuade Ahab
not to believe Micaiah the true prophet, are plausible; but being omitted
in our other copies, we cannot now tell whence Josephus had them, whether
from his own temple copy, from some other original author, or from certain
ancient notes. That some such plausible objection was now raised against
Micaiah is very likely, otherwise Jehoshaphat, who used to disbelieve all
such false prophets, could never have been induced to accompany Ahab in
these desperate circumstances.</note> for
he foretold that the dogs should lick his blood in the city of Jezreel,
in the field of Naboth, as they licked the blood of Naboth, who by his
means was there stoned to death by the multitude; that therefore it was
plain that this Micalab was a liar, as contradicting a greater prophet
than himself, and saying that he should be slain at three days' journey
distance: "and [said he] you shall soon know whether he be a true
prophet, and hath the power of the Divine Spirit; for I will smite him,
and let him then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused the hand of Jeroboam the
king to wither when he would have caught him; for I suppose thou hast certainly
heard of that accident." So when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm
happened to him, Ahab took courage, and readily led his army against the
king of Syria; for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for him, and made him
believe that the false prophets spake truer than the true one, that it
might take an occasion of bringing him to his end. However, Zedekiah made
horns of iron, and said to Ahab, that God made those horns signals, that
by them he should overthrow all Syria. But Micaiah replied, that Zedekiah,
in a few days, should go from one secret chamber to another to hide himself,
that he might escape the punishment of his lying. Then did the king give
orders that they should take Micaiah away, and guard him to Amon, the governor
of the city, and to give him nothing but bread and water.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="411" unit="section" /><p>Then did Ahab, and Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem, take their
forces, and marched to Ramoth a city of Gilead; and when the king of Syria
heard of this expedition, he brought out his army to oppose them, and pitched
his camp not far from Ramoth. Now Ahalx and Jehoshaphat had agreed that
Ahab should lay aside his royal robes, but that the king of Jerusalem should
put on his [Ahab's] proper habit, and stand before the army, in order to
disprove, by this artifice, what Micaiah had foretold. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This reading of Josephus, that Jehoshaphat put on not his own, but Ahab's
robes, in order to appear to be Ahab, while Ahab was without any robes
at all, and hoped thereby to escape his own evil fate, and disprove Micaiah's
prophecy against him, is exceeding probable. It gives great light also
to this whole history; and shows, that although Ahab hoped Jehoshaphat
would he mistaken for him, and run the only risk of being slain in the
battle, yet he was entirely disappointed, while still the escape of the
good man Jehoshaphat, and the slaughter of the bad man Ahab, demonstrated
the great distinction that Divine providence made betwixt them.</note>But
Ahab's fate found him out without his robes; for Benhadad, the king of
Assyria, had charged his army, by the means of their commanders, to kill
nobody else but only the king of Israel. So when the Syrians, upon their
joining battle with the Israelites, saw Jehoshaphat stand before the army,
and conjectured that he was Ahab, they fell violently upon him, and encompassed
him round; but when they were near, and knew that it was not he, they all
returned back; and while the fight lasted from the morning till late in
the evening, and the Syrians were conquerors, they killed nobody, as their
king had commanded them. And when they sought to kill Ahab alone, but could
not find him, there was a young nobleman belonging to king Benhadad, whose
name was Naaman; he drew his bow against the enemy, and wounded the king
through his breastplate, in his lungs. Upon this Ahab resolved not to make
his mischance known to his army, lest they should run away; but he bid
the driver of his chariot to turn it back, and carry him out of the battle,
because he was sorely and mortally wounded. However, he sat in his chariot
and endured the pain till sunset, and then he fainted away and died.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="416" unit="section" /><p>And now the Syrian army, upon the coming on of the night, retired
to their camp; and when the herald belonging to the camp gave notice that
Ahab was dead, they returned home; and they took the dead body of Ahab
to Samaria, and buried it there; but when they had washed his chariot in
the fountain of Jezreel, which was bloody with the dead body of the king,
they acknowledged that the prophecy of Elijah was true, for the dogs licked
his blood, and the harlots continued afterwards to wash themselves in that
fountain; but still he died at Ramoth, as Micaiah had foretold. And as
what things were foretold should happen to Ahab by the two prophets came
to pass, we ought thence to have high notions of God, and every where to
honor and worship him, and never to suppose that what is pleasant and agreeable
is worthy of belief before what is true, and to esteem nothing more advantageous
than the gift of prophecy <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We
have here a very wise reflection of Josephus about Divine Providence, and
what is derived from it, prophecy, and the inevitable certainty of its
accomplishment; and that when wicked men think they take proper methods
to elude what is denounced against them, and to escape the Divine judgments
thereby threatened them, without repentance, they are ever by Providence
infatuated to bring about their own destruction, and thereby withal to
demonstrate the perfect veracity of that God whose predictions they in
vain endeavored to elude.</note>
and that foreknowledge of future events which is derived from it, since
God shows men thereby what we ought to avoid. We may also guess, from what
happened to this king, and have reason to consider the power of fate; that
there is no way of avoiding it, even when we know it. It creeps upon human
souls, and flatters them with pleasing hopes, till it leads them about
to the place where it will be too hard for them. Accordingly Ahab appears
to have been deceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that foretold
his defeat; but, by giving credit to such as foretold what was grateful
to him, was slain; and his son Ahaziah succeeded him.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="9" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book IX</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-SEVEN
YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING JEHOSHAPHAT AGAIN; HOW HE CONSTITUTED JUDGES AND,
BY GOD'S ASSISTANCE OVERCAME HIS ENEMIES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Jehoshaphat the king was come to Jerusalem, from the assistance
he had afforded Ahab, the king of Israel, when he fought with Benhadad,
king of Syria, the prophet Jehu met him, and accused him for assisting
Ahab, a man both impious and wicked; and said to him, that God was displeased
with him for so doing, but that he delivered him from the enemy, notwithstanding
he had sinned, because of his own proper disposition, which was good. Whereupon
the king betook himself to thanksgivings and sacrifices to God; after which
he presently went over all that country which he ruled round about, and
taught the people, as well the laws which God gave them by Moses, as that
religious worship that was due to him. He also constituted judges in every
one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them to have regard to nothing
so much in judging the multitude as to do justice, and not to be moved
by bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either their riches or
their high birth, but to distribute justice equally to all, as knowing
that God is conscious of every secret action of theirs. When he had himself
instructed them thus, and gone over every city of the two tribes, he returned
to Jerusalem. He there also constituted judges out of the priests and the
Levites, and principal persons of the multitude, and admonished them to
pass all their sentences with care and justice <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These
judges constituted by Jehoshaphat were a kind of Jerusalem Sanhedrim, out
of the priests, the Levites, and the principal of the people, both here
and 2 Chronicles 19:8; much like the old Christian judicatures of the bishop,
the presbyters, the deacons, and the people.</note>
And that if any of the people of his country had differences of great consequence,
they should send them out of the other cities to these judges, who would
be obliged to give righteous sentences concerning such causes; and this
with the greater care, because it is proper that the sentences which are
given in that city wherein the temple of God is, and wherein the king dwells,
be given with great care and the utmost justice. Now he set over them Amariah
the priest, and Zebadiah, [both] of the tribe of Judah; and after this
manner it was that the king ordered these affairs.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="7" unit="section" /><p>About the same time the Moabites and Ammonites made an expedition
against Jehoshaphat, ,and took with them a great body of Arabians, and
pitched their camp at Engedi, a city that is situate at the lake Asphaltiris,
and distant three hundred furlongs from Jerusalem. In that place grows
the best kind of palm trees, and the opobalsamum. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Concerning
this precious balsam, see the note on Atiq. B. VIII. ch. 6. sect. 6.</note>
Now Jehoshaphat heard that the enemies had passed over the lake, and had
made an irruption into that country which belonged to his kingdom; at which
news he was aftrighted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a congregation
in the temple, and standing over against the temple itself, he called upon
God to afford him power and strength, so as to inflict punishment on those
that made this expedition against them (for that those who built this his
temple had prayed, that he would protect that city, and take vengeance
on those that were so bold as to come against it); for they are come to
take from us that land which thou hast given us for a possession. When
he had prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the whole multitude, together
with their wives and children, made their supplications also: upon which
a certain prophet, Jahaziel by name, came into the midst of the assembly,
and cried out, and spake both to the multitude and to the king, that God
heard their prayers, and promised to fight against their enemies. He also
gave order that the king should draw his forces out the next day, for that
he should find them between Jerusalem and the ascent of Engedi, at a place
called The Eminence, and that he should not fight against them, but only
stand still, and see how God would fight against them. When the prophet
had said this, both the king and the multitude fell upon their faces, and
gave thanks to God, and worshipped him; and the Levites continued singing
hymns to God with their instruments of music.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="12" unit="section" /><p>As soon as it was day, and the king was come into that wilderness
which is under the city of Tekoa, he said to the multitude, "that
they ought to give credit to what the prophet had said, and not to set
themselves in array for fighting; but to set the priests with their trumpets,
and the Levites with the singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having
already delivered our country from our enemies." This opinion of the
king pleased [the people], and they did what he advised them to do. So
God caused a terror and a commotion to arise among the Ammonites, who thought
one another to be enemies, and slew one another, insomuch that not one
man out of so great an army escaped; and when Jehoshaphat looked upon that
valley wherein their enemies had been encamped, and saw it full of dead
men, he rejoiced at so surprising an event, as was this assistance of God,
while he himself by his own power, and without their labor, had given them
the victory. He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the enemy's
camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and indeed so they did for three
days together, till they were weary, so great was the number of the slain;
and on the fourth day, all the people were gathered together unto a certain
hollow place or valley, and blessed God for his power and assistance, from
which the place had this name given it, the Valley of [Berachah, or] Blessing.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="16" unit="section" /><p>And when the king had brought his army back to Jerusalem, he betook
himself to celebrate festivals, and offer sacrifices, and this for many
days. And indeed, after this destruction of their enemies, and when it
came to the ears of the foreign nations, they were all greatly aftrighted,
as supposing that God would openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat
from that time lived in great glory and splendor, on account of his righteousness
and his piety towards God. He was also in friendship with Ahab's son, who
was king of Israel; and he joined with him in the building of ships that
were to sail to Pontus, and the traffic cities of Thrace <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What
are here Pontus and Thrace, as the places whither Jehoshaphat's fleet sailed,
are in our other copies Ophir and Tarshish, and the place whence it sailed
is in them Eziongeber, which lay on the Red Sea, whence it was impossible
for any ships to sail to Pontus or Thrace; so that Josephus's copy differed
from our other copies, as is further plain from his own words, which render
what we read, that "the ships were broken at Eziongeber, from their
unwieldy greatness." But so far we may conclude, that Josephus thought
one Ophir to be some where in the Mediterranean, and not in the South Sea,
though perhaps there might be another Ophir in that South Sea also, and
that fleets might then sail both from Phoenicia and from the Red Sea to
fetch the gold of Ophir.</note>
but he failed of his gains, for the ships were destroyed by being so great
[and unwieldy]; on which account he was no longer concerned about shipping.
And this is the history of Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING AHAZIAH; THE KING OF ISRAEL; AND AGAIN CONCERNING
THE PROPHET ELIJAH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="18" unit="section" /><p>AND now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned over Israel, and made his
abode in Samaria. He was a wicked man, and in all respects like to both
his parents and to Jeroboam, who first of all transgressed, and began to
deceive the people. In the second year of his reign, the king of Moab fell
off from his obedience, and left off paying those tributes which he before
paid to his father Ahab. Now it happened that Ahaziah, as he was coming
down from the top of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness
sent to the Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for that was this god's name,
to inquire about his recovery <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
god of flies seems to have been so called, as was the like god among the
Greeks, from his supposed power over flies, in driving them away from the
flesh of their sacrifices, which otherwise would have been very troublesome
to them.</note>
but the God of the Hebrews appeared to Elijah the prophet, and commanded
him to go and meet the messengers that were sent, and to ask them, whether
the people of Israel had pot a God of their own, that the king sent to
a foreign god to inquire about his recovery? and to bid them return and
tell the king that he would not escape this disease. And when Elijah had
performed what God had commanded him, and the messengers had heard what
he said, they returned to the king immediately; and when the king wondered
how they could return so soon, and asked them the reason of it, they said
that a certain man met them, and forbade them to go on any farther; but
to return and tell thee, from the command of the God of Israel, that this
disease will have a bad end. And when the king bid them describe the man
that said this to them, they replied that he was a hairy man, and was girt
about with a girdle of leather. So the king understood by this that the
man who was described by the messengers was Elijah; whereupon he sent a
captain to him, with fifty soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah
to him; and when the captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the
top of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and to come to the king,
for so had he enjoined; but that in case he refused, they would carry him
by force. Elijah said to him, "That you may have a trial whether I
be a true prophet, I will pray that fire may fall from heaven, and destroy
both the soldiers and yourself." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It
is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of Elijah, when he called for
fire from heaven, and consumed no fewer than two captains and a hundred
soldiers, and this for no other crime than obeying the orders of their
king, in attempting to seize him; and it is owned by our Savior, that it
was an instance of greater severity than the spirit of the New Testament
allows, Luke 9:54. But then we must consider that it is not unlikely that
these captains and soldiers believed that they were sent to fetch the prophet,
that he might be put to death for foretelling the death of the king, and
this while they knew him to be the prophet of the true God, the supreme
King of Israel, (for they were still under the theocracy,) which was no
less than impiety, rebellion, and treason, in the highest degree: nor would
the command of a subaltern, or inferior captain, contradicting the commands
of the general, when the captain and the soldiers both knew it to be so,
as I suppose, justify or excuse such gross rebellion and disobedience in
soldiers at this day. Accordingly, when Saul commanded his guards to slay
Ahimelech and the priests at Nob, they knew it to be an unlawful command,
and would not obey it, 1 Samuel 22:17. From which cases both officers and
soldiers may learn, that the commands of their leaders or kings cannot
justify or excuse them in doing what is wicked in the sight of God, or
in fighting in an unjust cause, when they know it so to be.</note>
So he prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from heaven], and destroyed
the captain, and those that were with him. And when the king was informed
of the destruction of these men, he was very angry, and sent another captain
with the like number of armed men that were sent before. And when this
captain also threatened the prophet, that unless he came down of his own
accord, he would take him and carry him away, upon his prayer against him,
the fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well the other. And when, upon
inquiry, the king was informed of what happened to him, he sent out a third
captain. But when this captain, who was a wise man, and of a mild disposition,
came to the place where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to him;
and said that he knew that it was without his own consent, and only in
submission to the king's command that he came to him; and that those that
came before did not come willingly, but on the same account; — he therefore
desired him to have pity on those armed men that were with him, and that
he would come down and follow him to the king. So Elijah accepted of his
discreet words and courteous behavior, and came down and followed him.
And when he came to the king, he prophesied to him and told him that God
said, "Since thou hast despised him as not being God, and so unable
to foretell the truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of
Ekron to inquire of him what will be the end of this thy distemper, know
this, that thou shalt die."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="27" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly the king in a very little time died, as Elijah had foretold;
but Jehoram his brother succeeded him in the kingdom, for he died without
children: but for this Jehoram, he was like his father Ahab in wickedness,
and reigned twelve years, indulging himself in all sorts of wickedness
and impiety towards God, for, leaving off his worship, he worshipped foreign
gods; but in other respects he was an active man. Now at this time it was
that Elijah disappeared from among men, and no one knows of his death to
this very day; but he left behind him his disciple Elisha, as we have formerly
declared. And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was before the
deluge, it is written in the sacred books that they disappeared, but so
that nobody knew that they died.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JORAM AND JEHOSHAPHAT MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE
MOABITES; AS ALSO CONCERNING THE WONDERS OF ELISHA; AND THE DEATH OF JEHOSHAPHAT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="29" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Joram had taken upon him the kingdom, he determined to make
an expedition against the king of Moab, whose name was Mesha; for, as we
told you before, he was departed from his obedience to his brother [Ahaziah],
while he paid to his father Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with their
fleeces of wool. When therefore he had gathered his own army together,
he sent also to Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since he had from
the beginning been a friend to his father, he would assist him in the war
that he was entering into against the Moabites, who had departed from their
obedience, who not only himself promised to assist him, but would also
oblige the king of Edom, who was under his authority, to make the same
expedition also. When Joram had received these assurances of assistance
from Jehoshaphat, he took his army with him, and came to Jerusalem; and
when he had been sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was
resolved upon by them to take their march against their enemies through
the wilderness of Edom. And when they had taken a compass of seven days'
journey, they were in distress for want of water for the cattle, and for
the army, from the mistake of their roads by the guides that conducted
them, insomuch that they were all in an agony, especially Joram; and cried
to God, by reason of their sorrow, and [desired to know] what wickedness
had been committed by them that induced him to deliver three kings together,
without fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Jehoshaphat, who was a righteous
man, encouraged him, and bade him send to the camp, and know whether any
prophet of God was come along with them, that we might by him learn from
God what we should do. And when one of the servants of Joram said that
he had seen there Elisha, the son of Shaphat, the disciple of Elijah, the
three kings went to him, at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; and when they
were come at the prophet's tent, which tent was pitched out of the camp,
they asked him what would become of the army? and Joram was particularly
very pressing with him about it. And when he replied to him, that he should
not trouble him, but go to his father's and mother's prophets, for they
[to be sure] were true prophets, he still desired him to prophesy, and
to save them. So he swore by God that he would not answer him, unless it
were on account of Jehoshaphat, who was a holy and righteous man; and when,
at his desire, they brought him a man that could play on the psaltery,
the Divine Spirit came upon him as the music played, and he commanded them
to dig many trenches in the valley; for, said he, "though there appear
neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain, ye shall see this river full
of water, till the army and the cattle be saved for you by drinking of
it. Nor will this be all the favor that you shall receive from God, but
you shall also overcome your enemies, and take the best and strongest cities
of the Moabites, and you shall cut down their fruit trees, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This
practice of cutting down, or plucking up by the roots, the fruit trees
was forbidden, even in ordinary wars, by the law of Moses, Deuteronomy
20:19, 20, and only allowed by God in this particular case, when the Moabites
were to be punished and cut off in an extraordinary manner for their wickedness
See Jeremiah 48:11-13, and many the like prophecies against them. Nothing
could therefore justify this practice but a particular commission from
God by his prophet, as in the present case, which was ever a sufficient
warrant for breaking any such ritual or ceremonial law whatsoever.</note>
and lay waste their country, and stop up their fountains and rivers."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="37" unit="section" /><p>When the prophet had said this, the next day, before the sun-rising,
a great torrent ran strongly; for God had caused it to rain very plentifully
at the distance of three days' journey into Edom, so that the army and
the cattle found water to drink in abundance. But when the Moabites heard
that the three kings were coming upon them, and made their approach through
the wilderness, the king of Moab gathered his army together presently,
and commanded them to pitch their camp upon the mountains, that when the
enemies should attempt to enter their country, they might not be concealed
from them. But when at the rising of the sun they saw the water in the
torrent, for it was not far from the land of Moab, and that it was of the
color of blood, for at such a time the water especially looks red, by the
shining of the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of the state of
their enemies, as if they had slain one another for thirst; and that the
river ran with their blood. However, supposing that this was the case,
they desired their king would send them out to spoil their enemies; whereupon
they all went in haste, as to an advantage already gained, and came to
the enemy's camp, as supposing them destroyed already. But their hope deceived
them; for as their enemies stood round about them, some of them were cut
to pieces, and others of them were dispersed, and fled to their own country.
And when the kings fell into the land of Moab, they overthrew the cities
that were in it, and spoiled their fields, and marred them, filling them
with stones out of the brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and
stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew their walls to their
foundations. But the king of Moab, when he was pursued, endured a siege;
and seeing his city in danger of being overthrown by force, made a sally,
and went out with seven hundred men, in order to break through the enemy's
camp with his horsemen, on that side where the watch seemed to be kept
most negligently; and when, upon trial, he could not get away, for he lighted
upon a place that was carefully watched, he returned into the city, and
did a thing that showed despair and the utmost distress; for he took his
eldest son, who was to reign after him, and lifting him up upon the wall,
that he might be visible to all the enemies, he offered him as a whole
burnt-offering to God, whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the
distress that was the occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of humanity
and pity, that they raised the siege, and every one returned to his own
house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and continued in peace there,
and outlived this expedition but a little time, and then died, having lived
in all sixty years, and of them reigned twenty-five. He was buried in a
magnificent manner in Jerusalem, for he had imitated the actions of David.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">JEHORAM SUCCEEDS JEHOSHAPHAT; HOW JORAM, HIS NAMESAKE, KING
OF ISRAEL, FOUGHT WITH THE SYRIANS;AND WHAT WONDERS WERE DONE BY THE PROPHET
ELISHA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="45" unit="section" /><p>JEHOSHAPAT had a good number of children; but he appointed his eldest
son Jehoram to be his successor, who had the same name with his mother's
brother, that was king of Israel, and the son of Ahab. Now when the king
of Israel was come out of the land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him
Elisha the prophet, whose acts I have a mind to go over particularly, for
they were illustrious, and worthy to be related, as we have them set down
in the sacred books.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="47" unit="section" /><p>For they say that the widow of Obadiah <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That
this woman who cried to Elisha, and who in our Bible is styled "the
wife of one of the sons of the prophets," 2 Kings 4:1, was no other
than the widow of Obadiah, the good steward of Ahab, is confirmed by the
Chaldee paraphrast, and by the Rabbins and others. Nor is that unlikely
which Josephus here adds, that these debts were contracted by her husband
for the support of those "hundred of the Lord's prophets, whom he
maintained by fifty in a cave," in the days of Ahab and Jezebel, 1
Kings 18:4; which circumstance rendered it highly fit that the prophet
Elisha should provide her a remedy, and enable her to redeem herself and
her sons from the fear of that slavery which insolvent debtors were liable
to by the law of Moses, Leviticus 25:39; Matthew 18:25; which he did accordingly,
with God's help, at the expense of a miracle.</note>
Ahab's steward, came to him, and said, that he was not ignorant how her
husband had preserved the prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the
wife of Ahab; for she said that he hid a hundred of them, and had borrowed
money for their maintenance, and that, after her husband's death, she and
her children were carried away to be made slaves by the creditors; and
she desired of him to have mercy upon her on account of what her husband
did, and afford her some assistance. And when he asked her what she had
in the house, she said, "Nothing but a very small quantity of oil
in a cruse." So the prophet bid her go away, and borrow a great many
empty vessels of her neighbors, and when she had shut her chamber door,
to pour the oil into them all; for that God would fill them full. And when
the woman had done what she was commanded to do, and bade her children
bring every one of the vessels, and all were filled, and not one left empty,
she came to the prophet, and told him that they were all full; upon which
he advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and pay the creditors what
was owing them, for that there would be some surplus of the price of the
oil, which she might make use of for the maintenance of her children. And
thus did Elisha discharge the woman's debts, and free her from the vexation
of her creditors.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="51" unit="section" /><p>Elisha also sent a hasty message to Joram, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr.
Hudson, with very good reason, suspects that there is no small defect in
our present copies of Josephus, just before the beginning of this section,
and that chiefly as to that distinct account which he had given us reason
to expect in the first section, and to which he seems to refer, ch. 8.
sect. 6. concerning the glorious miracles which Elisha wrought, which indeed
in our Bibles are not a few, 2 Kings 6-9., but of which we have several
omitted in Josephus's present copies. One of those histories, omitted at
present, was evidently in his Bible, I mean that of the curing of Nanman's
leprosy, 2 Kings 5.; for he plainly alludes to it, B. III. ch. 11. sect.
4, where he observes, that "there were lepers in many nations who
yet have been in honor, and not only free from reproach and avoidance,
but who have been great captains of armies, and been intrusted with high
offices in the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of entering into
holy places and temples." But what makes me most regret the want of
that history in our present copies of Josephus is this, that we have here,
as it is commonly understood, one of the greatest difficulties in all the
Bible, that in 2 Kings 5:18, 19, where Naaman, after he had been miraculously
cured by a prophet of the true God, and had thereupon promised (ver. 17)
that "he would henceforth offer neither burnt-offering nor sacrifice
unto other gods, but unto the Lord," adds, "In this thing the
Lord pardon thy servant, that when my master goeth into the house of Rimnu
to worship there, and he leaneth on my hands, and I bow myself in the house
of Rimmort; when I bow down myself in the house of Rimmort, the Lord pardon
thy servant in this thing. And Elisha said, Go in peace." This looks
like a prophet's permission for being partaker in idolatry itself, out
of compliance with an idolatrous court.</note>
and exhorted him to take care of that place, for that therein were some
Syrians lying in ambush to kill him. So the king did as the prophet exhorted
him, and avoided his going a hunting. And when Benhadad missed of the success
of his lying in ambush, he was wroth with his own servants, as if they
had betrayed his ambushment to Joram; and he sent for them, and said they
were the betrayers of his secret counsels; and he threatened that he would
put them to death, since such their practice was evident, because he had
intrusted this secret to none but them, and yet it was made known to his
enemy. And one that was present said that he should not mistake himself,
nor suspect that they had discovered to his enemy his sending men to kill
him, but that he ought to know that it was Elisha the prophet who discovered
all to him, and laid open all his counsels. So he gave order that they
should send some to learn in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly those
that were sent brought word that he was in Dothan; wherefore Benhadad sent
to that city a great army, with horses and chariots, to take Elisha: so
they encompassed the city round about by night, and kept him therein confined;
but when the prophet's servant in the morning perceived this, and that
his enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running, and crying out after
a disordered manner to him, and told him of it; but he encouraged him,
and bid him not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and trust in the assistance
of God, and was himself without fear; and he besought God to make manifest
to his servant his power and presence, so far as was possible, in order
to the inspiring him with hope and courage. Accordingly God heard the prayer
of the prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of chariots and horses
encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside his fear, and his courage revived
at the sight of what he supposed was come to their assistance. After this
Elisha did further entreat God, that he would dim the eyes of their enemies,
and cast a mist before them, whereby they might not discern him. When this
was done, he went into the midst of his enemies, and asked them who it
was that they came to seek; and when they replied, "The prophet Elisha,"
he promised he would deliver him to them, if they would follow him to the
city where he was. So these men were so darkened by God in their sight
and in their mind, that they followed him very diligently; and when Elisha
had brought them to Samaria, he ordered Joram the king to shut the gates,
and to place his own army round about them; and prayed to God to clear
the eyes of these their enemies, and take the mist from before them. Accordingly,
when they were freed from the obscurity they had been in, they saw themselves
in the midst of their enemies; and as the Syrians were strangely amazed
and distressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so Divine and surprising,
and as king Joram asked the prophet if he would give him leave to shoot
at them, Elisha forbade him so to do; and said, that "it is just to
kill those that are taken in battle, but that these men had done the country
no harm, but, without knowing it, were come thither by the Divine Power:"
— so that his counsel was to treat them in a hospitable manner at his table,
and then send them away without hurting them. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Upon
occasion of this stratagem of Elisha, in Josephus, we may take notice,
that although Josephus was one of the greatest lovers of truth in the world,
yet in a just war he seems to have had no manner of scruple upon him by
all such stratagems possible to deceive public enemies. See this Josephus's
account of Jeremiah's imposition on the great men of the Jews in somewhat
like case, Antiq. B. X. ch. 7. sect. 6; 2 Samuel 16:16, &amp;c.</note>
Wherefore Joram obeyed the prophet; and when he had feasted the Syrians
in a splendid and magnificent manner, he let them go to Benhadad their
king.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>Now when these men were come back, and had showed Benhadad how strange
an accident had befallen them, and what an appearance and power they had
experienced of the God of Israel, he wondered at it, as also at that prophet
with whom God was so evidently present; so he determined to make no more
secret attempts upon the king of Israel, out of fear of Elisha, but resolved
to make open war with them, as supposing he could be too hard for his enemies
by the multitude of his army and power. So he made an expedition with a
great army against Joram, who, not thinking himself a match for him, shut
himself up in Samaria, and depended on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad
supposed he should take the city, if not by his engines of war, yet that
he should overcome the Samaritans by famine, and the want of necessaries,
and brought his army upon them, and besieged the city; and the plenty of
necessaries was brought so low with Joram, that from the extremity of want
an ass's head was sold in Samaria for fourscore pieces of silver, and the
Hebrews bought a sextary of dore's dung, instead of salt, for five pieces
of silver. Now Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the city to
the enemy, by reason of the famine, and went every day round the walls
and the guards to see whether any such were concealed among them; and by
being thus seen, and taking such care, he deprived them of the opportunity
of contriving any such thing; and if they had a mind to do it, he, by this
means, prevented them: but upon a certain woman's crying out, "Have
pity on me, my lord," while he thought that she was about to ask for
somewhat to eat, he imprecated God's curse upon her, and said he had neither
thrashing-floor nor wine-press, whence he might give her any thing at her
petition. Upon which she said she did not desire his aid in any such thing,
nor trouble him about food, but desired that he would do her justice as
to another woman. And when be bade her say on, and let him know what she
desired, she said she had made an agreement with the other woman who was
her neighbor and her friend, that because the famine and want was intolerable,
they should kill their children, each of them having a son of their own,
and we will live upon them ourselves for two days, the one day upon one
son, and the other day upon the other; and," said she, I have killed
my son the first day, and we lived upon my son yesterday; but this other
woman will not do the same thing, but hath broken her agreement, and hath
hid her son." This story mightily grieved Joram when he heard it;
so he rent his garment, and cried out with a loud voice, and conceived
great wrath against Elisha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have
him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide them some exit and
way of escape out of the miseries with which they were surrounded; and
sent one away immediately to cut off his head, who made haste to kill the
prophet. But Elisha was not unacquainted with the wrath of the king against
him; for as he sat in his house by himself, with none but his disciples
about him, he told them that Joram, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This son of a murderer was Joram, the son of Ahab, which Ahab slew, or
permitted his wife Jezebel to slay, the Lord's prophets, and Naboth, 1
Kings 18:4; 21:19; and he is here called by this name, I suppose, because
he had now also himself sent an officer to murder him; yet is Josephus's
account of Joram's coming himself at last. as repenting of his intended
cruelty, much more probable than that in our copies, 2 Kings 6:33, which
rather implies the contrary.</note>
who was the son of a murderer, had sent one to take away his head; "but,"
said he, "when he that is commanded to do this comes, take care that
you do not let him come in, but press the door against him, and hold him
fast there, for the king himself will follow him, and come to me, having
altered his mind." Accordingly, they did as they were bidden, when
he that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came. But Joram repented of
his wrath against the prophet; and for fear he that was commanded to kill
him should have done it before he came, he made haste to hinder his slaughter,
and to save the prophet: and when he came to him, he accused him that he
did not pray to God for their deliverance from the miseries they now lay
under, but saw them so sadly destroyed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised,
that the very next day, at the very same hour in which the king came to
him, they should have great plenty of food, and that two seahs of barley
should be sold in the market for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour should
be sold for a shekel. This prediction made Joram, and those that were present,
very joyful, for they did not scruple believing what the prophet said,
on account of the experience they had of the truth of his former predictions;
and the expectation of plenty made the want they were in that day, with
the uneasiness that accompanied it, appear a light thing to them: but the
captain of the third band, who was a friend of the king, and on whose hand
the king leaned, said, "Thou talkest of incredible things, O prophet!
for as it is impossible for God to pour down torrents of barley, or fine
flour, out of heaven, so is it impossible that what thou sayest should
come to pass." To which the prophet made this reply," Thou shalt
see these things come to pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a partaker
of them."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="74" unit="section" /><p>Now what Elisha had thus foretold came to pass in the manner following:
There was a law at Samaria <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This law of the Jews, for the exclusion of lepers out of the camp in the
wilderness, and out of the cities in Judea, is a known one, Leviticus 13:46;
Numbers 5:14.</note>
that those that had the leprosy, and whose bodies were not cleansed from
it, should abide without the city: and there were four men that on this
account abode before the gates, while nobody gave them any food, by reason
of the extremity of the famine; and as they were prohibited from entering
into the city by the law, and they considered that if they were permitted
to enter, they should miserably perish by the famine; as also, that if
they staid where they were, they should suffer in the same manner, — they
resolved to deliver themselves up to the enemy, that in case they should
spare them, they should live; but if they should be killed, that would
be an easy death. So when they had confirmed this their resolution, they
came by night to the enemy's camp. Now God had begun to affright and disturb
the Syrians, and to bring the noise of chariots and armor to their ears,
as though an army were coming upon them, and had made them suspect that
it was coming nearer and nearer to them. In short, they were in such a dread
of this army, that they left their tents, and ran together to Benhadad,
and said that Joram the king of Israel had hired for auxiliaries both the
king of Egypt and the king of the Islands, and led them against them for
they heard the noise of them as they were coming. And Benhadad believed
what they said (for there came the same noise to his ears as well as it
did to theirs); so they fell into a mighty disorder and tumult, and left
their horses and beasts in their camp, with immense riches also, and betook
themselves to flight. And those lepers who had departed from Samaria, and
were gone to the camp of the Syrians, of whom we made mention a little
before, when they were in the camp, saw nothing but great quietness and
silence: accordingly they entered into it, and went hastily into one of
their tents; and when they saw nobody there, they eat and drank, and carried
garments, and a great quantity of gold, and hid it out of the camp; after
which they went into another tent, and carried off what was in it, as they
did at the former, and this did they for several times, without the least
interruption from any body. So they gathered thereby that the enemies were
departed; whereupon they reproached themselves that they did not inform
Joram and the citizens of it. So they came to the walls of Samaria, and
called aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what state the enemies were,
as did these tell the king's guards, by whose means Joram came to know
of it; who then sent for his friends, and the captains of his host, and
said to them, that "he suspected that this departure of the king of Syria
was by way of ambush and treachery, and that out of despair of ruining
you by famine, when you imagine them to be fled away, you may come out
of the city to spoil their camp, and he may then fall upon you on a sudden,
and may both kill you, and take the city without fighting; whence it is
that I exhort you to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go out
of it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as though they were really gone
away." And when a certain person said that he did very well and wisely
to admit such a suspicion, but that he still advised him to send a couple
of horsemen to search all the country as far as Jordan, that "if they
were seized by an ambush of the enemy, they might be a security to your
army, that they may not go out as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo
the like misfortune; and," said he, "those horsemen may be numbered
among those that have died by the famine, supposing they be caught and
destroyed by the enemy." So the king was pleased with this opinion,
and sent such as might search out the truth, who performed their journey
over a road that was without any enemies, but found it full of provisions,
and of weapons, that they had therefore thrown away, and left behind them,
in order to their being light and expeditious in their flight. When the
king heard this, he sent out the multitude to take the spoils of the camp;
which gains of theirs were not of things of small value, but they took
a great quantity of gold, and a great quantity of silver, and flocks of
all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves of [so many] ten thousand
measures of wheat and barley, as they never in the least dreamed of; and
were not only freed from their former miseries, but had such plenty, that
two seahs of barley were bought for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour
for a shekel, according to the prophecy of Elisha. Now a seah is equal
to an Italian modius and a half. The captain of the third band was the
only man that received no benefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed
by the king to oversee the gate, that lm might prevent the too great crowd
of the multitude, and they might not endanger one another to perish, by
treading on one another in the press, he suffered himself in that very
way, and died in that very manner, as Elisha had foretold such his death,
when he alone of them all disbelieved what he said concerning that plenty
of provisions which they should soon have.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="87" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria, had escaped to Damascus,
and understood that it was God himself that cast all his army into this
fear and disorder, and that it did not arise from the invasion of enemies,
he was mightily cast down at his having God so greatly for his enemy, and
fell into a distemper. Now it happened that Elisha the prophet, at that
time, was gone out of his own country to Damascus, of which Berthadad was
informed: he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants, to meet
him, and to carry him presents, and bade him inquire of him about his distemper,
and whether he should escape the danger that it threatened. So Hazael came
to Elisha with forty camels, that carried the best and most precious fruits
that the country of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the king's
palace supplied. He saluted him kindly, and said that he was sent to him
by king Berthadad, and brought presents with him, in order to inquire concerning
his distemper, whether he should recover from it or not. Whereupon the
prophet bid him tell the king no melancholy news; but still he said he
would die. So the king's servant was troubled to hear it; and Elisha wept
also, and his tears ran down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries
his people would undergo after the death of Berthadad. And when Hazael
asked him what was the occasion of this confusion he was in, he said that
he wept out of his commiseration for the multitude of the Israelites, and
what terrible miseries they will suffer by thee; "for thou wilt slay
the strongest of them, and wilt burn their strongest cities, and wilt destroy
their children, and dash them against the stones, and wilt rip up their
women with child." And when Hazael said, "How can it be that
I should have power enough to do such things ?" the prophet replied,
that God had informed him that he should be king of Syria. So when Hazael
was come to Benhadad, he told him good news concerning his distemper <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since Elijah did not live to anoint Hazael king of Syria himself, as he
was empowered to do, 1 Kings 19:15, it was most probably now done, in his
name, by his servant and successor Elisha. Nor does it seem to me otherwise
but that Benhadad immediately recovered of his disease, as the prophet
foretold; and that Hazael, upon his being anointed to succeed him though
he ought to have staid till he died by the course of nature, or some other
way of Divine punishment, as did David for many years in the like case,
was too impatient, and the very next day smothered or strangled him, in
order to come directly to the succession.</note>
but on the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the nature of a net, over
him, and strangled him, and took his dominion. He was an active man, and
had the good-will of the Syrians, and of the people of Damascus, to a great
degree; by whom both Benhadad himself, and Hazael, who ruled after him,
are honored to this day as gods, by reason of their benefactions, and their
building them temples by which they adorned the city of the Damascenes.
They also every day do with great pomp pay their worship to these kings,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Mr. Le Clerc pretends here, that it is more probable that Hazael and
his son were worshipped by the Syrians and people of Damascus till the
days of Josephus, than Benhadad and Hazael, because under Benhadad they
had greatly suffered, and because it is almost incredible that both a king
and that king's murderer should be worshipped by the same Syrians, is of
little force against those records, out of which Josephus drew this history,
especially when it is likely that they thought Benhadad died of the distemper
he labored under, and not by Hazael's treachery. Besides, the reason that
Josephus gives for this adoration, that these two kings had been great
benefactors to the inhabitants of Damascus, and had built them temples,
is too remote from the political suspicions of Le Clerc; nor ought such
weak suspicions to be deemed of any force against authentic testimonies
of antiquity.</note> and
value themselves upon their antiquity; nor do they know that these kings
are much later than they imagine, and that they are not yet eleven hundred
years old. Now when Joram, the king of Israel, heard that Berthadad was
dead, he recovered out of the terror and dread he had been in on his account,
and was very glad to live in peace.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE WICKEDNESS OF JEHORAM KING O JERUSALEM; HIS
DEFEAT AND DEATH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="95" unit="section" /><p>Now Jehoram the king of Jerusalem, for we have said before that he
had the same name with the king of Israel, as soon as he had taken the
government upon him, betook himself to the slaughter of his brethren, and
his father's friends, who were governors under him, and thence made a beginning
and a demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he at all better than those
kings of Israel who at first transgressed against the laws of their country,
and of the Hebrews, and against God's worship. And it was Athaliah, the
daughter of Ahab, whom he had married, who taught him to be a bad man in
other respects, and also to worship foreign gods. Now God would not quite
root out this family, because of the promise he had made to David. However,
Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of new sorts of customs to the
propagation of impiety, and to the ruin of the customs of his own country.
And when the Edomites about that time had revolted from him, and slain
their former king, who was in subjection to his father, and had set up
one of their own choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land of Edom, with the
horsemen that were about him, and the chariots, by night, and destroyed
those that lay near to his own kingdom, but did not proceed further. However,
this expedition did him no service, for they all revolted from him, with
those that dwelt in the country of Libnah. He was indeed so mad as to compel
the people to go up to the high places of the mountains, and worship foreign
gods.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>As he was doing this, and had entirely cast his own country laws
out of his mind, there was brought him an epistle from Elijah the prophet
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This epistle, in some copies of Josephus, is said to come to Jotare from
Elijah, with this addition," for he was yet upon earth," which
could not be true of Elijah, who, as all agree, was gone from the earth
about four years before, and could only be true of Elisha; nor perhaps
is there any more mystery here, than that the name of Elijah has very anciently
crept into the text instead of Elisha, by the copiers, there being nothing
in any copy of that epistle peculiar to Elijah.</note> which
declared that God would execute great judgments upon him, because he had
not imitated his own fathers, but had followed the wicked courses of the
kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe of Judah, and the citizens
of Jerusalem, to leave the holy worship of their own God, and to worship
idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do, and because he had slain
his brethren, and the men that were good and righteous. And the prophet
gave him notice in this epistle what punishment he should undergo for these
crimes, namely, the destruction of his people, with the corruption of the
king's own wives and children; and that he should himself die of a distemper
in his bowels, with long torments, those his bowels falling out by the
violence of the inward rottenness of the parts, insomuch that, though he
see his own misery, he shall not be able at all to help himself, but shall
die in that manner. This it was which Elijah denounced to him in that epistle.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="102" unit="section" /><p>It was not long after this that an army of those Arabians that lived
near to Ethiopia, and of the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom of Jehoram,
and spoiled the country and the king's house. Moreover, they slew his sons
and his wives: one only of his sons was left him, who escaped the enemy;
his name was Ahaziah; after which calamity, he himself fell into that disease
which was foretold by the prophet, and lasted a great while, (for God inflicted
this punishment upon him in his belly, out of his wrath against him,) and
so he died miserably, and saw his own bowels fall out. The people also
abused his dead body; I suppose it was because they thought that such his
death came upon him by the wrath of God, and that therefore he was not
worthy to partake of such a funeral as became kings. Accordingly, they
neither buried him in the sepulchers of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him
any honors, but buried him like a private man, and this when he had lived
forty years, and reigned eight. And the people of Jerusalem delivered the
government to his son Ahaziah.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JEHU WAS ANOINTED KING, AND SLEW BOTH JORAM AND AHAZIAH;
AS ALSO WHAT HE DID FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="105" unit="section" /><p>NOW Joram, the king of Israel, after the death of Benhadad, hoped
that he might now take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the Syrians. Accordingly
he made an expedition against it, with a great army; but as he was besieging
it, an arrow was shot at him by one of the Syrians, but the wound was not
mortal. So he returned to have his wound healed in Jezreel, but left his
whole army in Ramorb, and Jehu, the son of Nimshi, for their general; for
he had already taken the city by force; and he proposed, after he was healed,:
to make war with the Syrians; but Elisha the prophet sent one of his disciples
to Ramoth, and gave him holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell him that God
had chosen him to be their king. He also sent him to say other things to
him, and bid him to take his journey as if he fled, that when he came away
he might escape the knowledge of all men. So when he was come to the city,
he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the captains of the army, as Elisha
had foretold he should find him. So he came up to him, and said that he
desired to speak with him about certain matters; and when he was arisen,
and had followed him into an inward chamber, the young man took the oil,
and poured it on his head, and said that God ordained him to be king, in
order to his destroying the house of Ahab, and that he might revenge the
blood of the prophets that were unjustly slain by Jezebel, that so their
house might utterly perish, as those of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, and
of Baasha, had perished for their wickedness, and no seed might remain
of Ahab's family. So when he had said this, he went away hastily out of
the chamber, and endeavored not to be seen by any of the army.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="110" unit="section" /><p>But Jehu came out, and went to the place where he before sat with
the captains; and when they asked him, and desired him to tell them, wherefore
it was that this young man came to him, and added withal that he was mad,
he replied, —"You guess right, for the words he spake were the words of
a madman;" and when they were eager about the matter, and desired
he would tell them, he answered, that God had said he had chosen him to
be king over the multitude. When he had said this, every one of them put
off his garment, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Spanheim here notes, that this putting off men's garments, and strewing
them under a king, was an Eastern custom, which he had elsewhere explained.</note>
and strewed it under him, and blew with trumpets, and gave notice that
Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the army together, he was preparing
to set out immediately against Joram, at the city Jezreel, in which city,
as we said before, he was healing of the wound which he had received in
the siege of Ramoth. It happened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem,
was now come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as we have said already,
to see how he did after his wound, and this upon account of their kindred;
but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram, and those with him, on the
sudden, he desired that none of the soldiers might run away and tell to
Joram what had happened, for that this would be an evident demonstration
of their kindness to him, and would show that their real inclinations were
to make him king.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="114" unit="section" /><p>So they were pleased with what he did, and guarded the roads, lest
somebody should privately tell the thing to those that were at Jezreel.
Now Jehu took his choice horsemen, and sat upon his chariot, and went on
for Jezreel; and when he was come near, the watchman whom Joram had set
there to spy out such as came to the city, saw Jehu marching on, and told
Joram that he saw a troop of horsemen marching on. Upon which he immediately
gave orders, that one of his horsemen should be sent out to meet them,
and to know who it was that was coming. So when the horseman came up to
Jehu, he asked him in what condition the army was, for that the king wanted
to know it; but Jehu bid him not at all to meddle with such matters, but
to follow him. When the watchman saw this, he told Joram that the horseman
had mingled himself among the company, and came along with them. And when
the king had sent a second messenger, Jehu commanded him to do as the former
did; and as soon as the watchman told this also to Joram, he at last got
upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusalem;
for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he had
been wounded, as being his relation. So he went out to meet Jehu, who marched
slowly, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Our copies say that this "driving of the chariots was like the driving
of Jehu the son of Nimshi; for he driveth furiously," 2 Kings 9:20;
whereas Josephus's copy, as he understood it, was this, that, on the contrary,
Jehu marched slowly, and in good order. Nor can it be denied, that since
there was interval enough for king Joram to send out two horsemen, one
after another, to Jehu, and at length to go out with king Ahaziah to meet
him, and all this after he was come within sight of the watchman, and before
he was come to Jezreel, the probability is greatly on the side of Josephus's
copy or interpretation.</note>
and in good order; and when Joram met him in the field of Naboth, he asked
him if all things were well in the camp; but Jehu reproached him bitterly,
and ventured to call his mother a witch and a harlot. Upon this the king,
fearing what he intended, and suspecting he had no good meaning, turned
his chariot about as soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, "We are
fought against by deceit and treachery." But Jehu drew his bow, and
smote him, the arrow going through his heart: so Joram fell down immediately
on his knee, and gave up the ghost. Jehu also gave orders to Bidkar, the
captain of the third part of his army, to cast the dead body of Joram into
the field of Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy which Elijah prophesied
to Ahab his father, when he had slain Naboth, that both he and his family
should perish in that place; for that as they sat behind Ahab's chariot,
they heard the prophet say so, and that it was now come to pass according
to his prophecy. Upon the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of his own
life, and turned his chariot into another road, supposing he should not
be seen by Jehu; but he followed after him, and overtook him at a certain
acclivity, and drew his bow, and wounded him; so he left his chariot, and
got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu to Megiddo; and though he was under
cure, in a little time he died of that wound, and was carried to Jerusalem,
and buried there, after he had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked
man, and worse than his father.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="122" unit="section" /><p>Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel adorned herself and stood
upon a tower, and said, he was a fine servant that had killed his master!
And when he looked up to her, he asked who she was, and commanded her to
come down to him. At last he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down from
the tower; and being thrown down, she be-sprinkled the wall with her blood,
and was trodden upon by the horses, and so died. When this was done, Jehu
came to the palace with his friends, and took some refreshment after his
journey, both with other things, and by eating a meal. He also bid his
servants to take up Jezebel and bury her, because of the nobility of her
blood, for she was descended from kings; but those that were appointed
to bury her found nothing else remaining but the extreme parts of her body,
for all the rest were eaten by dogs. When Jehu heard this, he admired the
prophecy of Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this manner
at Jezreel.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="125" unit="section" /><p>Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in Samaria. So Jehu sent two
epistles, the one to them that brought up the children, the other to the
rulers of Samaria, which said, that they should set up the most valiant
of Ahab's sons for king, for that they had abundance of chariots, and horses,
and armor, and a great army, and fenced cities, and that by so doing they
might avenge the murder of Ahab. This he wrote to try the intentions of
those of Samaria. Now when the rulers, and those that had brought up the
children, had read the letter, they were afraid; and considering that they
were not at all able to oppose him, who had already subdued two very great
kings, they returned him this answer: That they owned him for their lord,
and would do whatsoever he bade them. So he wrote back to them such a reply
as enjoined them to obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the heads
of Ahab's sons, and send them to him. Accordingly the rulers sent for those
that brought up the sons of Ahab, and commanded them to slay them, to cut
off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So they did whatsoever they were
commanded, without omitting any thing at all, and put them up in wicker
baskets, and sent them to Jezreel. And when Jehu, as he was at supper with
his friends, was informed that the heads of Ahab's' sons were brought,
he ordered them to make two heaps of them, one before each of the gates;
and in the morning he went out to take a view of them, and when he saw
them, he began to say to the people that were present, that he did himself
make an expedition against his master [Joram], and slew him, but that it
was not he that slew all these; and he desired them to take notice, that
as to Ahab's family, all things had come to pass according to God's prophecy,
and his house was perished, according as Elijah had foretold. And when
he had further destroyed all the kindred of Ahab that were found in Jezreel,
he went to Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the relations of
Ahaziah king of Jerusalem, and asked them whither they were going? they
replied, that they came to salute Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for
they knew not that he had slain them both. So Jehu gave orders that they
should catch these, and kill them, being in number forty-two persons.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="132" unit="section" /><p>After these, there met him a good and a righteous man, whose name
was Jehonadab, and who had been his friend of old. He saluted Jehu, and
began to commend him, because he had done every thing according to the
will of God, in extirpating the house of Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come
up into his chariot, and make his entry with him into Samaria; and told
him that he would not spare one wicked man, but would punish the false
prophets, and false priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and
persuaded them to leave the worship of God Almighty, and to worship foreign
gods; and that it was a most excellent and most pleasing sight to a good
and a righteous man to see the wicked punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded
by these arguments, and came up into Jehu's chariot, and came to Samaria.
And Jehu sought out for all Ahab's kindred, and slew them. And being desirous
that none of the false prophets, nor the priests of Ahab's god, might escape
punishment, he caught them deceitfully by this wile; for he gathered all
the people together, and said that he would worship twice as many gods
as Ahab worshipped, and desired that his priests, and prophets, and servants
might be present, because he would offer costly and great sacrifices to
Ahab's god; and that if any of his priests were wanting, they should be
punished with death. Now Ahab's god was called Baal; and when he had appointed
a day on which he would offer those sacrifices, he sent messengers through
all the country of the Israelites, that they might bring the priests of
Baal to him. So Jehu commanded to give all the priests vestments; and when
they had received them, he went into the house [of Baal], with his friend
Jehonadab, and gave orders to make search whether there were not any foreigner
or stranger among them, for he would have no one of a different religion
to mix among their sacred offices. And when they said that there was no
stranger there, and they were beginning their sacrifices, he set fourscore
men without, they being such of his soldiers as he knew to be most faithful
to him, and bid them slay the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of their
country, which had been a long time in disesteem. He also threatened, that
if any one of them escaped, their own lives should go for them. So they
slew them all with the sword, and burnt the house of Baal, and by that
means purged Samaria of foreign customs [idolatrous worship]. Now this
Baal was the god of the Tyrians; and Ahab, in order to gratify his father-in-law,
Ethbaal, who was the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him in
Samaria, and appointed him prophets, and worshipped him with all sorts
of worship, although, when this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the
Israelites to worship the golden heifers. However, because he had done
thus, and taken care to punish the wicked, God foretold by his prophet
that his .sons should reign over Israel for four generations. And in this
condition was Jehu at this time.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ATHALIAH REIGNED OVER JERUSALEM FOR FIVE [SIX] YEARS
WHEN JEHOIADA THE HIGH PRIEST SLEW HER AND MADE JEHOASH, THE SON OF AHAZIAH,
KING.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="140" unit="section" /><p>Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, heard of the death of her
brother Joram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal family, she endeavored
that none of the house of David might be left alive, but that the whole
family might be exterminated, that no king might arise out of it afterward;
and, as she thought, she had actually done it; but one of Ahaziah's sons
was preserved, who escaped death after the manner following: Ahaziah had
a sister by the same father, whose name was Jehosheba, and she was married
to the high priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's palace, and found
Jehoash, for that was the little child's name, who was not above a year
old, among those that were slain, but concealed with his nurse; so she
took him with her into a secret bed-chamber, and shut him up there, and
she and her husband Jehoiada brought him up privately in the temple six
years, during which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem and the two tribes.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="143" unit="section" /><p>Now, on the Seventh year, Jehoiada communicated the matter to certain
of the captains of hundreds, five in number, and persuaded them to be assisting
to what attempts he was making against Athaliah, and to join with him in
asserting the kingdom to the child. He also received such oaths from them
as are proper to secure those that assist one another from the fear of
discovery; and he was then of good hope that they should depose Athaliah.
Now those men whom Jehoiada the priest had taken to be his partners went
into all the country, and gathered together the priests and the Levites,
and the heads of the tribes out of it, and came and brought them to Jerusalem
to the high priest. So he demanded the security of an oath of them, to
keep private whatsoever he should discover to them, which required both
their silence and their assistance. So when they had taken the oath, and
had thereby made it safe for him to speak, he produced the child that he
had brought up of the family of David, and said to them, "This is
your king, of that house which you know God hath foretold should reign
over you for all time to come. I exhort you therefore that one-third part
of you guard him in the temple, and that a fourth part keep watch at all
the gates of the temple, and that the next part of you keep guard at the
gate which opens and leads to the king's palace, and let the rest of the
multitude be unarmed in the temple, and let no armed person go into the
temple, but the priest only." He also gave them this order besides,
"That a part of the priests and the Levites should be about the king
himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn swords, and to kill that
man immediately, whoever he be, that should be so bold as to enter armed
into the temple; and bid them be afraid of nobody, but persevere in guarding
the king." So these men obeyed what the high priest advised them to,
and declared the reality of their resolution by their actions. Jehoiada
also opened that armory which David had made in the temple, and distributed
to the captains of hundreds, as also to the priests and Levites, all the
spears and quivers, and what kind of weapons soever it contained, and set
them armed in a circle round about the temple, so as to touch one another's
hands, and by that means excluding those from entering that ought not to
enter. So they brought the child into the midst of them, and put on him
the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed him with the oil, and made him king;
and the multitude rejoiced, and made a noise, and cried, "God save
the king!"</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="150" unit="section" /><p>When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult and the acclamations,
she was greatly disturbed in her mind, and suddenly issued out of the royal
palace with her own army; and when she was come to the temple, the. priests
received her; but as for those that stood round about the temple, as they
were ordered by the high priest to do, they hindered the armed inert that
followed her from going in. But when Athaliah saw the child standing upon
a pillar, with the royal crown upon his head, she rent her clothes, and
cried out vehemently, and commanded [her guards] to kill him that had laid
snares for her, and endeavored to deprive her of the government. But Jehoiada
called for the captains of hundreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah
to the valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he would not have the
temple defiled with the punishments of this pernicious woman; and he gave
order, that if any one came near to help her, he should be slain also;
wherefore those that had the charge of her slaughter took hold of her,
and led her to the gate of the king's mules, arid slew her there.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="153" unit="section" /><p>Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah was by this stratagem, after
this manner, despatched, Jehoiada called together the people and the armed
men into the temple, and made them take an oath that they would be obedient
to the king, and take care of his safety, and of the safety of his government;
after which he obliged the king to give security [upon oath] that he would
worship God, and not transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran to the
house of Baal, which Athaliah and her husband Jehoram had built, to the
dishonor of the God of their fathers, and to the honor of Ahab, and demolished
it, and slew Mattan, that had his priesthood. But Jehoiada intrusted the
care and custody of the temple to the priests and Levites, according to
the appointment of king David, and enjoined them to bring their regular
burnt-offerings twice a day, and to offer incense according to the law.
He also ordained some of the Levites, with the porters, to be a guard to
the temple, that no one that was defiled might come there.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="156" unit="section" /><p>And when Jehoiada had set these things in order, he, with the captains
of hundreds, and the rulers, and all the people, took Jehoash out of the
temple into the king's palace; and when he had set him upon the king's
throne, the people shouted for joy, and betook themselves to feasting,
and kept a festival for many days; but the city was quiet upon the death
of Athaliah. Now Jehoash was seven years old when he took the kingdom.
His mother's name was Zibiah, of the city Beersheba. And all the time that
Jehoiada lived Jehoash was careful that the laws should be kept, and very
zealous in the worship of God; and when he was of age, he married two wives,
who were given to him by the high priest, by whom were born to him both
sons and daughters. And thus much shall suffice to have related concerning
king Jehoash, how he escaped the treachery of Athaliah, and how he received
the kingdom.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HAZAEL MAKES AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL AND
THE INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM. JEHU DIES, AND JEHOAHAZ SUCCEEDS IN THE GOVERNMENT.
JEHOASH THE KING OF JERUSALEM AT FIRST IS CAREFUL ABOUT THE WORSHIP OF
GOD BUT AFTERWARDS BECOMES IMPIOUS AND COMMANDS ZECHARIAH TO BE STONED.
WHEN JEHOASH [KING OF JUDAH] WAS DEAD, AMAZIAH SUCCEEDS HIM IN THE KINGDOM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="159" unit="section" /><p>NOW Hazael, king of Syria, fought against the Israelites and their
king Jehu, and spoiled the eastern parts of the country beyond Jordan,
which belonged to the Reubenites and Gadites, and to [the half tribe of]
Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan, burning, and spoiling, and offering
violence to all that he laid his hands on, and this without impeachment
from Jehu, who made no haste to defend the country when it was under this
distress; nay, he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser of
holiness, and of the laws, and died when he had reigned over the Israelites
twenty-seven years. He was buried in Samaria, and left Jehoahaz his son
his successor in the government.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="161" unit="section" /><p>Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had an inclination to repair the
temple of God; so he called Jehoiada, and bid him send the Levites and
priests through all the country, to require half a shekel of silver for
every head, towards the rebuilding and repairing of the temple, which was
brought to decay by Jehoram, and Athaliah and her sons. But the high priest
did not do this, as concluding that no one would willingly pay that money;
but in the twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign, when the king sent for
him and the Levites, and complained that they had not obeyed what he enjoined
them, and still commanded them to take care of the rebuilding the temple,
he used this stratagem for collecting the money, with which the multitude
was pleased. He made a wooden chest, and closed it up fast on all sides,
but opened one hole in it; he then set it in the temple beside the altar,
and desired every one to cast into it, through the hole, what he pleased,
for the repair of the temple. This contrivance was acceptable to the people,
and they strove one with another, and brought in jointly large quantities
of silver and gold; and when the scribe and the priest that were over the
treasuries had emptied the chest, and counted the money in the king's presence,
they then set it in its former place, and thus did they every day. But
when the multitude appeared to have cast in as much as was wanted, the
high priest Jehoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons and carpenters,
and to buy large pieces of timber, and of the most curious sort; and when
they had repaired the temple, they made use of the remaining gold and silver,
which was not a little, for bowls, and basons, and cups, and other vessels,
and they went on to make the altar every day fat with sacrifices of great
value. And these things were taken suitable care of as long as Jehoiada
lived.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="166" unit="section" /><p>But as soon as he was dead (which was when he had lived one hundred
and thirty years, having been a righteous, and in every respect a very
good man, and was buried in the king's sepulchers at Jerusalem, because
he had recovered the kingdom to the family of David) king Jehoash betrayed
his [want of] care about God. The principal men of the people were corrupted
also together with him, and offended against their duty, and what their
constitution determined to be most for their good. Hereupon God was displeased
with the change that was made on the king, and on the rest of the people,
and sent prophets to testify to them what their actions were, and to bring
them to leave off their wickedness; but they had gotten such a strong affection
and so violent an inclination to it, that neither could the examples of
those that had offered affronts to the laws, and had been so severely punished,
they and their entire families, nor could the fear of what the prophets
now foretold, bring them to repentance, and turn them back from their course
of transgression to their former duty. But the king commanded that Zechariah,
the son of the high priest Jehoiada, should be stoned to death in the temple,
and forgot the kindnesses he had received from his father; for when God
had appointed him to prophesy, he stood in the midst of the multitude,
and gave this counsel to them and to the king: That they should act righteously;
and foretold to them, that if they would not hearken to his admonitions,
they should suffer a heavy punishment. But as Zechariah was ready to die,
he appealed to God as a witness of what he suffered for the good counsel
he had given them, and how he perished after a most severe and violent
manner for the good deeds his father had done to Jehoash.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="170" unit="section" /><p>However, it was not long before the king suffered punishment for
his transgression; for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an irruption into
his country, and when he had overthrown Gath, and spoiled it, he made an
expedition against Jerusalem; upon which Jehoash was afraid, and emptied
all the treasures of God and of the kings [before him], and took down the
gifts that had been dedicated [in the temple], and sent them to the king
of Syria, and procured so much by them, that he was not besieged, nor his
kingdom quite endangered; but Hazael was induced by the greatness of the
sum of money not to bring his army against Jerusalem; yet Jehoash fell
into a severe distemper, and was set upon by his friends, in order to revenge
the death of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada. These laid snares for the
king, and slew him. He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal
sepulchers of his forefathers, because of his impiety. He lived forty-seven
years, and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="173" unit="section" /><p>In the one and twentieth year of the reign of Jehoash, Jehoahaz,
the son of Jehu, took the government of the Israelites in Samaria, and
held it seventeen years. He did not [properly] imitate his father, but
was guilty of as wicked practices as hose that first had God in contempt:
but the king of Syria brought him low, and by an expedition against him
did so greatly reduce his forces, that there remained no more of so great
an army than ten thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He also took away
from him his great cities, and many of them also, and destroyed his army.
And these were the things that the people of Israel suffered, according
to the prophecy of Elisha, when he foretold that Hazael should kill his
master, and reign over the Syrians and Damcenes. But when Jehoahaz was
under such unavoidable miseries, he had recourse to prayer and supplication
to God, and besought him to deliver him out of the hands of Hazael, and
not overlook him, and give him up into his hands. Accordingly God accepted
of his repentance instead of virtue; and being desirous rather to admonish
those that might repent, and not to determine that they should be utterly
destroyed, he granted him deliverance from war and dangers. So the country
having obtained peace, returned again to its former condition, and flourished
as before.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="177" unit="section" /><p>Now after the death of Jehoahaz, his son Joash took the kingdom,
in the thirty-seventh year of Jehoash, the king of the tribe of Judah.
This Joash then took the kingdom of Israel in Samaria, for he had the same
name with the king of Jerusalem, and he retained the kingdom sixteen years.
He was a good man, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This character of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, that "he was a good
man, and in his disposition not at all like to his father," seems
a direct contradiction to our ordinary copies, which say (2 Kings 13:11)
that "he did evil in the sight of the Lord; and that he departed not
from all the sins of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin:
he walked therein." Which copies are here the truest it is hard positively
to determine. If Josephus's be true, this Joash is the single instance
of a good king over the ten tribes; if the other be true, we have not one
such example. The account that follows, in all copies, of Elisha the prophet's
concern for him, and his concern for Elisha, greatly favors Josephus's
copies, and supposes this king to have been then a good man, and no idolater,
with whom God's prophets used not to be so familiar. Upon the whole, since
it appears, even by Josephus's own account, that Amaziah, the good king
of Judah, while he was a good king, was forbidden to make use of the hundred
thousand auxiliaries he had hired of this Joash, the king of Israel, as
if he and they were then idolaters, 2 Chronicles 25:6-9, it is most likely
that these different characters of Joash suited the different parts of
his reign, and that, according to our common copies, he was at first a
wicked king, and afterwards was reclaimed, and became a good one, according
to Josephus.</note>
and in his disposition was not at all like his father. Now at this time
it was that when Elisha the prophet, who was already very old, and was
now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel came to visit him; and when
he found him very near death, he began to weep in his sight, and lament,
to call him his father, and his weapons, because it was by his means that
he never made use of his weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame
his own adversaries by his prophecies, without fighting; and that he was
now departing this life, and leaving him to the Syrians, that were already
armed, and to other enemies of his that were under their power; so he said
it was not safe for him to live any longer, but that it would be well for
him to hasten to his end, and depart out of this life with him. As the
king was thus bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him, and bid the king
bend a bow that was brought him; and when the king had fitted the bow for
shooting, Elisha took hold of his hands and bid him shoot; and when he
had shot three arrows, and then left off, Elisha said, "If thou hadst
shot more arrows, thou hadst cut the kingdom of Syria up by the roots;
but since thou hast been satisfied with shooting three times only, thou
shalt fight and beat the Syrians no more times than three, that thou mayst
recover that country which they cut off from thy kingdom in the reign of
thy father." So when the king had heard that, he departed; and a little
while after the prophet died. He was a man celebrated for righteousness,
and in eminent favor with God. He also performed wonderful and surprising
works by prophecy, and such as were gloriously preserved in memory by the
Hebrews. He also obtained a magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as it
was fit a person so beloved of God should have. It also happened, that
at that time certain robbers cast a man whom they had slain into Elisha's
grave, and upon his dead body coming close to Elisha's body, it revived
again. And thus far have we enlarged about the actions of Elisha the prophet,
both such as he did while he was alive, and how he had a Divine power after
his death also.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="184" unit="section" /><p>Now, upon the death of Hazael, the king of Syria, that kingdom came
to Adad his son, with whom Joash, king of Israel, made war; and when he
had beaten him in three battles, he took from him all that country, and
all those cities and villages, which his father Hazael had taken from the
kingdom of Israel, which came to pass, however, according to the prophecy
of Elisha. But when Joash happened to die, he was buried in Samaria, and
the government devolved on his son Jeroboam.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW AMAZIAH MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE EDOMITES AND AMALEKITES
AND CONQUERED THEM; BUT WHEN HE AFTERWARDS MADE WAR AGAINST JOASH, HE WAS
BEATEN AND NOT LONG AFTER WAS SLAIN, AND UZZIAH SUCCEEDED IN THE GOVERNMENT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="186" unit="section" /><p>Now, in the second year of the reign of Joash over Israel, Amaziah
reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother's name was Jehoaddan,
who was born at Jerusalem. He was exceeding careful of doing what was right,
and this when he was very young; but when he came to the management of
affairs, and to the government, he resolved that he ought first of all
to avenge his father Je-hoash, and to punish those his friends that had
laid violent hands upon him: so he seized upon them all, and put them to
death; yet did he execute no severity on their children, but acted therein
according to the laws of Moses, who did not think it just to punish children
for the sins of their fathers. After this he chose him an army out of the
tribe of Judah and Benjamin, of such as were in the flower of their age,
and about twenty years old; and when he had collected about three hundred
thousand of them together, he set captains of hundreds over them. He also
sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hundred thousand of his soldiers
for a hundred talents of silver, for he had resolved to make an expedition
against the nations of the Amatekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites: but
as he was preparing for his expedition, and ready to go out to the war,
a prophet gave him counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites, because
they were bad men, and because God foretold that he should be beaten, if
he made use of them as auxiliaries; but that he should overcome his enemies,
though he had but a few soldiers, when it so pleased God. And when the
king grudged at his having already paid the hire of the Israelites, the
prophet exhorted him to do what God would have him, because he should thereby
obtain much wealth from God. So he dismissed them, and said that he still
freely gave them their pay, and went himself with his own army, and made
war with the nations before mentioned; and when he had beaten them in battle,
he slew of them ten thousand, and took as many prisoners alive, whom he
brought to the great rock which is in Arabia, and threw them down from
it headlong. He also brought away a great deal of prey and vast riches
from those nations. But while Amaziah was engaged in this expedition, those
Israelites whom he had hired, and then dismissed, were very uneasy at it,
and taking their dismission for an affront, (as supposing that this would
not have been done to them but out of contempt,) they fell upon his kingdom,
and proceeded to spoil the country as far as Beth-horon, and took much
cattle, and slew three thousand men.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="193" unit="section" /><p>Now upon the victory which Amaziah had gotten, and the great acts
he had done, he was puffed up, and began to overlook God, who had given
him the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods he had brought out of
the country of the Amalekites. So a prophet came to him, and said, that
he wondered how he could esteem these to be gods, who had been of no advantage
to their own people who paid them honors, nor had delivered them from his
hands, but had overlooked the destruction of many of them, and had suffered
themselves to be carried captive, for that they had been carried to Jerusalem
in the same manner as any one might have taken some of the enemy alive,
and led them thither. This reproof provoked the king to anger, and he commanded
the prophet to hold his peace, and threatened to punish him if he meddled
with his conduct. So he replied, that he should indeed hold his peace;
but foretold withal, that God would not overlook his attempts for innovation.
But Amaziah was not able to contain himself under that prosperity which
God had given him, although he had affronted God thereupon; but in a vein
of insolence he wrote to Joash, the king of Israel, and commanded that
he and all his people should be obedient to him, as they had formerly been
obedient to his progenitors, David and Solomon; and he let him know, that
if he would not be so wise as to do what he commanded him, he must fight
for his dominion. To which message Joash returned this answer in writing:
"King Joash to king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cypress tree
in Mount Lebanon, as also a thistle; this thistle sent to the cypress tree
to give the cypress tree's daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but
as the thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and trod down
the thistle: and this may be a lesson to thee, not to be so ambitious,
and to have a care, lest upon thy good success in the fight against the
Amalekites thou growest so proud, as to bring dangers upon thyself and
upon thy kingdom."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="199" unit="section" /><p>When Amaziah had read this letter, he was more eager upon this expedition,
which, I suppose, was by the impulse of God, that he might be punished
for his offense against him. But as soon as he led out his army against
Joash, and they were going to join battle with him, there came such a fear
and consternation upon the army of Amaziah, as God, when he is displeased,
sends upon men, and discomfited them, even before they came to a close
fight. Now it happened, that as they were scattered about by the terror
that was upon them, Amaziah was left alone, and was taken prisoner by the
enemy; whereupon Joash threatened to kill him, unless he would persuade
the people of Jerusalem to open their gates to him, and receive him and
his army into the city. Accordingly Amaziah was so distressed, and in such
fear of his life, that he made his enemy to be received into the city.
So Joash over threw a part of the wall, of the length of four hundred cubits,
and drove his chariot through the breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah
captive along with him; by which means he became master of Jerusalem, and
took away the treasures of God, and carried off all the gold and silver
that was in the king's palace, and then freed the king from captivity,
and returned to Samaria. Now these things happened to the people of Jerusalem
in the fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who after this had a conspiracy
made against him by his friends, and fled to the city Lachish, and was
there slain by the conspirators, who sent men thither to kill him. So they
took up his dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem, and made a royal funeral
for him. This was the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his innovations
in religion, and his contempt of God, when he had lived fifty-four years,
and had reigned twenty-nine. He was succeeded by his son, whose name was
Uzziah.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING JEROBOAM KING OF ISRAEL AND JONAH THE PROPHET;
AND HOW AFTER THE DEATH OF JEROBOAM HIS SON ZACHARIAH TOOK THE GOVERNMENT.
HOW UZZIAH, KING OF JERUSALEM, SUBDUED THE NATIONS THAT WERE ROUND ABOUT
HIM; AND WHAT BEFELL HIM WHEN HE ATTEMPTED TO OFFER INCENSE TO GOD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>IN the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, Jeroboam the son of
Joash reigned over Israel in Samaria forty years. This king was guilty
of contumely against God, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What I have above noted concerning Jehoash, seems to me to have been true
also concerning his son Jeroboam II., viz. that although he began wickedly,
as Josephus agrees with our other copies, and, as he adds, "was the
cause of a vast number of misfortunes to the Israelites" in those
his first years, (the particulars of which are unhappily wanting both in
Josephus and in all our copies,) so does it seem to me that he was afterwards
reclaimed, and became a good king, and so was encouraged by the prophet
Jonah, and had great successes afterward, when "God had saved the
Israelites by the hand of Jeroboam, the son of Joash," 2 Kings 14:27;
which encouragement by Jonah, and great successes, are equally observable
in Josephus, and in the other copies.</note>
and became very wicked in worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings
that were absurd and foreign. He was also the cause of ten thousand misfortunes
to the people of Israel. Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him that
he should make war with the Syrians, and conquer their army, and enlarge
the bounds of his kingdom on the northern parts to the city Hamath, and
on the southern to the lake Asphaltitis; for the bounds of the Canaanites
originally were these, as Joshua their general had determined them. So
Jeroboam made an expedition against the Syrians, and overran all their
country, as Jonah had foretold.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="208" unit="section" /><p>Now I cannot but think it necessary for me, who have promised to
give an accurate account of our affairs, to describe the actions of this
prophet, so far as I have found them written down in the Hebrew books.
Jonah had been commanded by God to go to the kingdom of Nineveh; and when
he was there, to publish it in that city, how it should lose the dominion
it had over the nations. But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran away
from God to the city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went into it,
and sailed to Tarsus, in Cilicia <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">When Jonah is said in our Bibles to have gone to Tarshish, Jonah 1:3, Josephus
understood it that he went to Tarsus in Cilicia, or to the Mediterranean
Sea, upon which Tarsus lay; so that he does not appear to have read the
text, 1 Kings 22:48, as our copies do, that ships of Tarshish could lie
at Ezion-geber, upon the Red Sea. But as to Josephus's assertion, that
Jonah's fish was carried by the strength of the current, upon a storm, as far as the Euxine Sea: it is no way impossible. And since the storm might have driven the ship, while Jonah was in it, near to that Euxine Sea; and since in three more days, while he was in the fish's belly, that current might bring him to the Assyrian coast; and since withal that coast could bring him nearer to Nineveh than could any coast of the Mediterranean, it is by no means an improbable determination in Josephus.</note>
and upon the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great that the
ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners, the master, and the pilot
himself, made prayers and vows, in case they escaped the sea: but Jonah
lay still and covered [in the ship,] without imitating any thing that the
others did; but as the waves grew greater, and the sea became more violent
by the winds, they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that some one
of the persons that sailed with them was the occasion of this storm, and
agreed to discover by lot which of them it was. When they had cast lots,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This ancient piece of religion, of supposing there was great sin where
there was great misery, and of casting lots to discover great sinners,
not only among the Israelites, but among these heathen mariners, seems
a remarkable remains of the ancient tradition which prevailed of old over
all mankind, that Providence used to interpose visibly in all human affairs, and never to bring,
or at least not long to continue, notorious judgments, but for notorious sins; which
the most ancient Book of Job shows to have been the state of mankind for about
the former three thousand years of the world, till the days of Job and Moses.</note> the
lot fell upon the prophet; and when they asked him whence he came, and
what he had done? he replied, that he was a Hebrew by nation, and a prophet
of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they
would escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the
storm which was upon them. Now at the first they durst not do so, as esteeming
it a wicked thing to cast a man who was a stranger, and who had committed
his life to them, into such manifest perdition; but at last, when their
misfortune overbore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, and
when they were animated to do it by the prophet himself, and by the fear
concerning their own safety, they cast him into the sea; upon which the
sea became calm. It is also reported that Jonah was swallowed down by a
whale, and that when he had been there three days, and as many nights,
he was vomited out upon the Euxine Sea, and this alive, and without any
hurt upon his body; and there, on his prayer to God, he obtained pardon
for his sins, and went to the city Nineveh, where he stood so as to be
heard, and preached, that in a very little time they should lose the dominion
of Asia. And when he had published this, he returned. Now I have given
this account about him as I found it written [in our books.]</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>When Jeroboam the king had passed his life in great happiness, and
had ruled forty years, he died, and was buried in Samaria, and his son
Zachariah took the kingdom. After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of
Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth
year of the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jecoliah, his mother, who
was a citizen of Jerusalem. He was a good man, and by nature righteous
and magnanimous, and very laborious in taking care of the affairs of his
kingdom. He made an expedition also against the Philistines, and overcame
them in battle, and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and brake down
their walls; after which expedition he assaulted those Arabs that adjoined
to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Red Sea, and put a garrison into
it. He, after this, overthrew the Ammonites, and appointed that they should
pay tribute. He also overcame all the countries as far as the bounds of
Egypt, and then began to take care of Jerusalem itself for the rest of
his life; for he rebuilt and repaired all those parts of the wall which
had either fallen down by length of time, or by the carelessness of the
kings, his predecessors, as well as all that part which had been thrown
down by the king of Israel, when he took his father Amaziah prisoner, and
entered with him into the city. Moreover, he built a great many towers,
of one hundred and fifty cubits high, and built walled towns in desert
places, and put garrisons into them, and dug many channels for conveyance
of water. He had also many beasts for labor, and an immense number of cattle;
for his country was fit for pasturage. He was also given to husbandry,
and took care to cultivate the ground, and planted it with all sorts of
plants, and sowed it with all sorts of seeds. He had also about him an
army composed of chosen men, in number three hundred and seventy thousand,
who were governed by general officers and captains of thousands, who were
men of valor, and of unconquerable strength, in number two thousand. He
also divided his whole army into bands, and armed them, giving every one
a sword, with brazen bucklers and breastplates, with bows and slings; and
besides these, he made for them many engines of war for besieging of cities,
such as cast stones and darts, with grapplers, and other instruments of
that sort.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="222" unit="section" /><p>While Uzziah was in this state, and making preparation [for futurity],
he was corrupted in his mind by pride, and became insolent, and this on
account of that abundance which he had of things that will soon perish,
and despised that power which is of eternal duration (which consisted in
piety towards God, and in the observation of the laws); so he fell by occasion
of the good success of his affairs, and was carried headlong into those
sins of his father, which the splendor of that prosperity he enjoyed, and
the glorious actions he had done, led him into, while he was not able to
govern himself well about them. Accordingly, when a remarkable day was
come, and a general festival was to be celebrated, he put on the holy garment,
and went into the temple to offer incense to God upon the golden altar,
which he was prohibited to do by Azariah the high priest, who had fourscore
priests with him, and who told him that it was not lawful for him to offer
sacrifice, and that "none besides the posterity of Aaron were permitted
so to do." And when they cried out that he must go out of the temple,
and not transgress against God, he was wroth at them, and threatened to
kill them, unless they would hold their peace. In the mean time a great
earthquake shook the ground <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This account of an earthquake at Jerusalem at the very same time when Uzziah
usurped the priest's office, and went into the sanctuary to burn incense,
and of the consequences of the earthquake, is entirely wanting in our other
copies, though it be exceeding like to a prophecy of Jeremiah, now in Zechariah
14:4, 5; in which prophecy mention is made of "fleeing from that earthquake,
as they fled from this earthquake in the days of Uzziah king of Judah;"
so that there seems to have been some considerable resemblance between
these historical and prophetical earthquakes.</note>
and a rent was made in the temple, and the bright rays of the sun shone
through it, and fell upon the king's face, insomuch that the leprosy seized
upon him immediately. And before the city, at a place called Eroge, half
the mountain broke off from the rest on the west, and rolled itself four
furlongs, and stood still at the east mountain, till the roads, as well
as the king's gardens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now, as soon as
the priests saw that the king's face was infected with the leprosy, they
told him of the calamity he was under, and commanded that he should go
out of the city as a polluted person. Hereupon he was so confounded at
the sad distemper, and sensible that he was not at liberty to contradict,
that he did as he was commanded, and underwent this miserable and terrible
punishment for an intention beyond what befitted a man to have, and for
that impiety against God which was implied therein. So he abode out of
the city for some time, and lived a private life, while his son Jotham
took the government; after which he died with grief and anxiety at what
had happened to him, when he had lived sixty-eight years, and reigned of
them fifty-two; and was buried by himself in his own gardens.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ZACHARIAH SHALLUM, MENAHEM PEKAHIAH AND PEKAH TOOK THE
GOVERNMENT OVER THE ISRAELITES ; AND HOW PUL AND TIGLATH-PILESER MADE AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE ISRAELITES. HOW JOTHAM, THE SON OF UZZIAH REIGNED
OVER THE TRIBE OF JUDAH; AND WHAT THINGS NAHUM PROPHESIED AGAINST THE ASSYRIANS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>Now when Zachariah, the son of Jeroboam, had reigned six months over
Israel, he was slain by the treachery of a certain friend of his, whose
name was Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who took the kingdom afterward, but
kept it no longer than thirty days; for Menahem, the general of his army,
who was at that time in the city Tirzah, and heard of what had befallen
Zachariah, removed thereupon with all his forces to Samaria, and joining
battle with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made himself king, he went
thence, and came to the city Tiphsah; but the citizens that were in it
shut their gates, and barred them against the king, and would not admit
him: but in order to be avenged on them, he burnt the country round about
it, and took the city by force, upon a siege; and being very much displeased
at what the inhabitants of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, and spared
not so much as the infants, without omitting the utmost instances of cruelty
and barbarity; for he used such severity upon his own countrymen, as would
not be pardonable with regard to strangers who had been conquered by him.
And after this manner it was that this Menahem continued to reign with
cruelty and barbarity for ten years. But when Pul, king of Assyria, had
made an expedition against him, he did not think meet to fight or engage
in battle with the Assyrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand
talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an end to the war. This sum
the multitude collected for Menahem, by exacting fifty drachme as poll-money
for every head; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Wall, in his critical notes on 2 Kings 15:20, observes, "that
when this Menahem is said to have exacted the money of Israel of all the
mighty men of wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give Pul,
the king of Assyria, a thousand talents, this is the first public money
raised by any [Israelite] king by tax on the people; that they used before
to raise it out of the treasures of the house of the Lord, or of their
own house; that it was a poll-money on the rich men, [and them only,] to
raise £353,000, or, as others count a talent, £400,000, at
the rate of £6 or £7 per head; and that God commanded, by Ezekiel,
ch. 45:8; 46:18, that no such thing should be done [at the Jews' restoration],
but the king should have land of his own."</note>
after which he died, and was buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah
his successor in the kingdom, who followed the barbarity of his father,
and so ruled but two years only, after which he was slain with his friends
at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the general of his horse, and
the son of Remaliah, who laid snares for him. Now this Pekah held the government
twenty years, and proved a wicked man and a transgressor. But the king
of Assyria, whose name was Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expedition
against the Israelites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead, and the
region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is called Galilee,
and Kadesh, and Hazor, he made the inhabitants prisoners, and transplanted
them into his own kingdom. And so much shall suffice to have related here
concerning the king of Assyria.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="236" unit="section" /><p>Now Jotham the son of Uzziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem,
being a citizen thereof by his mother, whose name was Jerusha. This king
was not defective in any virtue, but was religious towards God, and righteous
towards men, and careful of the good of the city (for what part soever
wanted to be repaired or adorned he magnificently repaired and adorned
them). He also took care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple,
and repaired the walls that were fallen down, and built very great towers,
and such as were almost impregnable; and if any thing else in his kingdom
had been neglected, he took great care of it. He also made an expedition
against the Ammonites, and overcame them in battle, and ordered them to
pay tribute, a hundred talents, and ten thousand cori of wheat, and as
many of barley, every year, and so augmented his kingdom, that his enemies
could not despise it, and his own people lived happily.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="239" unit="section" /><p>Now there was at that time a prophet, whose name was Nahum, who spake
after this manner concerning the overthrow of the Assyrians and of Nineveh:
"Nineveh shall be a pool of water in motion <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This passage is taken out of the prophet Nahum, ch. 2:8-13, and is the
principal, or rather the only, one that is given us almost verbatim, but
a little abridged, in all Josephus's known writings: by which quotation
we learn what he himself always asserts, viz. that he made use of the Hebrew
original and not of the Greek version]; as also we learn, that his Hebrew
copy considerably differed from ours. See all three texts particularly
set down and compared together in the Essay on the Old Testament, page
187.</note>
so shall all her people be troubled, and tossed, and go away by flight,
while they say one to another, Stand, stand still, seize their gold and
silver, for there shall be no one to wish them well, for they will rather
save their lives than their money; for a terrible contention shall possess
them one with another, and lamentation, and loosing of the members, and
their countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And there will be
the den of the lions, and the mother of the young lions! God says to thee,
Nineveh, that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall no longer go out
from thee to give laws to the world." And indeed this prophet prophesied
many other things besides these concerning Nineveh, which I do not think
necessary to repeat, and I here omit them, that I may not appear troublesome
to my readers; all which thing happened about Nineveh a hundred and fifteen
years afterward: so this may suffice to have spoken of these matters.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW UPON THE DEATH OF JOTHAM, AHAZ REIGNED IN HIS STEAD;
AGAINST WHOM REZIN, KING OF SYRIA AND PEKAH KING OF ISRAEL, MADE WAR; AND
HOW TIGLATH-PILESER, KING OF ASSYRIA CAME TO THE ASSISTANCE OF AHAZ, AND
LAID SYRIA WASTE AND REMOVING THE DAMASCENES INTO MEDIA PLACED OTHER NATIONS
IN THEIR ROOM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="243" unit="section" /><p>NOW Jotham died when he had lived forty-one years, and of them reigned
sixteen, and was buried in the sepulchers of the kings; and the kingdom
came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious towards God, and a transgressor
of the laws of his country. He imitated the kings of Israel, and reared
altars in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon them to idols; to which
also he offered his own son as a burnt-offering, according to the practices
of the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the same sort. Now as
he was going on in this mad course, Rezin, the king of Syria and Damascus,
and Pekah, the king of Israel, who were now at amity one with another,
made war with him; and when they had driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged
that city a long while, making but a small progress, on account of the
strength of its walls; and when the king of Syria had taken the city Elath,
upon the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled it with Syrians;
and when he had slain those in the [other] garrisons, and the Jews in their
neighborhood, and had driven away much prey, he returned with his army
back to Damascus. Now when the king of Jerusalem knew that the Syrians
were returned home, he, supposing himself a match for the king of Israel,
drew out his army against him, and joining battle with him was beaten;
and this happened because God was angry with him, on account of his many
and great enormities. Accordingly there were slain by the Israelites one
hundred and twenty thousand of his men that day, whose general, Amaziah
by name, slew Zechariah the king's son, in his conflict with Ahaz, as well
as the governor of the kingdom, whose name was Azricam. He also carried
Elkanah, the general of the troops of the tribe of Judah, into captivity.
They also carried the women and children of the tribe of Benjamin captives;
and when they had gotten a great deal of prey, they returned to Samaria.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="248" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet at that time in Samaria
;he met the army before the city walls, and with a loud voice told them
that they had gotten the victory not by their own strength, but by reason
of the anger God had against king Ahaz. And he complained that they were
not satisfied with the good success they had had against him, but were
so bold as to make captives out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin. He also gave them counsel to let them go home without doing them
any harm, for that if they did not obey God herein, they should be punished.
So the people of Israel came together to their assembly, and considered
of these matters, when a man whose name was Berechiah, and who was one
of chief reputation in the government, stood up, and the others with him,
and said, "We will not suffer the citizens to bring these prisoners
into the city, lest we be all destroyed by God; we have sins enough of
our own that we have committed against him, as the prophets assure us;
nor ought we therefore to introduce the practice of new crimes." When
the soldiers heard that, they permitted them to do what they thought best.
So the forenamed men took the captives, and let them go, and took care
of them, and gave them provisions, and sent them to their own country,
without doing them any harm. However, these four went along with them,
and conducted them as far as Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem,
and returned to Samaria.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="252" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon king Ahaz, having been so thoroughly beaten by the Israelites,
sent to Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and sued for assistance
from him in his war against the Israelites, and Syrians, and Damascenes,
with a promise to send him much money; he sent him also great presents
at the same time. Now this king, upon the reception of those ambassadors,
came to assist Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and laid their country
waste, and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their king, and transplanted
the people of Damascus into the Upper Media, and brought a colony of Assyrians,
and planted them in Damascus. He also afflicted the land of Israel, and
took many captives out of it. While he was doing thus with the Syrians,
king Ahaz took all the gold that was in the king's treasures, and the silver,
and what was in the temple of God, and what precious gifts were there,
and he carried them with him, and came to Damascus, and gave it to the
king of Assyria, according to his agreement. So he confessed that he owed
him thanks for all he had done for him, and returned to Jerusalem. Now
this king was so sottish and thoughtless of what was for his own good,
that he would not leave off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was beaten
by them, but he went on in worshipping them, as though they would procure
him the victory; and when he was beaten again, he began to honor the gods
of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous to honor any other gods than
his own paternal and true God, whose anger was the cause of his defeat;
nay, he proceeded to such a degree of despite and contempt [of God's worship],
that he shut up the temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in the appointed
sacrifices, and took away the gifts that had been given to it. And when
he had offered these indignities to God, he died, having lived thirty-six
years, and of them reigned sixteen; and he left his son Hezekiah for his
successor.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW PEKAH DIED BY THE TREACHERY OF HOSHEA WHO WAS A LITTLE
AFTER SUBDUED BY SHALMANESER; AND HOW HEZEKIAH REIGNED INSTEAD OF AHAZ;
AND WHAT ACTIONS OF PIETY AND JUSTICE HE DID.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="258" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT the same time Pekah, the king of Israel, died by the treachery
of a friend of his, whose name was Hoshea, who retained the kingdom nine
years' time, but was a wicked man, and a despiser of the Divine worship;
and Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, made an expedition against him, and
overcame him, (which must have been because he had not God favorable nor
assistant to him,) and brought him to submission, and ordered him to pay
an appointed tribute. Now, in the fourth year of the reign of Hoshea, Hezekiah,
the son of Ahaz, began to reign in Jerusalem; and his mother's name was
Abijah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His nature was good, and righteous, and
religious; for when he came to the kingdom, he thought that nothing was
prior, or more necessary, or more advantageous to himself, and to his subjects,
than to worship God. Accordingly, he called the people together, and the
priests, and the Levites, and made a speech to them, and said, "You
are not ignorant how, by the sins of my father, who transgressed that sacred
honor which was due to God, you have had experience of many and great miseries,
while you were corrupted in your mind by him, and were induced to worship
those which he supposed to be gods; I exhort you, therefore, who have learned
by sad experience how dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that immediately
out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from your former pollutions,
and to open the temple to these priests and Levites who are here convened,
and to cleanse it with the accustomed sacrifices, and to recover all to
the ancient honor which our fathers paid to it; for by this means we may
render God favorable, and he will remit the anger he hath had to us."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>When the king had said this, the priests opened the temple; and when
they had set in order the vessels of God, and east out what was impure,
they laid the accustomed sacrifices upon the altar. The king also sent
to the country that was under him, and called the people to Jerusalem to
celebrate the feast of unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a
long time, on account of the wickedness of the forementioned kings. He
also sent to the Israelites, and exhorted them to leave off their present
way of living, and return to their ancient practices, and to worship God,
for that he gave them leave to come to Jerusalem, and to celebrate, all
in one body, the feast of unleavened bread; and this he said was by way
of invitation only, and to be done of their own good-will, and for their
own advantage, and not out of obedience to him, because it would make them
happy. But the Israelites, upon the coming of the ambassadors, and upon
their laying before them what they had in charge from their own king, were
so far from complying therewith, that they laughed the ambassadors to scorn,
and mocked them as fools: as also they affronted the prophets, which gave
them the same exhortations, and foretold what they would suffer if they
did not return to the worship of God, insomuch that at length they caught
them, and slew them; nor did this degree of transgressing suffice them,
but they had more wicked contrivances than what have been described: nor
did they leave off, before God, as a punishment for their impiety, brought
them under their enemies: but of that more hereafter. However, many there
were of the tribe of Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who were
obedient to what the prophets exhorted them to do, and returned to the
worship of God. Now all these came running to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, that
they might worship God [there].</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="268" unit="section" /><p>When these men were come, king Hezekiah went up into the temple,
with the rulers and all the people, and offered for himself seven bulls,
and as many rams, with seven lambs, and as many kids of the goats. The
king also himself, and the rulers, laid their hands on the heads of the
sacrifices, and permitted the priests to complete the sacred offices about
them. So they both slew the sacrifices, and burnt the burnt-offerings,
while the Levites stood round about them, with their musical instruments,
and sang hymns to God, and played on their psalteries, as they were instructed
by David to do, and this while the rest of the priests returned the music,
and sounded the trumpets which they had in their hands; and when this was
done, the king and the multitude threw themselves down upon their face,
and worshipped God. He also sacrificed seventy bulls, one hundred rams,
and two hundred lambs. He also granted the multitude sacrifices to feast
upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand other cattle; and the priests
performed all things according to the law. Now the king was so pleased
herewith, that he feasted with the people, and returned thanks to God;
but as the feast of unleavened bread was now come, when they had offered
that sacrifice which is called the passover, they after that offered other
sacrifices for seven days. When the king had bestowed on the multitude,
besides what they sanctified of themselves, two thousand bulls, and seven
thousand other cattle, the same thing was done by the rulers; for they
gave them a thousand bulls, and a thousand and forty other cattle. Nor
had this festival been so well observed from the days of king Solomon,
as it was now first observed with great splendor and magnificence; and
when the festival was ended, they went out into the country and purged
it, and cleansed the city of all the pollution of the idols. The king also
gave order that the daily sacrifices should be offered, at his own charges,
and according to the law; and appointed that the tithes and the first-fruits
should be given by the multitude to the priests and Levites, that they
might constantly attend upon Divine service, and never be taken off from
the worship of God. Accordingly, the multitude brought together all sorts
of their fruits to the priests and the Levites. The king also made garners
and receptacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every one of
the priests and Levites, and to their children and wives; and thus did
they return to their old form of Divine worship. Now when the king had
settled these matters after the manner already described, he made war upon
the Philistines, and beat them, and possessed himself of all the enemy's
cities, from Gaza to Gath; but the king of Assyria sent to him, and threatened
to overturn all his dominions, unless he would pay him the tribute which
his father paid him formerly; but king Hezekiah was not concerned at his
threatenings, but depended on his piety towards God, and upon Isaiah the
prophet, by whom he inquired and accurately knew all future events. And
thus much shall suffice for the present concerning this king Hezekiah.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SHALMANESER TOOK SAMARIA BY FORCE AND HOW HE TRANSPLANTED
THE TEN TRIBES INTO MEDIA, AND BROUGHT THE NATION OF THE CUTHEANS INTO
THEIR COUNTRY [IN THEIR ROOM].</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="277" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had it told him, that [Hoshea]
the king of Israel had sent privately to So, the king of Egypt, desiring
his assistance against him, he was very angry, and made an expedition against
Samaria, in the seventh year of the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not
admitted [into the city] by the king, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This siege of Samaria, though not given a particular account of, either
in our Hebrew or Greek Bibles, or in Josephus, was so very long, no less
than three years, that it was no way improbable but that parents, and particularly
mothers, might therein be reduced to eat their own children, as the law
of Moses had threatened upon their disobedience, Leviticus 26;29; Deuteronomy
28:53-57; and as was accomplished in the other shorter sieges of both the
capital cities, Jerusalem and Samaria; the former mentioned Jeremiah 19:9;
Antiq. B. IX. ch. 4. sect. 4, and the latter, 2 Kings 6:26-29.</note>
he besieged Samaria three years, and took it by force in the ninth year
of the reign of Hoshea, and in the seventh year of Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem,
and quite demolished the government of the Israelites, and transplanted
all the people into Media and Persia among whom he took king Hoshea alive;
and when he had removed these people out of this their land he transplanted
other nations out of Cuthah, a place so called, (for there is [still] a
river of that name in Persia,) into Samaria, and into the country of the
Israelites. So the ten tribes of the Israelites were removed out of Judea
nine hundred and forty-seven years after their forefathers were come out
of the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves of the country, but eight
hundred years after Joshua had been their leader, and, as I have already
observed, two hundred and forty years, seven months, and seven days after
they had revolted from Rehoboam, the grandson of David, and had given the
kingdom to Jeroboam. And such a conclusion overtook the Israelites, when
they had transgressed the laws, and would not hearken to the prophets,
who foretold that this calamity would come upon them, if they would not
leave off their evil doings. What gave birth to these evil doings, was
that sedition which they raised against Rehoboam, the grandson of David,
when they set up Jeroboam his servant to be their king, when, by sinning
against God, and bringing them to imitate his bad example, made God to
be their enemy, while Jeroboam underwent that punishment which he justly
deserved.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="283" unit="section" /><p>And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria and Phoenicia in a
hostile manner. The name of this king is also set down in the archives
of Tyre, for he made an expedition against Tyre in the reign of Eluleus;
and Menander attests to it, who, when he wrote his Chronology, and translated
the archives of Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the following history:
"One whose name was Eluleus reigned thirty-six years; this king, upon the
revolt of the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again to a submission.
Against these did the king of Assyria send an army, and in a hostile manner
overrun all Phoenicia, but soon made peace with them all, and returned
back; but Sidon, and Ace, and Palsetyrus revolted; and many other cities
there were which delivered themselves up to the king of Assyria. Accordingly,
when the Tyrians would not submit to him, the king returned, and fell upon
them again, while the Phoenicians had furnished him with threescore ships,
and eight hundred men to row them; and when the Tyrians had come upon them
in twelve ships, and the enemy's ships were dispersed, they took five hundred
men prisoners, and the reputation of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby
increased; but the king of Assyria returned, and placed guards at their
rivers and aqueducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from drawing water.
This continued for five years; and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and
drank of the water they had out of the wells they dug." And this is
what is written in the Tyrian archives concerning Shalmaneser, the king
of Assyria.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="288" unit="section" /><p>But now the Cutheans, who removed into Samaria, (for that is the
name they have been called by to this time, because they were brought out
of the country called Cuthah, which is a country of Persia, and there is
a river of the same name in it,) each of them, according to their nations,
which were in number five, brought their own gods into Samaria, and by
worshipping them, as was the custom of their own countries, they provoked
Almighty God to be angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized upon
them, by which they were destroyed; and when they found no cure for their
miseries, they learned by the oracle that they ought to worship Almighty
God, as the method for their deliverance. So they sent ambassadors to the
king of Assyria, and desired him to send them some of those priests of
the Israelites whom he had taken captive. And when he thereupon sent them,
and the people were by them taught the laws, and the holy worship of God,
they worshipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague ceased immediately;
and indeed they continue to make use of the very same customs to this very
time, and are called in the Hebrew tongue Cutlans, but in the Greek tongue
Samaritans. And when they see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that
they are changed, and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though
they were derived from Joseph, and had by that means an original alliance
with them; but when they see them falling into a low condition, they say
they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have no right to expect
any kindness or marks of kindred from them, but they declare that they
are sojourners, that come from other countries. But of these we shall have
a more seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="10" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book X</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-TWO YEARS
AND A HALF.
FROM THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST YEAR
OF CYRUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SENNACHERIB MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST HEZEKIAH; WHAT
THREATENINGS RABSHAKEH MADE TO HEZEKIAH WHEN SENNACHERIB WAS GONE AGAINST
THE EGYPTIANS; HOW ISAIAH THE PROPHET ENCOURAGED HIM; HOW SENNACHERIB HAVING
FAILED OF SUCCESS IN EGYPT, RETURNED THENCE TO JERUSALEM; AND HOW UPON
HIS FINDING HIS ARMY DESTROYED, HE RETURNED HOME; AND WHAT BEFELL HIM A
LITTLE AFTERWARD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>IT was now the fourteenth year of the government of Hezekiah, king
of the two tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib,
made an expedition against him with a great army, and took all the cities
of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by force; and when he was ready to
bring his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassadors to him beforehand,
and promised to submit, and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon
Sennacherib, when he heard of what offers the ambassadors made, resolved
not to proceed in the war, but to accept of the proposals that were made
him; and if he might receive three hundred talents of silver, and thirty
talents of gold, he promised that he would depart in a friendly manner;
and he gave security upon oath to the ambassadors that he would then do
him no harm, but go away as he came. So Hezekiah submitted, and emptied
his treasures, and sent the money, as supposing he should be freed from
his enemy, and from any further distress about his kingdom. Accordingly,
the Assyrian king took it, and yet had no regard to what he had promised;
but while he himself went to the war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians,
he left his general Rabshakeh, and two other of his principal commanders,
with great forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The names of the two other commanders
were Tartan and Rabsaris.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="5" unit="section" /><p>Now as soon as they were come before the walls, they pitched their
camp, and sent messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak
with him; but he did not himself come out to them for fear, but he sent
three of his most intimate friends; the name of one was Eliakim, who was
over the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the recorder. So these men came
out, and stood over against the commanders of the Assyrian army; and when
Rabshakeh saw them, he bid them go and speak to Hezekiah in the manner
following: That Sennacherib, the great king, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This title of great king, both in our Bibles, 2 Kings 18:19; Isaiah 36:4,
and here in Josephus, is the very same that Herodotus gives this Sennacherib,
as Spanheim takes notice on this place.</note>
desires to know of him, on whom it is that he relies and depends, in flying
from his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army into the city?
Is it on account of the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army would be
beaten by them? Whereupon he lets him know, that if this be what he expects,
he is a foolish man, and like one who leans on a broken reed; while such
a one will not only fall down, but will have his hand pierced and hurt
by it. That he ought to know he makes this expedition against him by the
will of God, who hath granted this favor to him, that he shall overthrow
the kingdom of Israel, and that in the very same manner he shall destroy
those that are his subjects also. When Rabshakeh had made this speech in
the Hebrew tongue, for he was skillful in that language, Eliakim was afraid
lest the multitude that heard him should be disturbed; so he desired him
to speak in the Syrian tongue. But the general, understanding what he meant,
and perceiving the fear that he was in, he made his answer with a greater
and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said, that "since
they all heard what were the king's commands, they would consult their
own advantage in delivering up themselves to us; for it is plain the both
you and your king dissuade the people from submitting by vain hopes, and
so induce them to resist; but if you be courageous, and think to drive
our forces away, I am ready to deliver to you two thousand of these horses
that are with me for your use, if you can set as many horsemen on their
backs, and show your strength; but what you have not you cannot produce.
Why therefore do you delay to deliver up yourselves to a superior force,
who can take you without your consent? although it will be safer for you
to deliver yourselves up voluntarily, while a forcible capture, when you
are beaten, must appear more dangerous, and will bring further calamities
upon you."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>When the people, as well as the ambassadors, heard what the Assyrian
commander said, they related it to Hezekiah, who thereupon put off his
royal apparel, and clothed himself with sackcloth, and took the habit of
a mourner, and, after the manner of his country, he fell upon his face,
and besought God, and entreated him to assist them, now they had no other
hope of relief. He also sent some of his friends, and some of the priests,
to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he would pray to God, and offer
sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put up supplications to
him, that he would have indignation at the expectations of their enemies,
and have mercy upon his people. And when the prophet had done accordingly,
an oracle came from God to him, and encouraged the king and his friends
that were about him; and foretold that their enemies should be beaten without
fighting, and should go away in an ignominious manner, and not with that
insolence which they now show, for that God would take care that they should
be destroyed. He also foretold that Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, should
fail of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he came home he should
perish by the sword.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="15" unit="section" /><p>About the same time also the king of Assyria wrote an epistle to
Hezekiah, in which he said he was a foolish man, in supposing that he should
escape from being his servant, since he had already brought under many
and great nations; and he threatened, that when he took him, he would utterly
destroy him, unless he now opened the gates, and willingly received his
army into Jerusalem. When he read this epistle, he despised it, on account
of the trust that be had in God; but he rolled up the epistle, and laid
it up within the temple. And as he made his further prayers to God for
the city, and for the preservation of all the people, the prophet Isaiah
said that God had heard his prayer, and that he should not be besieged
at this time by the king of Assyria <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus says here, how Isaiah the prophet assured Hezekiah that "at
this time he should not be besieged by the king of Assyria; that for the
future he might be secure of being not at all disturbed by him; and that
[afterward] the people might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their
husbandry and other affairs," is more distinct in our other copies,
both of the Kings and of Isaiah, and deserves very great consideration.
The words are these: "This shall be a sign unto thee, Ye shall eat
this year such as groweth of itself, and the second year that which springeth
of the same; and in the third year sow ye, and reap, and plant vineyards,
and eat the fruit thereof," 2 Kings 19:29; Isaiah 37:30; which seem
to me plainly to design a Sabbatic year, a year of jubilee next after it,
and the succeeding usual labors and fruits of them on the third and following
years.</note>
that for the future he might be secure of not being at all disturbed by
him; and that the people might go on peaceably, and without fear, with
their husbandry and other affairs. But after a little while the king of
Assyria, when he had failed of his treacherous designs against the Egyptians,
returned home without success, on the following occasion: He spent a long
time in the siege of Pelusium; and when the banks that he had raised over
against the walls were of a great height, and when he was ready to make
an immediate assault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians,
was coming and bringing great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was resolved
to march through the desert, and so to fall directly upon the Assyrians,
this king Sennacherib was disturbed at the news, and, as I said before,
left Pelusium, and returned back without success. Now concerning this Sennacherib,
Herodotus also says, in the second book of his histories, how "this
king came against the Egyptian king, who was the priest of Vulcan; and
that as he was besieging Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the following
occasion: This Egyptian priest prayed to God, and God heard his prayer,
and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king." But in this Herodotus
was mistaken, when he called this king not king of the Assyrians, but of
the Arabians; for he saith that "a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces
in one night both the bows and the rest of the armor of the Assyrians,
and that it was on that account that the king, when he had no bows left,
drew off his army from Pelusium." And Herodotus does indeed give us
this history; nay, and Berosus, who wrote of the affairs of Chaldea, makes
mention of this king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assyrians,
and that he made an expedition against all Asia and Egypt; and says thus:
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That this terrible calamity of the slaughter of the 185,000 Assyrians is
here delivered in the words of Berosus the Chaldean, and that it was certainly
and frequently foretold by the Jewish prophets, and that it was certainly
and undeniably accomplished, see Authent. Rec. part II. p. 858.</note></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="21" unit="section" /><p>"Now when Sennacherib was returning from his Egyptian war to
Jerusalem, he found his army under Rabshakeh his general in danger [by
a plague], for God had sent a pestilential distemper upon his army; and
on the very first night of the siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand,
with their captains and generals, were destroyed. So the king was in a
great dread and in a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great
fear for his whole army, he fled with the rest of his forces to his own
kingdom, and to his city Nineveh; and when he had abode there a little
while, he was treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of his elder
sons, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We are here to take notice, that these two sons of Sennacherib, that ran
away into Armenia, became the heads of two famous families there, the Arzerunii
and the Genunii; of which see the particular histories in Moses Chorenensis,
p. 60.</note>
Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in his own temple, which was called
Araske. Now these sons of his were driven away on account of the murder
of their father by the citizens, and went into Armenia, while Assarachoddas
took the kingdom of Sennacherib." And this proved to be the conclusion
of this Assyrian expedition against the people of Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEZEKIAH WAS SICK, AND READY TO DIE; AND HOW GOD BESTOWED
UPON HIM FIFTEEN YEARS LONGER LIFE, [AND SECURED THAT PROMISE] BY THE GOING
BACK OF THE SHADOW TEN DEGREES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="24" unit="section" /><p>NOW king Hezekiah being thus delivered, after a surprising manner,
from the dread he was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with all his
people, because nothing else had destroyed some of their enemies, and made
the rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate that they departed from
Jerusalem, but that Divine assistance. Yet, while he was very zealous and
diligent about the worship of God, did he soon afterwards fall into a severe
distemper, insomuch that the physicians despaired of him, and expected
no good issue of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and besides
the distemper <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus, and all our copies, place the sickness of Hezekiah after the
destruction of Sennacherib's army, because it appears to have been after
his first assault, as he was going into Arabia and Egypt, where he pushed
his conquests as far as they would go, and in order to despatch his story
altogether; yet does no copy but this of Josephus say it was after that
destruction, but only that it happened in those days, or about that time
of Hezekiah's life. Nor will the fifteen years' prolongation of his life
after his sickness, allow that sickness to have been later than the former
part of the fifteenth year of his reign, since chronology does not allow
him in all above twenty-nine years and a few months; whereas the first
assault of Sennacherib was on the fourteenth year of Hezekiah, but the
destruction of Sennacherib's army was not till his eighteenth year.</note>
itself, there was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered the king,
which was the consideration that he was childless, and was going to die,
and leave his house and his government without a successor of his own body;
so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his condition, and lamented
himself, and entreated of God that he would prolong his life for a little
while till he had some children, and not suffer him to depart this life
before he was become a father. Hereupon God had mercy upon him, and accepted
of his supplication, because the trouble he was under at his supposed death
was not because he was soon to leave the advantages he enjoyed in the kingdom,
nor did he on that account pray that he might have a longer life afforded
him, but in order to have sons, that might receive the government after
him. And God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him to inform Hezekiah,
that within three days' time he should get clear of his distemper, and
should survive it fifteen years, and that he should have children also.
Now, upon the prophet's saying this, as God had commanded him, he could
hardly believe it, both on account of the distemper he was under, which
was very sore, and by reason of the surprising nature of what was told
him; so he desired that Isaiah would give him some sign or wonder, that
he might believe him in what he had said, and be sensible that he came
from God; for things that are beyond expectation, and greater than our
hopes, are made credible by actions of the like nature. And when Isaiah
had asked him what sign he desired to be exhibited, he desired that he
would make the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to go down
ten steps [or degrees] in his house, to return again to the same place,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">As to this regress of the shadow, either upon a sun-dial, or the steps
of the royal palace built by Ahaz, whether it were physically done by the
real miraculous revolution of the earth in its diurnal motion backward
from east to west for a while, and its return again to its old natural
revolution from west to east; or whether it were not apparent only, and
performed by an aerial phosphorus, which imitated the sun's motion backward,
while a cloud hid the real sun; cannot now be determined. Philosophers
and astronomers will naturally incline to the latter hypothesis. However,
it must be noted, that Josephus seems to have understood it otherwise than
we generally do, that the shadow was accelerated as much at first forward
as it was made to go backward afterward, and so the day was neither longer
nor shorter than usual; which, it must be confessed agrees best of all
to astronomy, whose eclipses, older than the time were observed at the
same times of the day as if this miracle had never happened. After all,
this wonderful signal was not, it seems, peculiar to Judea, but either
seen, or at least heard of, at Babylon also, as appears by 2 Chronicles
32:31, where we learn that the Babylonian ambassadors were sent to Hezekiah,
among other things, to inquire of the wonder that was done in the land.</note> and
to make it as it was before. And when the prophet prayed to God to exhibit
this sign to the king, he saw what he desired to see, and was freed from
his distemper, and went up to the temple, where he worshipped God, and
made vows to him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="30" unit="section" /><p>At this time it was that the dominion of the Assyrians was overthrown
by the Medes; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This expression of Josephus, that the Medes, upon this destruction of the
Assyrian army, "overthrew" the Assyrian empire, seems to be too
strong; for although they immediately cast off the Assrian yoke, and set
up Deioces, a king of their own, yet it was some time before the Medes
and Babylonians overthrew Nineveh, and some generations ere the Medes and
Persians under Cyaxares and Cyrus overthrew the Assyrian or Babylonian
empire, and took Babylon.</note>
but of these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, whose
name was Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah, with presents, and desired
he would be his ally and his friend. So he received the ambassadors gladly,
and made them a feast, and showed them his treasures, and his armory, and
the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious stones and in gold, and
gave them presents to be carried to Baladan, and sent them back to him.
Upon which the prophet Isaiah came to him, and inquired of him whence those
ambassadors came; to which he replied, that they came from Babylon, from
the king; and that he had showed them all he had, that by the sight of
his riches and forces he might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in],
and be able to inform the king of it. But the prophet rejoined, and said,
"Know thou, that, after a little while, these riches of thine shall
be carried away to Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs there,
and lose their manhood, and be servants to the king of Babylon; for that
God foretold such things would come to pass." Upon which words Hezekiah
was troubled, and said that he was himself unwilling that his nation should
fall into such calamities; yet since it is not possible to alter what God
had determined, he prayed that there might be peace while he lived. Berosus
also makes mention of this Baladan, king of Babylon. Now as to this prophet
[Isaiah], he was by the confession of all, a divine and wonderful man in
speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what
was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in
books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by
posterity: nor did this prophet do so alone, but the others, which were
twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever is done among us, Whether
it be good, or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies;
but of every one of these we shall speak hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MANASSEH REIGNED AFTER HEZEKIAH; AND HOW WHEN HE WAS
IN CAPTIVITY HE RETURNED TO GOD AND WAS RESTORED TO HIS KINGDOM AND LEFT
IT TO [HIS SON] AMON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="36" unit="section" /><p>WHEN king Hezekiah had survived the interval of time already mentioned,
and had dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty-four
years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine. But when his son Manasseh,
whose mother's name was Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom,
he departed from the conduct of his father, and fell into a course of life
quite contrary thereto, and showed himself in his manners most wicked in
all respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imitated those transgressions
of the Israelites, by the commission of which against God they had been
destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile the temple of God, and the
city, and the whole country; for, by setting out from a contempt of God,
he barbarously slew all the righteous men that were among the Hebrews;
nor would he spare the prophets, for he every day slew some of them, till
Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So God was angry at these proceedings,
and sent prophets to the king, and to the multitude, by whom he threatened
the very same calamities to them which their brethren the Israelites, upon
the like affronts offered to God, were now under. But these men would not
believe their words, by which belief they might have reaped the advantage
of escaping all those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn that what
the prophets had told them was true.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="40" unit="section" /><p>And when they persevered in the same course of life, God raised up
war against them from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army
against Judea, and laid waste the country; and caught king Manasseh by
treachery, and ordered him to be brought to him, and had him under his
power to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him. But then it was that
Manasseh perceived what a miserable condition he was in, and esteeming
himself the cause of all, he besought God to render his enemy humane and
merciful to him. Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and granted him what
he prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king of Babylon, and escaped
the danger he was in; and when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavored,
if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those his former sins against
God, of which he now repented, and to apply himself to a very religious
life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city, and for the remainder
of his days he was intent on nothing but to return his thanks to God for
his deliverance, and to preserve him propitious to him all his life long.
He also instructed the multitude to do the same, as having very nearly
experienced what a calamity he was fallen into by a contrary conduct. He
also rebuilt the altar, and offered the legal sacrifices, as Moses commanded.
And when he had re-established what concerned the Divine worship, as it
ought to be, he took care of the security of Jerusalem: he did not only
repair the old walls with great diligence, but added another wall to the
former. He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned places before
the city he strengthened, not only in other respects, but with provisions
of all sorts that they wanted. And indeed, when he had changed his former
course, he so led his life for the time to come, that from the time of
his return to piety towards God he was deemed a happy man, and a pattern
for imitation. When therefore he had lived sixty-seven years, he departed
this life, having reigned fifty-five years, and was buried in his own garden;
and the kingdom came to his son Amon, whose mother's name was Meshulemeth,
of the city of Jotbath.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW AMON REIGNED INSTEAD OF MANASSEH; AND AFTER AMON REIGNED
JOSIAH; HE WAS BOTH RIGHTEOUS AND RELIGIOUS. AS ALSO CONCERNING HULDAH
THE PROPHETESS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="47" unit="section" /><p>THIS Amon imitated those works of his father which he insolently
did when he was young: so he had a conspiracy made against him by his own
servants, and was slain in his own house, when he had lived twenty-four
years, and of them had reigned two. But the multitude punished those that
slew Amon, and buried him with his father, and gave the kingdom to his
son Josiah, who was eight years old. His mother was of the city of Boscath,
and her name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent disposition, and naturally
virtuous, and followed the actions of king David, as a pattern and a rule
to him in the whole conduct of his life. And when he was twelve years old,
he gave demonstrations of his religious and righteous behavior; for he
brought the people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them to leave
off the opinion they had of their idols, because they were not gods, but
to worship their own God. And by repeating on the actions of his progenitors,
he prudently corrected what they did wrong, like a very elderly man, and
like one abundantly able to understand what was fit to be done; and what
he found they had well done, he observed all the country over, and imitated
the same. And thus he acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his
own nature, and in compliance with the advice and instruction of the elders;
for by following the laws it was that he succeeded so well in the order
of his government, and in piety with regard to the Divine worship. And
this happened because the transgressions of the former kings were seen
no more, but quite vanished away; for the king went about the city, and
the whole country, and cut down the groves which were devoted to strange
gods, and overthrew their altars; and if there were any gifts dedicated
to them by his forefathers, he made them ignominious, and plucked them
down; and by this means he brought the people back from their opinion about
them to the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed sacrifices and
burnt-offerings upon the altar. Moreover, he ordained certain judges and
overseers, that they might order the matters to them severally belonging,
and have regard to justice above all things, and distribute it with the
same concern they would have about their own soul. He also sent over all
the country, and desired such as pleased to bring gold and silver for the
repairs of the temple, according to every one's inclinations and abilities.
And when the money was brought in, he made one Maaseiah the governor of
the city, and Shaphan the scribe, and Joab the recorder, and Eliakim the
high priest, curators of the temple, and of the charges contributed thereto;
who made no delay, nor put the work off at all, but prepared architects,
and whatsoever was proper for those repairs, and set closely about the
work. So the temple was repaired by this means, and became a public demonstration
of the king's piety.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="57" unit="section" /><p>But when he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent
to Eliakim the high priest, and gave order, that out of what money was
overplus, he should cast cups, and dishes, and vials, for ministration
[in the temple]; and besides, that they should bring all the gold or silver
which was among the treasures, and expend that also in making cups and
the like vessels. But as the high priest was bringing out the gold, he
lighted upon the holy books of Moses that were laid up in the temple; and
when he had brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who,
when he had read them, came to the king, and informed him that all was
finished which he had ordered to be done. He also read over the books to
him, who, when he had heard them read, rent his garment, and called for
Eliakim the high priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for certain
[other] of his most particular friends, and sent them to Huldah the prophetess,
the wife of Shallum, (which Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an eminent
family,) and bid them go to her, and say that [he desired] she would appease
God, and endeavor to render him propitious to them, for that there was
cause to fear, lest, upon the transgression of the laws of Moses by their
forefathers, they should be in peril of going into captivity, and of being
cast out of their own country; lest they should be in want of all things,
and so end their days miserably. When the prophetess had heard this from
the messengers that were sent to her by the king, she bid them go back
to the king, and say that "God had already given sentence against
them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of their country, and deprive
them of all the happiness they enjoyed; which sentence none could set aside
by any prayers of theirs, since it was passed on account of their transgressions
of the laws, and of their not having repented in so long a time, while
the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had foretold the punishment
that would ensue on their impious practices; which threatening God would
certainly execute upon them, that they might be persuaded that he is God,
and had not deceived them in any respect as to what he had denounced by
his prophets; that yet, because Josiah was a righteous man, he would at
present delay those calamities, but that after his death he would send
on the multitude what miseries he had determined for them."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="62" unit="section" /><p>So these messengers, upon this prophecy of the woman, came and told
it to the king; whereupon he sent to the people every where, and ordered
that the priests and the Levites should come together to Jerusalem; and
commanded that those of every age should be present also. And when they
had gathered together, he first read to them the holy books; after which
he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the multitude, and obliged them
to make a covenant, with an oath, that they would worship God, and keep
the laws of Moses. Accordingly, they gave their assent willingly, and undertook
to do what the king had recommended to them. So they immediately offered
sacrifices, and that after an acceptable manner, and besought God to be
gracious and merciful to them. He also enjoined the high priest, that if
there remained in the temple any vessel that was dedicated to idols, or
to foreign gods, they should cast it out. So when a great number of such
vessels were got together, he burnt them, and scattered their ashes abroad,
and slew the priests of the idols that were not of the family of Aaron.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="66" unit="section" /><p>And when he had done thus in Jerusalem, he came into the country,
and utterly destroyed what buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam,
in honor of strange gods; and he burnt the bones of the false prophets
upon that altar which Jeroboam first built; and, as the prophet [Jadon],
who came to Jeroboam when he was offering sacrifice, and when all the people
heard him, foretold what would come to pass, viz. that a certain man of
the house of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here mentioned. And
it happened that those predictions took effect after three hundred and
sixty-one years.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="68" unit="section" /><p>After these things, Josiah went also to such other Israelites as
had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, and persuaded them
to desist from their impious practices, and to leave off the honors they
paid to strange gods, but to worship rightly their own Almighty God, and
adhere to him. He also searched the houses, and the villages, and the cities,
out of a suspicion that somebody might have one idol or other in private;
nay, indeed, he took away the chariots [of the sun] that were set up in
his royal palace, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is hard to reconcile the account in the Second Book of Kings (ch. 23:11)
with this account in Josephus, and to translate this passage truly in Josephus,
whose copies are supposed to be here imperfect. However, the general sense
of both seems to be this: That there were certain chariots, with their
horses, dedicated to the idol of the sun, or to Moloch; which idol might
be carried about in procession, and worshipped by the people; which chariots
were now "taken away," as Josephus says, or, as the Book of Kings
says, "burnt with fire, by Josiah."</note>
which his predecessors had framed, and what thing soever there was besides
which they worshipped as a god. And when he had thus purged all the country,
he called the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated the feast of unleavened
bread, and that called the passover. He also gave the people for paschal
sacrifices, young kids of the goats, and lambs, thirty thousand, and three
thousand oxen for burnt-offerings. The principal of the priests also gave
to the priests against the passover two thousand and six hundred lambs;
the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs,
and five hundred oxen, by which means there was great plenty of sacrifices;
and they offered those sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, while
every priest explained the matter, and ministered to the multitude. And
indeed there had been no other festival thus celebrated by the Hebrews
from the times of Samuel the prophet; and the plenty of sacrifices now
was the occasion that all things were performed according to the laws,
and according to the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had after
this lived in peace, nay, in riches and reputation also, among all men,
he ended his life in the manner following.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JOSIAH FOUGHT WITH NECO [KING OF EGYPT.] AND WAS WOUNDED
AND DIED IN A LITTLE TIME AFTERWARD; AS ALSO HOW NECO CARRIED JEHOAHAZ,
WHO HAD BEEN MADE KING INTO EGYPT AND DELIVERED THE KINGDOM TO JEHOIAKIM;
AND [LASTLY] CONCERNING JEREMIAH AND EZEKIEL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="74" unit="section" /><p>NOW Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, and marched to the river
Euphrates, in order to fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had overthrown
the dominion of the Assyrians, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is a remarkable passage of chronology in Josephus, that about the
latter end of the reign of Josiah, the Medes and Babylonians overthrew
the empire of the Assyrians; or, in the words of Tobit's continuator, that
"before Tobias died, he heard of the destruction of Nineveh, which
was taken by Nebuchodonosor the Babylonian, and Assuerus the Mede,"
Tob. 14:15. See Dean Prideaux's Connexion, at the year <date value="612" authname="612">612</date>.</note>
for he had a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was come to the city
Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, he brought an army to
hinder him from passing through his own country, in his expedition against
the Medes. Now Neco sent a herald to Josiah, and told him that he did not
make this expedition against him, but was making haste to Euphrates; and
desired that he would not provoke him to fight against him, because he
obstructed his march to the place whither he had resolved to go. But Josiah
did not admit of this advice of Neco, but put himself into a posture to
hinder him from his intended march. I suppose it was fate that pushed him
on this conduct, that it might take an occasion against him; for as he
was setting his army in array, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This battle is justly esteemed the very same that Herodotus (B. II. sect.
156) mentions, when he says, that "Necao joined battle with the Syrians
[or Jews] at Magdolum, [Megiddo,] and beat them," as Dr. Hudson here
observes.</note>
and rode about in his chariot, from one wing of his army to another, one
of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his eagerness
of fighting; for being sorely wounded, he command a retreat to be sounded
for his army, and returned to Jerusalem, and died of that wound; and was
magnificently buried in the sepulcher of his fathers, when he had lived
thirty-nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But all the people
mourned greatly for him, lamenting and grieving on his account many days;
and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy to lament him, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether Josephus, from 2 Chronicles 35:25, here means the book of the Lamentations
of Jeremiah, still extant, which chiefly belongs to the destruction of
Jerusalem under Nebuchadnezzar, or to any other like melancholy poem now
lost, but extant in the days of Josephus, belonging peculiarly to Josiah,
cannot now be determined.</note>
which is extant till tills time also. Moreover, this prophet denounced
beforehand the sad calamities that were coming upon the city. He also left
behind him in writing a description of that destruction of our nation which
has lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he
the only prophet who delivered such predictions beforehand to the multitude,
but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person that wrote, and left
behind him in writing two books concerning these events. Now these two
prophets were priests by birth, but of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem,
from the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, until the city and temple
were utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will
relate it in its proper place.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="81" unit="section" /><p>Upon the death of Josiah, which we have already mentioned, his son,
Jehoahaz by name, took the kingdom, being about twenty-three years old.
He reigned in Jerusalem; and his mother was Hamutal, of the city Libhah.
He was an impious man, and impure in his course of life; but as the king
of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Jehoahaz to come to him,
to the city called Hamath 
which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he put him in bands, and
delivered the kingdom to a brother of his, by the father's side, whose
name was Eliakim, and changed his name to Jehoiakim and laid a tribute
upon the land of a hundred talents of silver, and a talent of gold; and
this sum of money Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute; but Neco carried away
Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died when he had reigned three months and
ten days. Now Jehoiakim's mother was called Zebudah, of the city Rumah.
He was of a wicked disposition, and ready to do mischief; nor was he either
religions towards God, or good-natured towards men.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW NEBUCHADNEZZAR, WHEN HE HAD CONQUERED THE KING OF EGYPT
MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JEWS, AND SLEW JEHOIAKIM, AND MADE JEHOLACHIN
HIS SON KING.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="84" unit="section" /><p>NOW in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name
was Nebuchadnezzar took the government over the Babylonians, who at the
same time went up with a great army to the city Carchemish, which was at
Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken to fight with Neco king of Egypt,
under whom all Syria then was. And when Neco understood the intention of
the king of Babylon, and that this expedition was made against him, he
did not despise his attempt, but made haste with a great band of men to
Euphrates to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they had joined
battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his soldiers] in
the battle. So the king of Babylon passed over Euphrates, and took all
Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea. But when Nebuchadnezzar had
already reigned four years, which was the eighth of Jehoiakim's government
over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces
against the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened upon
his refusal to make war against him. He was aftrighted at his threatening,
and bought his peace with money, and brought the tribute he was ordered
to bring for three years.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the Babylonians
made an expedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute; yet
was he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this
time. And indeed the prophet Jeremiah foretold every day, how vainly they
relied on their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be overthrown
by the king of Babylon, and Jehoiakim the king would be subdued by him.
But what he thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them, because there
were none that should escape; for both the multitude and the rulers, when
they heard him, had no concern about what they heard; but being displeased
at what was said, as if the prophet were a diviner against the king, they
accused Jeremiah, and bringing him before the court, they required that
a sentence and a punishment might be given against him. Now all the rest
gave their votes for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who prudently
sent away the prophet from the court of [the prison], and persuaded the
rest to do Jeremiah no harm; for they said that he was not the only person
who foretold what would come to the city, but that Micah signified the
same before him, as well as many others, none of which suffered any thing
of the kings that then reigned, but were honored as the prophets of God.
So they mollified the multitude with these words, and delivered Jeremiah
from the punishment to which he was condemned. Now when this prophet had
written all his prophecies, and the people were fasting, and assembled
at the temple, on the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read
the book he had composed of his predictions of what was to befall the city,
and the temple, and the multitude. And when the rulers heard of it, they
took the book from him, and bid him and Baruch the scribe to go their ways,
lest they should be discovered by one or other; but they carried the book,
and gave it to the king; so he gave order, in the presence of his friends,
that his scribe should take it, and read it. When the king heard what it
contained, he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the fire, where
it was consumed. He also commanded that they should seek for Jeremiah,
and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him, that they might be punished.
However, they escaped his anger.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="96" unit="section" /><p>Now, a little time afterwards, the king of Babylon made an expedition
against Jehoiakim, whom he received [into the city], and this out of fear
of the foregoing predictions of this prophet, as supposing he should suffer
nothing that was terrible, because he neither shut the gates, nor fought
against him; yet when he was come into the city, he did not observe the
covenants he had made, but he slew such as were in the flower of their
age, and such as were of the greatest dignity, together with their king
Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before the walls, without any
burial; and made his son Jehoiachin king of the country, and of the city:
he also took the principal persons in dignity for captives, three thousand
in number, and led them away to Babylon; among which was the prophet Ezekiel,
who was then but young. And this was the end of king Jehoiakim, when he
had lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin
succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mother's name was Nehushta; she was
a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and ten days.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT THE KING OF BABYLON REPENTED OF MAKING JEHOIACHIN KING,
AND TOOK HIM AWAY TO BABYLON AND DELIVERED THE KINGDOM TO ZEDEKIAH. THIS
KING WOULD NOT RELIEVE WHAT WAS PREDICTED BY JEREMIAH AND EZEKIEL BUT JOINED
HIMSELF TO THE EGYPTIANS; WHO WHEN THEY CAME INTO JUDEA, WERE VANQUISHED
BY THE KING OF BABYLON; AS ALSO WHAT BEFELL JEREMIAH.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>BUT a terror seized on the king of Babylon, who had given the kingdom
to Jehoiachin, and that immediately; he was afraid that he should bear
him a grudge, because of his killing his father, and thereupon should make
the country revolt from him; wherefore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin
in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle and just disposition, he did
not desire to see the city endangered on his account, but he took his mother
and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders sent by the king of Babylon,
and accepted of their oaths, that neither should they suffer any harm,
nor the city; which agreement they did not observe for a single year, for
the king of Babylon did not keep it, but gave orders to his generals to
take all that were in the city captives, both the youth and the handicraftsmen,
and bring them bound to him; their number was ten thousand eight hundred
and thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends. And when
these were brought to him, he kept them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin's
uncle, Zedekiah, to be king; and made him take an oath, that he would certainly
keep the kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of
friendship with the Egyptians.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="103" unit="section" /><p>Now Zedekiah was twenty and one year's old when he took the government;
and had the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a despiser
of justice and of his duty, for truly those of the same age with him were
wicked about him, and the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent
things they pleased; for which reason the prophet Jeremiah came often to
him, and protested to him, and insisted, that he must leave off his impieties
and transgressions, and take care of what was right, and neither give ear
to the rulers, (among whom were wicked men,) nor give credit to their false
prophets, who deluded them, as if the king of Babylon would make no more
war against them, and as if the Egyptians would make war against him, and
conquer him, since what they said was not true, and the events would not
prove such [as they expected]. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he heard
the prophet speak, he believed him, and agreed to every thing as true,
and supposed it was for his advantage; but then his friends perverted him,
and dissuaded him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him to do
what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in Babylon what calamities were
coming upon the people, which when he heard, he sent accounts of them unto
Jerusalem. But Zedekiah did not believe their prophecies, for the reason
following: It happened that the two prophets agreed with one another in
what they said as in all other things, that the city should be taken, and
Zedekiah himself should be taken captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him,
and said that Zedekiah should not see Babylon, while Jeremiah said to him,
that the king of Babylon should carry him away thither in bonds. And be-</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="108" unit="section" /><p>Now when Zedekiah had preserved the league of mutual assistance he
had made with the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it, and revolted
to the Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of overcoming the Babylonians.
When the king of Babylon knew this, he made war against him: he laid his
country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came to the city Jerusalem
itself to besiege it. But when the king of Egypt heard what circumstances
Zedekiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him, and came into
Judea, as if he would raise the siege; upon which the king of Babylon departed
from Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle with them, and
beat them; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them, and drove
them out of all Syria. Now as soon as the king of Babylon was departed
from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said that the
king of Babylon would not any more make war against him or his people,
nor remove them out of their own country into Babylon; and that those then
in captivity would return, with all those vessels of the temple of which
the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came among
them, and prophesied what contradicted those predictions, and what proved
to be true, that they did ill, and deluded the king; that the Egyptians
would be of no advantage to them, but that the king of Babylon would renew
the war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and would destroy the
people by famine, and carry away those that remained into captivity, and
would take away what they had as spoils, and would carry off those riches
that were in the temple; nay, that, besides this, he would burn it, and
utterly overthrow the city, and that they should serve him and his posterity
seventy years; that then the Persians and the Medes should put an end to
their servitude, and overthrow the Babylonians; "and that we shall
be dismissed, and return to this land, and rebuild the temple, and restore
Jerusalem." When Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed him;
but the rulers, and those that were wicked, despised him, as one disordered
in his senses. Now he had resolved to go elsewhere, to his own country,
which was called Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant from Jerusalem;
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus says here that Jeremiah prophesied not only of the return of the
Jews from the Babylonian captivity, and this under the Persians and Medes,
as in our other copies; but of cause they did not both say the same thing
as to this circumstance, he disbelieved what they both appeared to agree
in, and condemned them as not speaking truth therein, although all the
things foretold him did come to pass according to their prophecies, as
we shall show upon a fitter opportunity their rebuilding the temple, and
even the city Jerusalem, which do not appear in our copies under his name.
See the note on Antiq. B. XI. ch. 1. sect. 3.</note>
and as he was going, one of the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and
accused him falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to the Babylonians;
but Jeremiah said that he accused him falsely, and added, that he was only
going to his own country; but the other would not believe him, but seized
upon him, and led him away to the rulers, and laid an accusation against
him, under whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures, and was
reserved to be punished; and this was the condition he was in for some
time, while he suffered what I have already described unjustly.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="116" unit="section" /><p>Now in the ninth year of the reign of Zedekiah, on the tenth day
of the tenth month, the king of Babylon made a second expedition against
Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen months, and besieged it with the
utmost application. There came upon them also two of the greatest calamities
at the same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a pestilential
distemper, and made great havoc of them. And though the prophet Jeremiah
was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed aloud, and
exhorted the multitude to open their gates, and admit the king of Babylon,
for that if they did so, they should be preserved, and their whole families;
but if they did not so, they should be destroyed; and he foretold, that
if any one staid in the city, he should certainly perish by one of these
ways, - either be consumed by the famine, or slain by the enemy's sword;
but that if he would flee to the enemy, he should escape death. Yet did
not these rulers who heard believe him, even when they were in the midst
of their sore calamities; but they came to the king, and in their anger
informed him what Jeremiah had said, and accused him, and complained of
the prophet as of a madman, and one that disheartened their minds, and
by the denunciation of miseries weakened the alacrity of the multitude,
who were otherwise ready to expose themselves to dangers for him, and for
their country, while he, in a way of threatening, warned them to flee to
the enemy, and told them that the city should certainly be taken, and be
utterly destroyed.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>But for the king himself, he was not at all irritated against Jeremiah,
such was his gentle and righteous disposition; yet, that he might not be
engaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time, by opposing what
they intended, he let them do with the prophet whatsoever they would; whereupon,
when the king had granted them such a permission, they presently came into
the prison, and took him, and let him down with a cord into a pit full
of mire, that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So he stood up
to the neck in the mire which was all about him, and so continued; but
there was one of the king's servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian
by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said
that his friends and his rulers had done evil in putting the prophet into
the mire, and by that means contriving against him that he should suffer
a death more bitter than that by his bonds only. When the king heard this,
he repented of his having delivered up the prophet to the rulers, and bid
the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king's guards, and cords with them,
and whatsoever else they understood to be necessary for the prophet's preservation,
and to draw him up immediately. So the Ethiopian took the men he was ordered
to take, and drew up the prophet out of the mire, and left him at liberty
[in the prison].</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="124" unit="section" /><p>But when the king had sent to call him privately, and inquired what
he could say to him from God, which might be suitable to his present circumstances,
and desired him to inform him of it, Jeremiah replied, that he had somewhat
to say; but he said withal, he should not be believed, nor, if he admonished
them, should be hearkened to; "for," said he, "thy friends
have determined to destroy me, as though I had been guilty of some wickedness;
and where are now those men who deceived us, and said that the king of
Babylon would not come and fight against us any more? but I am afraid now
to speak the truth, lest thou shouldst condemn me to die." And when
the king had assured him upon oath, that he would neither himself put him
to death, nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold upon that assurance
that was given him, and gave him this advice: That he should deliver the
city up to the Babylonians; and he said that it was God who prophesied
this by him, that [he must do so] if he would be preserved, and escape
out of the danger he was in, and that then neither should the city fall
to the ground, nor should the temple be burned; but that [if he disobeyed]
he would be the cause of these miseries coming upon the citizens, and of
the calamity that would befall his whole house. When the king heard this,
he said that he would willingly do what he persuaded him to, and what he
declared would be to his advantage, but that he was afraid of those of
his own country that had fallen away to the Babylonians, lest he should
be accused by them to the king of Babylon, and be punished. But the prophet
encouraged him, and said he had no cause to fear such punishment, for that
he should not have the experience of any misfortune, if he would deliver
all up to the Babylonians, neither himself, nor his children, nor his wives,
and that the temple should then continue unhurt. So when Jeremiah had said
this, the king let him go, and charged him to betray what they had resolved
on to none of the citizens, nor to tell any of these matters to any of
the rulers, if they should have learned that he had been sent for, and
should inquire of him what it was that he was sent for, and what he had
said to him; but to pretend to them that he besought him that he might
not be kept in bonds and in prison. And indeed he said so to them; for
they came to the, prophet, and asked him what advice it was that he came
to give the king relating to them. And thus I have finished what concerns
this matter.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE KING OF BABYLON TOOK JERUSALEM AND BURNT THE TEMPLE
AND REMOVED THE PEOPLE OF JERUSALEM AND ZEDEKIAH TO BABYLON. AS ALSO, WHO
THEY WERE THAT HAD SUCCEEDED IN THE HIGH PRIESTHOOD UNDER THE KINGS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="131" unit="section" /><p>NOW the king of Babylon was very intent and earnest upon the siege
of Jerusalem; and he erected towers upon great banks of earth, and from
them repelled those that stood upon the walls; he also made a great number
of such banks round about the whole city, whose height was equal to those
walls. However, those that were within bore the siege with courage and
alacrity, for they were not discouraged, either by the famine, or by the
pestilential distemper, but were of cheerful minds in the prosecution of
the war, although those miseries within oppressed them also, and they did
not suffer themselves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of the
enemy, or by their engines of war, but contrived still different engines
to oppose all the other withal, till indeed there seemed to be an entire
struggle between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem, which had
the greater sagacity and skill; the former party supposing they should
be thereby too hard for the other, for the destruction of the city; the
latter placing their hopes of deliverance in nothing else but in persevering
in such inventions in opposition to the other, as might demonstrate the
enemy's engines were useless to them. And this siege they endured for eighteen
months, until they were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which
the enemy threw at them from the towers.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="135" unit="section" /><p>Now the city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the
eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah. They were indeed only generals
of the king of Babylon, to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care of the
siege, for he abode himself in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals
who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one desire to know them, were
these: Nergal Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sorsechim, and Rabmag. And
when the city was taken about midnight, and the enemy's generals were entered
into the temple, and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his wives,
and his children, and his captains, and his friends, and with them fled
out of the city, through the fortified ditch, and through the desert; and
when certain of the deserters had informed the Babylonians of this, at
break of day, they made haste to pursue after Zedekiah, and overtook him
not far from Jericho, and encompassed him about. But for those friends
and captains of Zedekiah who had fled out of the city with him, when they
saw their enemies near them, they left him, and dispersed themselves, some
one way, and some another, and every one resolved to save himself; so the
enemy took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all but a few, with
his children and his wives, and brought him to the king. When he was come,
Nebuchadnezzar began to call him a wicked wretch, and a covenant-breaker,
and one that had forgotten his former words, when he promised to keep the
country for him. He also reproached him for his ingratitude, that when
he had received the kingdom from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin,
and given it to him, he had made use of the power he gave him against him
that gave it; "but," said he, "God is great, who hated that
conduct of thine, and hath brought thee under us." And when he had
used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded his sons and his friends to
be slain, while Zedekiah and the rest of the captains looked on; after
which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him, and carried him to
Babylon. And these things happened to him, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This observation of Josephus about the seeming disagreement of Jeremiah,
ch. 32:4, and 34:3, and Ezekiel 12:13, but real agreement at last, concerning
the fate of Zedekiah, is very true and very remarkable. See ch. 7. sect.
2. Nor is it at all unlikely that the courtiers and false prophets might
make use of this seeming contradiction to dissuade Zedekiah from believing
either of those prophets, as Josephus here intimates he was dissuaded thereby.</note>
as Jeremiah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that he should be caught,
and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to
face, and should see his eyes with his own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah
prophesy. But he was also made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not
see it, according to the prediction of Ezekiel.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="142" unit="section" /><p>We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the nature
of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and acts many
different ways, and that all events happen after a regular manner, in their
proper season, and that it foretells what must come to pass. It is also
sufficient to show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are
not permitted to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any
guard, exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid
the experience of those calamities.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="143" unit="section" /><p>And after this manner have the kings of David's race ended their
lives, being in number twenty-one, until the last king, who all together
reigned five hundred and fourteen years, and six months, and ten days;
of whom Saul, who was their first king, retained the government twenty
years, though he was not of the same tribe with the rest.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="144" unit="section" /><p>And now it was that the king of Babylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general
of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple, who had it also in command
to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay the city even with the ground,
and to transplant the people into Babylon. Accordingly, he came to Jerusalem
in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and pillaged the temple, and carried
out the vessels of God, both gold and silver, and particularly that large
laver which Solomon dedicated, as also the pillars of brass, and their
chapiters, with the golden tables and the candlesticks; and when he had
carried these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, the first
day of the month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in
the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar: he also burnt the palace, and overthrew
the city. Now the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy years, six
months, and ten days after it was built. It was then one thousand and sixty-two
years, six months, and ten days from the departure out of Egypt; and from
the deluge to the destruction of the temple, the whole interval was one
thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days;
but from the generation of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were
three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and ten days;
so great was the number of years hereto belonging. And what actions were
done during these years we have particularly related. But the general of
the Babylonian king now overthrew the city to the very foundations, and
removed all the people, and took for prisoners the high priest Seraiah,
and Zephaniah the priest that was next to him, and the rulers that guarded
the temple, who were three in number, and the eunuch who was over the armed
men, and seven friends of Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers;
all which, together with the vessels which they had pillaged, he carried
to the king of Babylon to Riblah, a city of Syria. So the king commanded
the heads of the high priest and of the rulers to be cut off there; but
he himself led all the captives and Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek
the high priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah the high priest,
whom the king of Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we just
now related.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="151" unit="section" /><p>And now, because we have enumerated the succession of the kings,
and who they were, and how long they reigned, I think it necessary to set
down the names of the high priests, and who they were that succeeded one
another in the high priesthood under the Kings. The first high priest then
at the temple which Solomon built was Zadok; after him his son Achimas
received that dignity; after Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and
Joram's son was Isus; after him was Axioramus; his son was Phidens, and
Phideas's son was Sudeas, and Sudeas's son was Juelus, and Juelus's son
was Jotham, and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias's son was Nerias, and
Nerias's son was Odeas, and his son was Sallumus, and Sallumus's son was
Elcias, and his son [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">I have here inserted in brackets this high priest Azarias, though he be
omitted in all Josephus's copies, out of the Jewish chronicle, Seder Olam,
of how little authority soever I generally esteem such late Rabbinical
historians, because we know from Josephus himself, that the number of the
high priests belonging to this interval was eighteen, Antiq. B. XX. ch.
10., whereas his copies have here but seventeen. Of this character of Baruch,
the son of Neriah, and the genuineness of his book, that stands now in
our Apocrypha, and that it is really a canonical book, and an appendix
to Jeremiah, see Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 1--11.</note>
and his son was Josedec, who was carried captive to Babylon. All these
received the high priesthood by succession, the sons from their father.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>When the king was come to Babylon, he kept Zedekiah in prison until
he died, and buried him magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had
pillaged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the
people in the country of Babylon, but freed the high priest from his bonds.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW NEBUZARADAN SET GEDALIAH OVER THE JEWS THAT WERE LEFT
IN JUDEA WHICH GEDALIAH WAS A LITTLE AFTERWARD SLAIN BY ISHMAEL; AND HOW
JOHANAN AFTER ISHMAEL WAS DRIVEN AWAY WENT DOWN INTO EGYPT WITH THE PEOPLE
WHICH PEOPLE NEBUCHADNEZZAR WHEN HE MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE EGYPTIANS
TOOK CAPTIVE AND BROUGHT THEM AWAY TO BABYLON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="155" unit="section" /><p>NOW the general of the army, Nebuzaradan, when he had carried the
people of the Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted,
in the country, and made one, whose name was Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam,
a person of a noble family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle
and righteous disposition. He also commanded them that they should cultivate
the ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also took Jeremiah
the prophet out of prison, and would have persuaded him to go along with
him to Babylon, for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply him
with whatsoever he wanted; and if he did not like to do so, he desired
him to inform him where he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the
same to the king. But the prophet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell
any where else, but would gladly live in the ruins of his country, and
in the miserable remains of it. When the general understood what his purpose
was, he enjoined Gedaliah, whom he left behind, to take all possible care
of him, and to supply him with whatsoever he wanted. So when he had given
him rich presents, he dismissed him. Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city
of that country, which was called Mispah; and desired of Nebuzaradan that
he would set at liberty his disciple Baruch, the son of Neriah, one of
a very eminent family, and exceeding skillful in the language of his country.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="159" unit="section" /><p>When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he made haste to Babylon. But as
to those that fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scattered
over the country, when they heard that the Babylonians were gone away,
and had left a remnant in the land of Jerusalem, and those such as were
to cultivate the same, they came together from all parts to Gedaliah to
Mispah. Now the rulers that were over them were Johanan, the son of Kareah,
and Jezaniah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. Now there was of the
royal family one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very crafty, who, during the
siege of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, and abode
with him during that time; and Gedaliah persuaded them, now they were there,
to stay with him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians, for that if they
would cultivate the country, they should suffer no harm. This he assured
them of by oath; and said that they should have him for their patron, and
that if any disturbance should arise, they should find him ready to defend
them. He also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one of them pleased;
and that they would send men along with his own servants, and rebuild their
houses upon the old foundations, and dwell there; and he admonished them
beforehand, that they should make preparation, while the season lasted,
of corn, and wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed during
the winter. When he had thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them, that
every one might dwell in what place of the country he pleased.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="163" unit="section" /><p>Now when this report was spread abroad as far as the nations that
bordered on Judea, that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to
him, after they had fled away, upon this [only] condition, that they should
pay tribute to the king of Babylon, they also came readily to Gedaliah,
and inhabited the country. And when Johanan, and the rulers that were with
him, observed the country, and the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceedingly
in love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king of the Ammonites,
had sent Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and secretly, that he might
have the dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal family; and
they said that he might deliver himself from this treacherous design, if
he would give them leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, for
they told him they were afraid that, when he was killed by the other, the
entire ruin of the remaining strength of the Israelites would ensue. But
he professed that he did not believe what they said, when they told him
of such a treacherous design, in a man that had been well treated by him;
because it was not probable that one who, under such a want of all things,
had failed of nothing that was necessary for him, should be found so wicked
and ungrateful towards his benefactor, that when it would be an instance
of wickedness in him not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted
by others, to endeavor, and that earnestly, to kill him with his own hands:
that, however, if he ought to suppose this information to be true, it was
better for himself to be slain by the other, than to destroy a man who
fled to him for refuge, and intrusted his own safety to him, and committed
himself to his disposal.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="168" unit="section" /><p>So Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, not being able to
persuade Gedaliah, went away. But after the interval of thirty days was
over, Ishmael came again to Gedaliah, to the city Mispah, and ten men with
him; and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those that were with him, in
a splendid manner at his table, and had given them presents, he became
disordered in drink, while he endeavored to be very merry with them; and
when Ishmael saw him in that case, and that he was drowned in his cups
to the degree of insensibility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sudden,
with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah, and those that were with him at
the feast; and when he had slain them, he went out by night, and slew all
the Jews that were in the city, and those soldiers also which were left
therein by the Babylonians. But the next day fourscore men came out of
the country with presents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen
him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when they
were come in, he shut up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead
bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they might not be seen; but of
these fourscore men Ishmael spared those that entreated him not to kill
them, till they had delivered up to him what riches they had concealed
in the fields, consisting of their furniture, and garments, and corn: but
he took captive the people that were in Mispah, with their wives and children;
among whom were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general
of the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah. And when he had done this,
he came to the king of the Ammonites.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="173" unit="section" /><p>But when Johanan and the rulers with him heard of what was done at
Mispah by Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at
it, and every one of them took his own armed men, and came suddenly to
fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at the fountain in Hebron. And when
those that were carried away captives by Ishmael saw Johanan and the rulers,
they were very glad, and looked upon them as coming to their assistance;
so they left him that had carried them captives, and came over to Johanan:
then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king of the Ammonites; but Johanan
took those whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ishmael, and the eunuchs,
and their wives and children, and came to a certain place called Mandra,
and there they abode that day, for they had determined to remove from thence
and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Babylonians should slay them,
in case they continued in the country, and that out of anger at the slaughter
of Gedaliah, who had been by them set over it for governor.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="176" unit="section" /><p>Now while they were under this deliberation, Johanan, the son of
Kareah, and the rulers. that were with him, came to Jeremiah the prophet,
and desired that he would pray to God, that because they were at an utter
loss about what they ought to do, he would discover it to them, and they
sware that they would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to them. And when
the prophet said he would be their intercessor with God, it came to pass,
that after ten days God appeared to him, and said that he should inform
Johanan, and the other rulers, and all the people, that he would be with
them while they continued in that country, and take care of them, and keep
them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of whom they were afraid; but
that he would desert them if they went into Egypt, and, out of this wrath
against them, would inflict the same punishments upon them which they knew
their brethren had already endured. So when the prophet had informed Johanan
and the people that God had foretold these things, he was not believed,
when he said that God commanded them to continue in the country; but they
imagined that he said so to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and belied
God, and that he persuaded them to stay there, that they might be destroyed
by the Babylonians. Accordingly, both the people and Johanan disobeyed
the counsel of God, which he gave them by the prophet, and removed into
Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Barnch along with him.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="180" unit="section" /><p>And when they were there, God signified to the prophet that the king
of Babylon was about making an expedition against the Egyptians, and commanded
him to foretell to the people that Egypt should be taken, and the king
of Babylon should slay some of them and, should take others captive, and
bring them to Babylon; which things came to pass accordingly; for on the
fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third
of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, he made an expedition against Celesyria;
and when he had possessed himself of it, he made war against the Ammonites
and Moabites; and when he had brought all these nations under subjection,
he fell upon Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and he slew the king that
then reigned <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Herodotus says, this king of Egypt [Pharaoh Hophra, or Apries] was slain
by the Egyptians, as Jeremiah foretold his slaughter by his enemies, Jeremiah
44:29, 30, and that as a sign of the destruction of Egypt [by Nebuchadnezzar].
Josephus says, this king was slain by Nebuchadnezzar himself.</note>
and set up another; and he took those Jews that were there captives, and
led them away to Babylon. And such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews,
as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates;
for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians,
in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that
remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar,
the king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the
Israelites out of their country, and placed therein the nation of the Cutheans,
who had formerly belonged to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were
then called <emph>Samaritans</emph>, by taking the name of the country to which
they were removed; but the king of Babylon, who brought out the two tribes,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We see here that Judea was left in a manner desolate after the captivity
of the two tribes and was not I with foreign colonies, perhaps as an indication
of Providence that the Jews were to repeople it without opposition themselves.
I also esteem the latter and present desolate condition of the same country,
without being repeopled by foreign colonies, to be a like indication, that
the same Jews are hereafter to repeople it again themselves, at their so
long expected future restoration.</note>
placed no other nation in their country, by which means all Judea and Jerusalem,
and the temple, continued to be a desert for seventy years; but the entire
interval of time which passed from the captivity of the Israelites, to
the carrying away of the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and thirty
years, six months, and ten days.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING DANIEL AND WHAT BEFELL HIM AT BABYLON,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="186" unit="section" /><p>BUT now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, took some of the most noble
of the Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king,
such as were remarkable for the beauty of their bodies, and the comeliness
of their countenances, and delivered them into the hands of tutors, and
to the improvement to be made by them. He also made some of them to be
eunuchs; which course he took also with those of other nations whom he
had taken in the flower of their age, and afforded them their diet from
his own table, and had them instructed in the institutes of the country,
and taught the learning of the Chaldeans; and they had now exercised themselves
sufficiently in that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply themselves
to. Now among these there were four of the family of Zedekiah, of most
excellent dispositions, one of whom was called Daniel, another was called
Ananias, another Misael, and the fourth Azarias; and the king of Babylon
changed their names, and commanded that they should make use of other names.
Daniel he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Misael, Meshach; and Azarias,
Abednego. These the king had in esteem, and continued to love, because
of the very excellent temper they were of, and because of their application
to learning, and the profess they had made in wisdom.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="190" unit="section" /><p>Now Daniel and his kinsmen had resolved to use a severe diet, and
to abstain from those kinds of food which came from the king's table, and
entirely to forbear to eat of all living creatures. So he came to Ashpenaz,
who was that eunuch to whom the care of them was committed, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That Daniel was made one of these eunuchs of which Isaiah prophesied, Isaiah
39:7, and the three children his companions also, seems to me plain, both
here in Josephus, and in our copies of Daniel, Daniel 1:3, 6-11, 18, although
it must be granted that some married persons, that had children, were sometimes
called eunuchs, in a general acceptation for courtiers, on account that
so many of the ancient courtiers were real eunuchs. See Genesis 39:1.</note>
and desired him to take and spend what was brought for them from the king,
but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and any thing else, besides
the flesh of living creatures, that he pleased, for that their inclinations
were to that sort of food, and that they despised the other. He replied,
that he was ready to serve them in what they desired, but he suspected
that they would be discovered by the king, from their meagre bodies, and
the alteration of their countenances, because it could not be avoided but
their bodies and colors must be changed with their diet, especially while
they would be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the other children,
who would fare better, and thus they should bring him into danger, and
occasion him to be punished; yet did they persuade Arioch, who was thus
fearful, to give them what food they desired for ten days, by way of trial;
and in case the habit of their bodies were not altered, to go on in the
same way, as expecting that they should not be hurt thereby afterwards;
but if he saw them look meagre, and worse than the rest, he should reduce
them to their former diet. Now when it appeared that they were so far from
becoming worse by the use of this food, that they grew plumper and fuller
in body than the rest, insomuch that he thought those who fed on what came
from the king's table seemed less plump and full, while those that were
with Daniel looked as if they had lived in plenty, and in all sorts of
luxury. Arioch, from that time, securely took himself what the king sent
every day from his supper, according to custom, to the children, but gave
them the forementioned diet, while they had their souls in some measure
more pure, and less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and had their
bodies in better tune for hard labor; for they neither had the former oppressed
and heavy with variety of meats, nor were the other effeminate on the same
account; so they readily understood all the learning that was among the
Hebrews, and among the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who being already
sufficiently skillful in wisdom, was very busy about the interpretation
of dreams; and God manifested himself to him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="195" unit="section" /><p>Now two years after the destruction of Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar
saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which God showed him in his
sleep; but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment.
So he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians, and the prophets, and told
them that he had seen a dream, and informed them that he had forgotten
the accomplishment of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him
both what the dream was, and what was its signification; and they said
that this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they promised
him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had seen, they would
tell him its signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to death,
unless they told him his dream; and he gave command to have them all put
to death, since they confessed they could not do what they were commanded
to do. Now when Daniel heard that the king had given a command, that all
the wise men should be put to death, and that among them himself and his
three kinsmen were in danger, he went to Arioch, who was captain of the
king's guards, and desired to know of him what was the reason why the king
had given command that all the wise men, and Chaldeans, and magicians should
be slain. So when he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had
forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it,
they had said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger,
he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire respite
for the magicians for one night, and to put off their slaughter so long,
for that he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the knowledge
of the dream. Accordingly, Arioch informed the king of what Daniel desired.
So the king bid them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew
what Daniel's promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own
house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to discover
the dream, and thereby deliver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they
were themselves to perish, from the king's anger, by enabling him to declare
his vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen the night before
in his sleep, but had forgotten it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those
that were in danger, and out of regard to the wisdom of Daniel, made known
to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king might understand
by him its signification also. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge
from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his brethren, and made them
glad, and to hope well that they should now preserve their lives, of which
they despaired before, and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts
of dying. So when he had with them returned thanks to God, who had commiserated
their youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and desired him to bring
him to the king, because he would discover to him that dream which he had
seen the night before.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="203" unit="section" /><p>When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that
he did not pretend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians,
when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking
to inform him of it; for this was not by his own skill, or on account of
his having better cultivated his understanding than the rest; but he said,
"God hath had pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when
I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of my own nation, hath made
manifest to me both the dream, and the interpretation thereof; for I was
not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee
condemned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and
excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them
to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst
of them what was only the work of God. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep
wast solicitous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government
of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should
reign after thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream:
Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which
proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and
the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; after which thou
sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image, and
threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it
to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became
smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force
carried away, and scattered abroad, but the stone did increase to such
a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith.
This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows:
The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been
before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government
shall be dissolved by two kings; but another king that shall come from
the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that government; and another
government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power
of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of
the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and
of brass." Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the
king <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this most remarkable passage in Josephus concerning the "stone
cut out of the mountain, and destroying the image," which he would
not explain, but intimated to be a prophecy of futurity, and probably not
safe for him to explain, as belonging to the destruction of the Roman empire
by Jesus Christ, the true Messiah of the Jews, take the words of Hayercamp,
ch. 10. sect. 4: "Nor is this to be wondered at, that he would not
now meddle with things future, for he had no mind to provoke the Romans,
by speaking of the destruction of that city which they called the Eternal
City."</note>
but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to
describe things past or things present, but not things that are future;
yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to wave such
points of curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination for understanding
the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let
him be diligent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among
the sacred writings.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="211" unit="section" /><p>When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he was
astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his knee; and saluted
Daniel in the manner that men worship God, and gave command that he should
be sacrificed to as a god. And this was not all, for he also imposed the
name, of his own god upon him, [Baltasar,] and made him and his kinsmen
rulers of his whole kingdom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into
great danger by the envy and malice [of their enemies]; for they offended
the king upon the occasion following: he made an image of gold, whose height
was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it in the great plain
of Babylon; and when he was going to dedicate the image, he invited the
principal men out of all the earth that was under his dominions, and commanded
them, in the first place, that when they should hear the sound of the trumpet,
they should then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that
those who did not so, should be cast into a fiery furnace. When therefore
all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the trumpet, worshipped
the image, they relate that Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, because they
would not transgress the laws of their country. So these men were convicted,
and cast immediately into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence,
and after a surprising manner escaped death, for the fire did not touch
them; and I suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with itself,
that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs, and that therefore
it was too weak to burn the young men when they were in it. This was done
by the power of God, who made their bodies so far superior to the fire,
that it could not consume them. This it was which recommended them to the
king as righteous men, and men beloved of God, on which account they continued
in great esteem with him.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="216" unit="section" /><p>A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another vision;
how he should fall from his dominion, and feed among the wild beasts, and
that when he halt lived in this manner in the desert for seven years, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since Josephus here explains the seven prophetic times which were to pass
over Nebuchadnezzar (Daniel 4:16) to be seven years, we thence learn how
he most probably must have understood those other parallel phrases, of
"a time, times, and a half," Antiq. B. VII. ch. 25., of so many
prophetic years also, though he withal lets us know, by his hint at the
interpretation of the seventy weeks, as belonging to the fourth monarchy,
and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in the days of Josephus,
ch. 2. sect. 7, that he did not think those years to be bare years, but
rather days for years; by which reckoning, and by which alone, could seventy
weeks, or four hundred and ninety days, reach to the age of Josephus. But
as to the truth of those seven years' banishment of Nebuchadnezzar from
men, and his living so long among the beasts, the very small remains we
have any where else of this Nebuchadnezzar prevent our expectation of any
other full account of it. So far we knew by Ptolemy's canon, a contemporary
record, as well as by Josephus presently, that he reigned in all forty-three
years, that is, eight years after we meet with any account of his actions;
one of the last of which was the thirteen years' siege of Tyre, Antiq.
B. XI. ch. 11., where yet the Old Latin has but three years and ten months:
yet were his actions before so remarkable, both in sacred and profane authors,
that a vacuity of eight years at the least, at the latter end of his reign,
must be allowed to agree very well with Daniel's accounts; that after a
seven years' brutal life, he might return to his reason, and to the exercise
of his royal authority, for one whole year at least before his death.</note>
he should recover his dominion again. When he had seen this dream, he called
the magicians together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired
them to tell him what it signified; but when none of them could find out
the meaning of the dream, nor discover it to the king, Daniel was the only
person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it came to pass; for after
he had continued in the wilderness the forementioned interval of time,
while no one durst attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years,
he prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to
it. But let no one blame me for writing down every thing of this nature,
as I find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have plainly
assured those that think me defective in any such point, or complain of
my management, and have told them in the beginning of this history, that
I intended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books into the Greek
language, and promised them to explain those facts, without adding any
thing to them of my own, or taking any thing away from there.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING NEBUCHADNEZZAR AND HIS SUCCESSORS AND HOW THEIR
GOVERNMENT WAS DISSOLVED BY THE PERSIANS; AND WHAT THINGS BEFELL DANIEL
IN MEDIA; AND WHAT PROPHECIES HE DELIVERED THERE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="219" unit="section" /><p>NOW when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These forty-three years for the duration of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar
are, as I have just now observed, the very same number in Ptolemy's canon.
Moses Chorenensis does also confirm this captivity of the Jews under Nebuchadnezzar,
and adds, what is very remarkable, that sale of those Jews that were carried
by him into captivity got away into Armenia, and raised the great family
of the Bagratide there.</note>
he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings
that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third
book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus: "When his father
Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the governor whom he had set
over Egypt, and the places about Coelesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted
from him, while he was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships
[of war], he committed to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still but a youth,
some parts of his army, and sent them against him. So when Nebuchadnezzar
had given battle, and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and reduced the
country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom;
but about that time it happened that his father Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar]
fell ill, and ended his life in the city Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one
years; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These twenty-one years here ascribed to one named Naboulassar, in the first
book against Apion, or to Nabopollassar, the father of the great Nebuchadnezzar,
are also the very same with those given him in Ptolemy's canon. And note
here, that what Dr. Prideaux says, at the year, that Nebuchadnezzar must
have been a common name of other kings of Babylon, besides the great Nebuchadnezzar
himself is a groundless mistake of some modern chronologers rely, and destitute
of all proper original authority.</note>
and when he was made sensible, as he was in a little time, that his father
Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] was dead, and having settled the affairs
of Egypt, and the other countries, as also those that concerned the captive
Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations;
and having committed the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his
friends, together with the gross of his army, and the rest of their ammunition
and provisions, he went himself hastily, accompanied with a few others,
over the desert, and came to Babylon. So he took upon him the management
of public affairs, and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one
that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire dominions
of his father, and appointed, that when the captives came, they should
be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of Babylonia; but then
he adorned the temple of Belus, and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent
manner, with the spoils he had taken in the war. He also added another
city to that which was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would
besiege it hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby
attack the city itself. He therefore built three walls round about the
inner city, and three others about that which was the outer, and this he
did with burnt brick. And after he had, after a becoming manner, walled
the city, and adorned its gates gloriously, he built another palace before
his father's palace, but so that they joined to it; to describe whose vast
height and immense riches it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt;
yet as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days.
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings at Babylon, in Josephus's
copy of Berosus, would seem too absurd to be supposed to be the true number,
were it not for the same testimony extant also in the first book against
Apion, sect. 19, with the same number. It thence indeed appears that Josephus's
copy of Berosus had this small number, but that it is the true number I
still doubt. Josephus assures us, that the walls of so much a smaller city
as Jerusalem were two years and four months in building by Nehemiah, who
yet hastened the work all he could, Antiq. B. XI. ch. 5. sect. 8. I should
think one hundred and fifteen days, or a year and fifteen days, much more
proportionable to so great a work.</note>
He also erected elevated places for walking, of stone, and made it resemble
mountains, and built it so that it might be planted with all sorts of trees.
He also erected what was called a pensile paradise, because his wife was
desirous to have things like her own country, she having been bred up in
the palaces of Media." Megasthenes also, in his fourth book of his
Accounts of India, makes mention. of these things, and thereby endeavors
to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules in fortitude,
and in the greatness of his actions; for he saith that he conquered a great
part of Libya and Iberia. Diocles also, in the second book of his Accounts
of Persia, mentions this king; as does Philostrates in his Accounts both
of India and of Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years,
while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at Tyre. These are all the histories
that I have met with concerning this king.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="229" unit="section" /><p>But now, after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Merodach his son
succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and
esteemed him among his most intimate friends. He also gave him many presents,
and made him honorable above the rest of the kings that were in Babylon;
for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily
delivered up himself to him, with his wives and children, and his whole
kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege,
and utterly destroyed, as we said before. When Evil-Mcrodach was dead,
after a reign of eighteen years, Niglissar his son took the government,
and retained it forty years, and then ended his life; and after him the
succession in the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in
it in all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is here remarkable that Josephus, without the knowledge of Ptolemy's
canon, should call the same king whom he himself here (Bar. i. 11, and
Daniel 5:1, 2, 9, 12, 22, 29, 39) styles Beltazar, or Belshazzar, from
the Babylonian god Bel, Naboandelus also; and in the first book against
Apion, sect. 19, vol. iii., from the same citation out of Berosus, Nabonnedon,
from the Babylonian god Nabo or Nebo. This last is not remote from the
original pronunciation itself in Ptolemy's canon, Nabonadius; for both
the place of this king in that canon, as the last of the Assyrian or Babylonian
kings, and the number of years of his reign, seventeen, the same in both
demonstrate that it is one and the same king that is meant by them all.
It is also worth noting, that Josephus knew that Darius, the partner of
Cyrus, was the son of Astyages, and was called by another name among the
Greeks, though it does not appear he knew what that name was, as having
never seen the best history of this period, which is Xenophon's. But then
what Josephus's present copies say presently, sect. 4, that it was only
within no long time after the hand-writing on the wall that Baltasar was
slain, does not so well agree with our copies of Daniel, which say it was
the same night, Daniel 5:30.</note>
who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus; against him did Cyrus, the
king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media, make war; and when he was
besieged in Babylon, there happened a wonderful and prodigious vision.
He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there were a great many
vessels of silver, such as were made for royal entertainments, and he had
with him his concubines and his friends; whereupon he came to a resolution,
and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered
out of Jerusalem, and had not made use of, but had put them into his own
temple, should be brought out of that temple. He also grew so haughty as
to proceed to use them in the midst of his cups, drinking out of them,
and blaspheming against God. In the mean time, he saw a hand proceed out
of the wall, and writing upon the wall certain syllables; at which sight,
being disturbed, he called the magicians and Chaldeans together, and all
that sort of men that are among these barbarians, and were able to interpret
signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing to him. But when
the magicians said they could discover nothing, nor did understand it,
the king was in great disorder of mind, and under great trouble at this
surprising accident; so he caused it to be proclaimed through all the country,
and promised, that to him who could explain the writing, and give the signification
couched therein, he would give him a golden chain for his neck, and leave
to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chaldea, and would bestow
on him the third part of his own dominions. When this proclamation was
made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and were very ambitious
to find out the importance of the writing, but still hesitated about it
as much as before. Now when the king's grandmother saw him cast down at
this accident, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This grandmother, or mother of Baltasar, the queen dowager of Babylon,
(for she is distinguished from his queen, Daniel 5:10, 13,) seems to have
been the famous Nitocris, who fortified Babylon against the Medes and Persians,
and, in all probability governed under Baltasar, who seems to be a weak
and effeminate prince.</note>
she began to encourage him, and to say, that there was a certain captive
who came from Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebuchadnezzar
when he had destroyed Jerusalem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and
one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others to
discover, and what was known to God alone, who brought to light and answered
such questions to Nebuchadnezzar as no one else was able to answer when
they were consulted. She therefore desired that he would send for him,
and inquire of him concerning the writing, and to condemn the unskilfulness
of those that could not find their meaning, and this, although what God
signified thereby should be of a melancholy nature.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="239" unit="section" /><p>When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel; and when he had discoursed
to him what he had learned concerning him and his wisdom, and how a Divine
Spirit was with him, and that he alone was fully capable of finding out
what others would never have thought of, he desired him to declare to him
what this writing meant; that if he did so, he would give him leave to
wear purple, and to put a chain of gold about his neck, and would bestow
on him the third part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his wisdom,
that thereby he might become illustrious to those who saw him, and who
inquired upon what occasion he obtained such honors. But Daniel desired
that he would keep his gifts to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom
and of Divine revelation admits of no gifts, and bestows its advantages
on petitioners freely; but that still he would explain the writing to him;
which denoted that he should soon die, and this because he had not learnt
to honor God, and not to admit things above human nature, by what punishments
his progenitor had undergone for the injuries he had offered to God; and
because he had quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was removed to feed among
wild beasts for his impieties, and did not recover his former life among
men and his kingdom, but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplications
and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all the days of his life, as
one of almighty power, and who takes care of mankind. [He also put him
in mind] how he had greatly blasphemed against God, and had made use of
his vessels amongst his concubines; that therefore God saw this, and was
angry with him, and declared by this writing beforehand what a sad conclusion
of his life he should come to. And he explained the writing thus:"
MANEH. This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may signify a <emph>Number</emph>,
because God hath numbered so long a time for thy life, and for thy government,
and that there remains but a small portion. THEKEL This signifies a <emph>weight</emph>,
and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it
going down already.--PHARES. This also, in the Greek tongue, denotes a
<emph>fragment</emph>,. God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide
it among the Medes and Persians."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="245" unit="section" /><p>When Daniel had told the king that the writing upon the wall signified
these events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and affliction, as was to be
expected, when the interpretation was so heavy upon him. However, he did
not refuse what he had promised Daniel, although he were become a foreteller
of misfortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon him; as reasoning thus,
that what he was to reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate, and did
not belong to the prophet, but that it was the part of a good and a just
man to give what he had promised, although the events were of a melancholy
nature. Accordingly, the king determined so to do. Now, after a little
while, both himself and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia,
who fought against him; for it was Baltasar, under whom Babylon was taken,
when he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end of the posterity
of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was taken
by Darius, and when he, with his kinsman Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion
of the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years old. He was the son of Astyages,
and had another name among the Greeks. Moreover, he took Daniel the prophet,
and carried him with him into Media, and honored him very greatly, and
kept him with him; for he was one of the three presidents whom he set over
his three hundred and sixty provinces, for into so many did Darius part
them.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="250" unit="section" /><p>However, while Daniel was in so great dignity, and in so great favor
with Darius, and was alone intrusted with every thing by him, a having
somewhat divine in him, he was envied by the rest; for those that see others
in greater honor than themselves with kings envy them; and when those that
were grieved at the great favor Daniel was in with Darius sought for an
occasion against him, he afforded them no occasion at all, for he was above
all the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and esteemed it a very
base thing to take any thing by way of reward, even when it might be justly
given him; he afforded those that envied him not the least handle for an
accusation. So when they could find nothing for which they might calumniate
him to the king, nothing that was shameful or reproachful, and thereby
deprive him of the honor he was in with him, they sought for some other
method whereby they might destroy him. When therefore they saw that Daniel
prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had gotten an occasion
by which they might ruin him; so they came to Darius and told him that
the princes and governors had thought proper to allow the multitude a relaxation
for thirty days, that no one might offer a petition or prayer either to
himself or to the gods, but that he who shall transgress this decree shall
be cast into the den of lions, and there perish.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>Whereupon the king, not being acquainted with their wicked design,
nor suspecting that it was a contrivance of theirs against Daniel, said
he was pleased with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm what
they desired; he also published an edict to promulgate to the people that
decree which the princes had made. Accordingly, all the rest took care
not to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; but Daniel had
no regard to them, but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to God in the
sight of them all; but the princes having met with the occasion they so
earnestly sought to find against Daniel, came presently to the king, and
accused him, that Daniel was the only person that transgressed the decree,
while not one of the rest durst pray to their gods. This discovery they
made, not because of his impiety, but because they had watched him, and
observed him out of envy; for supposing that Darius did thus out of a greater
kindness to him than they expected, and that he was ready to grant him
pardon for this contempt of his injunctions, and envying this very pardon
to Daniel, they did not become more honorable to him, but desired he might
be cast into the den of lions according to the law. So Darius, hoping that
God would deliver him, and that he would undergo nothing that was terrible
by the wild beasts, bid him bear this accident cheerfully. And when he
was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that lay upon the mouth
of the den, and went his way, but he passed all the night without food
and without sleep, being in great distress for Daniel; but when it was
day, he got up, and came to the den, and found the seal entire, which he
had left the stone sealed withal; he also opened the seal, and. cried out,
and called to Daniel, and asked him if he were alive. And as soon as he
heard the king's voice, and said that he had suffered no harm, the king
gave order that he should be drawn up out of the den. Now when his enemies
saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which was terrible, they would not
own that he was preserved by God, and by his providence; but they said
that the lions had been filled full with food, and on that account it was,
as they supposed, that the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him;
and this they alleged to the king. But the king, out of an abhorrence of
their wickedness, gave order that they should throw in a great deal of
flesh to the lions; and when they had filled themselves, he gave further
order that Daniel's enemies should be cast into the den, that he might
learn whether the lions, now they were full, would touch them or not. And
it appeared plain to Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild
beasts, that it was God who preserved <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is no way improbable that Daniel's enemies might suggest this reason
to the king why the lions did not meddle with him and that they might suspect
the king's kindness to Daniel had procured these lions to be so filled
beforehand, and that thence it was that he encouraged Daniel to submit
to this experiment, in hopes of coming off safe; and that this was the
true reason of making so terrible an experiment upon those his enemies,
and all their families, Daniel 6:21, though our other copies do not directly
take notice of it</note>
for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they
had been very hungry, and wanted food. I suppose therefore it was not their
hunger, which had been a little before satisfied with abundance of flesh,
but the wickedness of these men, that provoked them [to destroy the princes];
for if it so please God, that wickedness might, by even those irrational
creatures, be esteemed a plain foundation for their punishment.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>When therefore those that had intended thus to destroy Daniel by
treachery were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [letters] over all
the country, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that
he was the only true God, and had all power. He had also Daniel in very
great esteem, and made him the principal of his friends. Now when Daniel
was become so illustrious and famous, on account of the opinion men had
that he was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media: it
was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made, and it is still remaining,
and preserved to this day; and to such as see it, it appears to have been
lately built, and to have been no older than that very day when any one
looks upon it, it is so fresh <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus here says, that the stones of the sepulchers of the kings
of Persia at this tower, or those perhaps of the same sort that are now
commonly called the ruins of Persepolis, continued so entire and unaltered
in his days, as if they were lately put there, "I (says Reland) here
can show to be true, as to those stones of the Persian mansoleum, which
Com. Brunius brake off and gave me." He ascribed this to the hardness
of the stones, which scarcely yields to iron tools, and proves frequently
too hard for cutting by the chisel, but oftentimes breaks it to pieces.</note>
flourishing, and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time; for buildings
suffer the same as men do, they grow old as well as they, and by numbers
of years their strength is dissolved, and their beauty withered. Now they
bury the kings of Media, of Persia, and Parthia in this tower to this day,
and he who was entrusted with the care of it was a Jewish priest; which
thing is also observed to this day. But it is fit to give an account of
what this man did, which is most admirable to hear, for he was so happy
as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the
greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the
esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he
is dead, he retains a remembrance that will never fail, for the several
books that he wrote and left behind him are still read by us till this
time; and from them we believe that Daniel conversed with God; for he did
not only prophesy of future events, as did the other prophets, but he also
determined the time of their accomplishment. And while prophets used to
foretell misfortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the
kings and to the multitude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things,
and this to such a degree, that by the agreeable nature of his predictions,
he procured the goodwill of all men; and by the accomplishment of them,
he procured the belief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort of] divinity
for himself, among the multitude. He also wrote and left behind him what
made manifest the accuracy and undeniable veracity of his predictions;
for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Persia, and went
out into the field with his companions, there was, on the sudden, a motion
and concussion of the earth, and that he was left alone by himself, his
friends fleeing away from him, and that he was disturbed, and fell on his
face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and,
at the same time, bid him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen
after many generations. He also related, that when he stood up, he was
shown a great rain, with many horns growing out of his head, and that the
last was higher than the rest: that after this he looked to the west, and
saw a he-goat carried through the air from that quarter; that he rushed
upon the ram with violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew
him to the ground, and trampled upon him: that afterward he saw a very
great horn growing out of the head of the he-goat, and that when it was
broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the four winds,
and he wrote that out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said,
waxed great; and that God showed to him that it should fight against his
nation, and take their city by force, and bring the temple worship to confusion,
and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and
ninety-six days. Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the Plain of
Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the appearance of this
vision after the following manner: He said that the ram signified the kingdoms
of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those kings that were to reign
in them; and that the last horn signified the last king, and that he should
exceed all the kings in riches and glory: that the he-goat signified that
one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight with
the Persian, and overcome him in battle, and should receive his entire
dominion: that by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead of the
he-goat was meant the first king; and that the springing up of four horns
upon its falling off, and the conversion of every one of them to the four
quarters of the earth, signified the successors that should arise after
the death of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them,
and that they should be neither his children, nor of his kindred, that
should reign over the habitable earth for many years; and that from among
them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation
and their laws, and should take away their political government, and should
spoil the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years'
time. And indeed it so came to pass, that our nation suffered these things
under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's vision, and what he wrote
many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also
wrote concerning the Roman government, and that our country should be made
desolate by them. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God
had showed them to him, insomuch that such as read his prophecies, and
see how they have been fulfilled, would wonder at the honor wherewith God
honored Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error,
who cast Providence out of human life, and do not believe that God takes
care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and
continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the
world is carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator;
which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct it, as they imagine, it
would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds,
or like chariots without drivers, which are overturned; so would the world
be dashed to pieces by its being carried without a Providence, and so perish,
and come to nought. So that, by the forementioned predictions of Daniel,
those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that
God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case,
that the world went on by mechanical necessity, we should not see that
all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. Now as to myself,
I have so described these matters as I have found them and read them; but
if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his
different sentiments without any blame from me.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="11" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XI</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY-THREE YEARS
AND FIVE MONTHS.
FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE
GREAT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CYRUS, KING OF THE PERSIANS, DELIVERED THE JEWS OUT OF
BABYLON AND SUFFERED THEM TO RETURN TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY AND TO BUILD THEIR
TEMPLE, FOR WHICH WORK HE GAVE THEM MONEY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>IN the first year of the reign of Cyrus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Cyrus is called God's shepherd by Xenophon, as well as by Isaiah,
Isaiah 44:28; as also it is said of him by the same prophet, that "I
will make a man more precious than fine gold, even a man than the golden
wedge of Ophir," Isaiah 13:12, which character makes Xenophon's most
excellent history of him very credible.</note>
which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out
of their own land into Babylon, God commiserated the captivity and calamity
of these poor people, according as he had foretold to them by Jeremiah
the prophet, before the destruction of the city, that after they had served
Nebuchadnezzar and his posterity, and after they had undergone that servitude
seventy years, he would restore them again to the land of their fathers,
and they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity.
And these things God did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of Cyrus,
and made him write this throughout all Asia: "Thus saith Cyrus the
king: Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable
earth, I believe that he is that God which the nation of the Israelites
worship; for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and that I should
build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="5" unit="section" /><p>This was known to Cyrus by his reading the book which Isaiah left
behind him of his prophecies; for this prophet said that God had spoken
thus to him in a secret vision: "My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have
appointed to be king over many and great nations, send back my people to
their own land, and build my temple." This was foretold by Isaiah
one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly,
when Cyrus read this, and admired the Divine power, an earnest desire and
ambition seized upon him to fulfill what was so written; so he called for
the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said to them, that he gave
them leave to go back to their own country, and to rebuild their city Jerusalem,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This leave to build Jerusalem, sect. 3, and this epistle of Cyrus to Sisinnes
and Sathrabuzanes, to the same purpose, are most unfortunately omitted
in all our copies but this best and completest copy of Josephus; and by
such omission the famous prophecy of Isaiah, Isaiah 44:28, where we are
informed that God said of or to Cyrus, "He is my shepherd, and shall
perform all my pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem, Thou shalt be built,
and to the temple, Thy foundation shall be laid," could not hitherto
be demonstrated from the sacred history to have been completely fulfilled,
I mean as to that part of it which concerned his giving leave or commission
for rebuilding the city Jerusalem as distinct from the temple, whose rebuilding
is alone permitted or directed in the decree of Cyrus in all our copies.</note> and
the temple of God, for that he would be their assistant, and that he would
write to the rulers and governors that were in the neighborhood of their
country of Judea, that they should contribute to them gold and silver for
the building of the temple, and besides that, beasts for their sacrifices.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="8" unit="section" /><p>When Cyrus had said this to the Israelites, the rulers of the two
tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests, went in haste
to Jerusalem; yet did many of them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave
their possessions; and when they were come thither, all the king's friends
assisted them, and brought in, for the building of the temple, some gold,
and some silver, and some a great many cattle and horses. So they performed
their vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed
of old time; I mean this upon the rebuilding of their city, and the revival
of the ancient practices relating to their worship. Cyrus also sent back
to them the vessels of God which king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of
the temple, and had carried to Babylon. So he committed these things to
Mithridates, the treasurer, to be sent away, with an order to give them
to Sanabassar, that he might keep them till the temple was built; and when
it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests and rulers of the
multitude, in order to their being restored to the temple. Cyrus also sent
an epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the contents whereof here
follow:
<quote><p>KING CYRUS TO SISINNES AND SATHRABUZANES SENDETH GREETING.</p>
<p>"I have given leave to as many of the Jews that dwell in my country
as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and
to build the temple of God at Jerusalem on the same place where it was
before. I have also sent my treasurer Mithridates, and Zorobabel, the governor
of the Jews, that they may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build
it sixty cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edifices of
polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same order
extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God. I require also
that the expenses for these things may be given out of my revenues. Moreover,
I have also sent the vessels which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of
the temple, and have given them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel
the governor of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem,
and may restore them to the temple of God. Now their number is as follows:
Fifty chargers of gold, and five hundred of silver; forty Thericlean cups
of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and five hundred
of silver; thirty vessels for pouring [the drink-offerings], and three
hundred of silver; thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred
of silver; with a thousand other large vessels. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the true number of golden and silver vessels here and elsewhere belonging
to the temple of Solomon, see the description of the temples, chap. 13.</note>
I permit them to have the same honor which they were used to have from
their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil,
two hundred and five thousand and five hundred drachme; and for wheat flour,
twenty thousand and five hundred artabae; and I give order that these expenses
shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria. The priests shall
also offer these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem;
and when they offer them, they shall pray to God for the preservation of
the king and of his family, that the kingdom of Persia may continue. But
my will is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and make them void,
shall be hung upon a cross, and their substance brought into the king's
treasury."</p></quote>
And such was the import of this epistle. Now the number
of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand
four hundred and sixty-two.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW UPON THE DEATH OF CYRUS THE JEWS WERE HINDERED IN BUILDING
OF THE TEMPLE BY THE CUTHEANS, AND THE NEIGHBORING GOVERNORS; AND HOW CAMBYSES
ENTIRELY FORBADE THE JEWS TO DO ANY SUCH THING.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="19" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the foundations of the temple were laying, and when the Jews
were very zealous about building it, the neighboring nations, and especially
the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought out of Persia
and Media, and had planted in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel
captives, besought the governors, and those that had the care of such affairs,
that they would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuilding of their city,
and in the building of their temple. Now as these men were corrupted by
them with money, they sold the Cutheans their interest for rendering this
building a slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was busy about other
wars, knew nothing of all this; and it so happened, that when he had led
his army against the Massagetae, he ended his life. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here follows Herodotus, and those that related how Cyrus made
war with the Scythians and Massagets, near the Caspian Sea, and perished
in it; while Xenophon's account, which appears never to have been seen
by Josephus, that Cyrus died in peace in his own country of Persia, is
attested to by the writers of the affairs of Alexander the Great, when
they agree that he found Cyrus's sepulcher at Pasargadae, near Persepolis.
This account of Xenophon is also confirmed by the circumstances of Cambyses,
upon his succession to Cyrus, who, instead of a war to avenge his father's
death upon the Scythians and Massagets, and to prevent those nations from
overrunning his northern provinces, which would have been the natural consequence
of his father's ill success and death there, went immediately to an Egyptian
war, long ago begun by Cyrus, according to Xenophon, p. 644, and conquered
that kingdom; nor is there, that I ever heard of, the least mention in
the reign of Cambyses of any war against the Scythians and Massagets that
he was ever engaged in all his life.</note>
But when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors
in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries of Amlnon, and Moab, and
Samaria, wrote an epistle to Calnbyses; whose contents were as follow:
"To our lord Cambyses. We thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer,
and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and
Phoenicia, send greeting. It is fit, O king, that thou shouldst know that
those Jews which were carried to Babylon are come into our country, and
are building that rebellious and wicked city, and its market-places, and
setting up its walls, and raising up the temple; know therefore, that when
these things are finished, they will not be willing to pay tribute, nor
will they submit to thy commands, but will resist kings, and will choose
rather to rule over others than be ruled over themselves. We therefore
thought it proper to write to thee, O king, while the works about the temple
are going on so fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou mayst
search into the books of thy fathers, for thou wilt find in them that the
Jews have been rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also,
which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste. We thought proper
also to inform thee of this matter, because thou mayst otherwise perhaps
be ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited and be entirely
encompassed with walls, thou wilt be excluded from thy passage to Celesyria
and Phoenicia."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="26" unit="section" /><p>When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he was
irritated at what they told him, and wrote back to them as follows: "Cambyses
the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to Semellius
the scribe, and the rest that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria
and Phoenicia, after this manner: I have read the epistle that was sent
from you; and I gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched
into, and it is there found that this city hath always been an enemy to
kings, and its inhabitants have raised seditions and wars. We also are
sensible that their kings have been powerful and tyrannical, and have exacted
tribute of Celesyria and Phoenicia. Wherefore I gave order, that the Jews
shall not be permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as they used
to bring upon kings be greatly augmented." When this epistle was read,
Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their associates, got suddenly
on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem; they also brought a great company
with them, and forbade the Jews to build the city and the temple. Accordingly,
these works were hindered from going on till the second year of the reign
of Darius, for nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, and within
that time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come back, he died at Damascus.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW AFTER THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES AND THE SLAUGHTER OF THE
MAGI BUT UNDER THE REIGN OF DARIUS, ZOROBABEL WAS SUPERIOR TO THE REST
1N THE SOLUTION OF PROBLEMS AND THEREBY OBTAINED THIS FAVOR OF THE KING,
THAT THE TEMPLE SHOULD BE BUILT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="31" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the slaughter of file Magi, who, upon the death of Cambyses,
attained the government of the Persians for a year, those families which
were called the seven families of the Persians appointed Darius, the son
of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now he, while he was a private man, had
made a vow to God, that if he came to be king, he would send all the vessels
of God that were in Babylon to the temple at Jerusalem. Now it so fell
out, that about this time Zorobabel, who had been made governor of the
Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem; for there
had been an old friendship between him and the king. He was also, with
two others, thought worthy to be guard of the king's body; and obtained
that honor which he hoped for.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="33" unit="section" /><p>Now, in the first year of the king's reign, Darius feasted those
that were about him, and those born in his house, with the rulers of the
Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and Ethiopia,
and the generals of the armies of his hundred and twenty-seven provinces.
But when they had eaten and drunk to satiety, and abundantly, they every
one departed to go to bed at their own houses, and Darius the king went
to bed; but after he had rested a little part of the night, he awaked,
and not being able to sleep any more, he fell into conversation with the
three guards of his body, and promised, that to him who should make an
oration about points that he should inquire of, such as should be most
agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of wisdom, he would grant it as
a reward of his victory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups
of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a chariot with bridles of
gold, and a head tire of fine linen, and a chain of gold about his neck,
and to sit next to himself, on account of his wisdom; "and,"
says he, "he shall be called my cousin." Now when he had promised
to give them these gifts, he asked the first of them, "Whether wine
was not the strongest?"--the second, "Whether kings were not
such?" — and the third, "Whether women were not such? or whether truth
was not the strongest of all?" When he had proposed that they should
make their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest; but in the
morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of Persia
and Media, and set himself down in the place where he used to give audience,
and bid each of the guards of his body to declare what they thought proper
concerning the proposed questions, in the hearing of them all.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="38" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, the first of them began to speak of the strength of
wine, and demonstrated it thus: "When," said he," I am to
give my opinion of wine, O you men, I find that it exceeds every thing,
by the following indications: It deceives the mind of those that drink
it, and reduces that of the king to the same state with that of the orphan,
and he who stands in need of a tutor; and erects that of the slave to the
boldness of him that is free; and that of the needy becomes like that of
the rich man, for it changes and renews the souls of men when it gets into
them; and it quenches the sorrow of those that are under calamities, and
makes men forget the debts they owe to others, and makes them think themselves
to be of all men the richest; it makes them talk of no small things, but
of talents, and such other names as become wealthy men only; nay more,
it makes them insensible of their commanders, and of their kings, and takes
away the remembrance of their friends and companions, for it arms men even
against those that are dearest to them, and makes them appear the greatest
strangers to them; and when they are become sober, and they have slept
out their wine in the night, they arise without knowing any thing they
have done in their cups. I take these for signs of power, and by them discover
that wine is the strongest and most insuperable of all things."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="43" unit="section" /><p>As soon as the first had given the forementioned demonstrations of
the strength of wine, he left off; and the next to him began to speak about
the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it was the strongest of all,
and more powerful than any thing else that appears to have any force or
wisdom. He began his demonstration after the following manner; and said,"
They are men who govern all things; they force the earth and the sea to
become profitable to them in what they desire, and over these men do kings
rule, and over them they have authority. Now those who rule over that animal
which is of all the strongest and most powerful, must needs deserve to
be esteemed insuperable in power and force. For example, when these kings
command their subjects to make wars, and undergo dangers, they are hearkened
to; and when they send them against their enemies, their power is so great
that they are obeyed. They command men to level mountains, and to pull
down walls and towers; nay, when they are commanded to be killed and to
kill, they submit to it, that they may not appear to transgress the king's
commands; and when they have conquered, they bring what they have gained
in the war to the king. Those also who are not soldiers, but cultivate
the ground, and plough it, and when, after they have endured the labor
and all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, they have reaped
and gathered in their fruits, they bring tributes to the king; and whatsoever
it is which the king says or commands, it is done of necessity, and that
without any delay, while he in the mean time is satiated with all sorts
of food and pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by such as watch,
and such as are, as it were, fixed down to the place through fear; for
no one dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go away
and take care of his own affairs; but he esteems this one thing the only
work of necessity, to guard the king, and accordingly to this he wholly
addicts himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that it must appear
that the king exceeds all in strength, while so great a multitude obeys
his injunctions?"</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="49" unit="section" /><p>Now when this man had held his peace, the third of them, who was
Zorobabel, began to instruct them about women, and about truth, who said
thus: "Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men obey, but
women are superior to them in power; for it was a woman that brought the
king into the world; and for those that plant the vines and make the wine,
they are women who bear them, and bring them up: nor indeed is there any
thing which we do not receive from them; for these women weave garments
for us, and our household affairs are by their means taken care of, and
preserved in safety; nor can we live separate from women. And when we have
gotten a great deal of gold and silver, and any other thing that is of
great value, and deserving regard, and see a beautiful woman, we leave
all these things, and with open mouth fix our eyes upon her countenance,
and are willing to forsake what we have, that we may enjoy her beauty,
and procure it to ourselves. We also leave father, and mother, and the
earth that nourishes us, and frequently forget our dearest friends, for
the sake of women; nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for them.
But what will chiefly make you take notice of the strength of women is
this that follows: Do not we take pains, and endure a great deal of trouble,
and that both by land and sea, and when we have procured somewhat as the
fruit of our labors, do not we bring them to the women, as to our mistresses,
and bestow them upon them? Nay, I once saw the king, who is lord of so
many people, smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Themasius,
his concubine, and his diadem taken away from him, and put upon her own
head, while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he smiled, and when
she was angry he was sad; and according to the change of her passions,
he flattered his wife, and drew her to reconciliation by the great humiliation
of himself to her, if at my time he saw her displeased at him."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="55" unit="section" /><p>And when the princes and rulers looked one upon another, he began
to speak about truth; and he said, "I have already demonstrated how
powerful women are; but both these women themselves, and the king himself,
are weaker than truth; for although the earth be large, and the heaven
high, and the course of the sun swift, yet are all these moved according
to the will of God, who is true and righteous, for which cause we also
ought to esteem truth to be the strongest of all things, and that what
is unrighteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all things else that
have any strength are mortal and short-lived, but truth is a thing that
is immortal and eternal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as will
wither away by time, nor such riches as may be taken away by fortune, but
righteous rules and laws. It distinguishes them from injustice, and puts
what is unrighteous to rebuke." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reader is to note, that although the speeches or papers of these three
of the king's guard are much the same, in our Third Book of Esdras, ch.
3. and 4., as they are here in Josephus, yet that the introduction of them
is entirely different, while in our Esdras the whole is related as the
contrivance of the three of the king's guards themselves; and even the
mighty rewards are spoken of as proposed by themselves, and the speeches
are related to have been delivered by themselves to the king in writing,
while all is contrary in Josephus. I need not say whose account is the
most probable, the matters speak for themselves; and there can be no doubt
but Josephus's history is here to be very much preferred before the other.
Nor indeed does it seem to me at all unlikely that the whole was a contrivance
of king Darius's own, in order to be decently and inoffensively put in
mind by Zorobabel of fulfilling his old vow for the rebuilding of Jerusalem
and the temple, and the restoration of the worship of the "one true
God" there. Nor does the full meaning of Zorobabel, when he cries
out, 3 Esd. 4. 41), "Blessed be the God of truth ;" and here,
"God is true and righteous;" or even of all the people, 3 Esd.
4. 41, "Great is truth, and mighty above all things ;" seem to
me much different from this, "There is but one true God, the God of
Israel." To which doctrine, such as Cyrus and Darius; etc., the Jews'
great patrons, seem not to have been very averse, though the entire idolatry
of their kingdoms made them generally conceal it.</note></p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="57" unit="section" /><p>So when Zorobabel had left off his discourse about truth, and the
multitude had cried out aloud that he had spoken the most wisely, and that
it was truth alone that had immutable strength, and such as never would
wax old, the king commanded that he should ask for somewhat over and above
what he had promised, for that he would give it him because of his wisdom,
and that prudence wherein he exceeded the rest; "and thou shalt sit
with me," said the king, "and shalt be called my cousin."
When he had said this, Zorobabel put him in mind of the vow he had made
in case he should ever have the kingdom. Now this vow was, "to rebuild
Jerusalem, and to build therein the temple of God; as also to restore the
vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged, and carried to Babylon. And
this," said he, "is that request which thou now permittest me
to make, on account that I have been judged to be wise and understanding."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="59" unit="section" /><p>So the king was pleased with what he had said, and arose and kissed
him; and wrote to the toparchs and governors, and enjoined them to conduct
Zorobabel and those that were going with him to build the temple. He also
sent letters to those rulers that were in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down
and carry cedar trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and to assist him in building
the city. He also wrote to them, that all the captives who should go to
Judea should be free; and he prohibited his deputies and governors to lay
any king's taxes upon the Jews; he also permitted that they should have
all that land which they could possess themselves of without tributes.
He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samaritans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria,
to restore those villages which they had taken from the Jews; and that,
besides all this, fifty talents should be given them for the building of
the temple. He also permitted them to offer their appointed sacrifices,
and that whatsoever the high priest and the priests wanted, and those sacred
garments wherein they used to worship God, should be made at his own charges;
.and that the musical instruments which the Levites used in singing hymns
to God should be given them. Moreover, he charged them, that portions of
land should be given to those that guarded the city and the temple, as
also a determinate sum of money every year for their maintenance; and withal
he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus intended to do before him relating
to the restoration of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained should be done accordingly.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="64" unit="section" /><p>Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants from the king, he went
out of the palace, and looking up to heaven, he began to return thanks
to God for the wisdom he had given him, and the victory he had gained thereby,
even in the presence of Darius himself; for, said he, "I had not been
thought worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless thou hadst been favorable
to me." When therefore he had returned these thanks to God for the
present circumstances he was in, and had prayed to him to afford him the
like favor for the time to come, he came to Babylon, and brought the good
news to his countrymen of what grants he had procured for them from the
king; who, when they heard the same, gave thanks also to God that he restored
the land of their forefathers to them again. So they betook themselves
to drinking and eating, and for seven days they continued feasting, and
kept a festival, for the rebuilding and restoration of their country: after
this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up to Jerusalem, out of
the tribes of their forefathers, with their wives, and children, and cattle,
who traveled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under the conduct of those
whom Darius sent along with them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes,
and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multitude also besides accompanied
them with rejoicing.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="68" unit="section" /><p>And thus did these men go, a certain and determinate number out
of every family, though I do not think it proper to recite particularly
the names of those families, that I may not take off the mind of my readers
from the connexion of the historical facts, and make it hard for them to
follow the coherence of my narrations; but the sum of those that went up,
above the age of twelve years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was
four hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This strange reading in Josephus's present copies of four millions instead
of forty thousand, is one of the grossest errors that is in them, and ought
to be corrected from Ezra 2:61; 1 Esd. 5:40; and Nehemiah 7:66, who all
agree the general sum was but about forty-two thousand three hundred and
sixty. It is also very plain that Josephus thought, that when Esdras afterwards
brought up another company out of Babylon and Persia, in the days of Xerxes,
they were also, as well as these, out of the two tribes, and out of them
only, and were in all no more than "a seed" and "a remnant,"
while an "immense number" of the ten tribes never returned, but,
as he believed, continued then beyond Euphrates, ch. 5. sect. 2, 3; of
which multitude, the Jews beyond Euphrates, he speaks frequently elsewhere,
though, by the way, he never takes them to be idolaters, but looks on them
still as observers of the laws of Moses. The "certain part" of
the people that now came up from Babylon, at the end of this chapter, imply
the same smaller number of Jews that now came up, and will no way agree
with the four millions.</note>
the Levites were seventy-four; the number of the women and children mixed
together was forty thousand seven hundred and forty-two; and besides these,
there were singers of the Levites one hundred and twenty-eight, and porters
one hundred and ten, and of the sacred ministers three hundred and ninety-two;
there were also others besides these, who said they were of the Israelites,
but were not able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two:
some there were also who were expelled out of the number and honor of the
priests, as having married wives whose genealogies they could not produce,
nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests; they
were about five hundred and twenty-five: the multitude also of servants
that followed those that went up to Jerusalem were seven thousand three
hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men and singing women were two hundred
and forty-five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-five; the beasts
used to the yoke were five thousand five hundred and twenty-five; and the
governors of all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel, the son of
Salathiel, of the posterity of David, and of the tribe of Judah; and Jeshua,
the son of Josedek the high priest; and besides these there were Mordecai
and Serebeus, who were distinguished from the multitude, and were rulers,
who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold, and five thousand of silver.
By this means therefore the priests and the Levites, and a certain part
of the entire people of the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in
Jerusalem; but the rest of the multitude returned every one to their own
countries.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE TEMPLE WAS BUILT WHILE THE CUTHEANS ENDEAVORED IN
VAIN TO OBSTRUCT THE WORK.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="75" unit="section" /><p>NOW in the seventh month after they were departed out of Babylon,
both Jeshua the high priest, and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers
every way round about, and gathered those that were in the country together
to Jerusalem universally, who came very gladly thither. He then built the
altar on the same place it had formerly been built, that they might offer
the appointed sacrifices upon it to God, according to the laws of Moses.
But while they did this, they did not please the neighboring nations, who
all of them bare an ill-will to them. They also celebrated the feast of
tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained concerning it;
and after they offered sacrifices, and what were called the daily sacrifices,
and the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals.
Those also that had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices
from the first day of the seventh month. They also began to build the temple,
and gave a great deal of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and
what was necessary for the maintenance of the workmen. The Sidonians also
were very willing and ready to bring the cedar trees from Libanus, to bind
them together, and to make a united float of them, and to bring them to
the port of Joppa, for that was what Cyrus had commanded at first, and
what was now done at the command of Darius.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="79" unit="section" /><p>In the second year of their coming to Jerusalem, as the Jews were
there in the second month, the building of the temple went on apace; and
when they had laid its foundations on the first day of the second month
of that second year, they set, as overseers of the work, such Levites as
were full twenty years old; and Jeshua and his sons and brethren, and Codmiel
the brother of Judas, the son of Aminadab, with his sons; and the temple,
by the great diligence of those that had the care of it, was finished sooner
than any one would have expected. And when the temple was finished, the
priests, adorned with their accustomed garments, stood with their trumpets,
while the Levites, and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God,
according as David first of all appointed them to bless God. Now the priests
and Levites, and the elder part of the families, recollecting with themselves
how much greater and more sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing that
now made how much inferior it was, on account of their poverty, to that
which had been built of old, considered with themselves how much their
happy state was sunk below what it had been of old, as well as their temple.
Hereupon they were disconsolate, and not able to contain their grief, and
proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on those accounts; but the
people in general were contented with their present condition; and because
they were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no more, and neither
regarded nor remembered, nor indeed at all tormented themselves with the
comparison of that and the former temple, as if this were below their expectations;
but the wailing of the old men and of the priests, on account of the deficiency
of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with that which had been
demolished, overcame the sounds of the trumpets and the rejoicing of the
people.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="84" unit="section" /><p>But when the Samaritans, who were still enemies to the tribes of
Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they came running
together, and desired to know what was the occasion of this tumult; and
when they perceived that it was from the Jews, who had been carried captive
to Babylon, and were rebuilding their temple, they came to Zorobabel and
to Jeshua, and to the heads of the families, and desired that they would
give them leave to build the temple with them, and to be partners with
them in building it; for they said, "We worship their God, and especially
pray to him, and are desirous of their religious settlement, and this ever
since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted us out of Cuthah and
Media to this place." When they said thus, Zorobabel and Jeshua the
high priest, and the heads of the families of the Israelites, replied to
them, that it was impossible for them to permit them to be their partners,
whilst they [only] had been appointed to build that temple at first by
Cyrus, and now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful for them to come
and worship there if they pleased, and that they could allow them nothing
but that in common with them, which was common to them with all other men,
to come to their temple and worship God there.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>When the Cuthearts heard this, for the Samaritans have that appellation,
they had indignation at it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire
of the governors, in the same manner as they had done formerly in the days
of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to
the building of the temple, and to endeavor to delay and protract the Jews
in their zeal about it. Now at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria
and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, came up to Jerusalem,
and asked the rulers of the Jews, by. whose grant it was that they built
the temple in this manner, since it was more like to a citadel than a temple?
and for what reason it was that they built cloisters and walls, and those
strong ones too, about the city? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua the high
priest replied, that they were the servants of God Almighty; that this
temple was built for him by a king of theirs, that lived in great prosperity,
and one that exceeded all men in virtue; and that it continued a long time,
but that because of their fathers' impiety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar,
king of the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took their city by force,
and destroyed it, and pillaged the temple, and burnt it down, and transplanted
the people whom he had made captives, and removed them to Babylon; that
Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylonia and Persia, wrote to them
to build the temple, and committed the gifts and vessels, and whatsoever
Nebuchadnezzar had carried out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates the
treasurer; and gave order to have them carried to Jerusalem, and to have
them restored to their own temple, when it was built; for he had sent to
them to have that done speedily, and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Jerusalem,
and to take care of the building of the temple; who, upon receiving that
epistle from Cyrus, came, and immediately laid its foundations; "and although
it hath been in building from that time to this, it hath not yet been finished,
by reason of the malignity of our enemies. If therefore you have a mind,
and think it proper, write this account to Darius, that when he hath consulted
the records of the kings, he may find that we have told you nothing that
is false about this matter."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="95" unit="section" /><p>When Zorobabel and the high priest had made this answer, Sisinnes,
and those that were with him, did not resolve to hinder the building, until
they had informed king Darius of all this. So they immediately wrote to
him about these affairs; but as the Jews were now under terror, and afraid
lest the king should change his resolutions as to the building of Jerusalem
and of the temple, there were two prophets at that time among them, Haggai
and Zechariah, who encouraged them, and bid them be of good cheer, and
to suspect no discouragement from the Persians, for that God foretold this
to them. So, in dependence on those prophets, they applied themselves earnestly
to building, and did not intermit one day.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="97" unit="section" /><p>Now Darius, when the Samaritans had written to him, and in their
epistle had accused the Jews, how they fortified the city, and built the
temple more like to a citadel than to a temple; and said, that their doings
were not expedient for the king's affairs; and besides, they showed the
epistle of Cambyses, wherein he forbade them to build the temple: and when
Darius thereby understood that the restoration of Jerusalem was not expedient
for his affairs, and when he had read the epistle that was brought him
from Sisinnes, and those that were with him, he gave order that what concerned
these matters should be sought for among the royal records. Whereupon a
book was found at Ecbatana, in the tower that was in Media, wherein was
written as follows: "Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign,
commanded that the temple should be built in Jerusalem; and the altar in
height threescore cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices
of polished stone, and one edifice of stone of their own country; and he
ordained that the expenses of it should be paid out of the king's revenue.
He also commanded that the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged [out
of the temple], and had carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people
of Jerusalem; and that the care of these things should belong to Sanabassar,
the governor and president of Syria and Phoenicia, and his associates,
that they may not meddle with that place, but may permit the servants of
God, the Jews and their rulers, to build the temple. He also ordained that
they should assist them in the work; and that they should pay to the Jews,
out of the tribute of the country where they were governors, on account
of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and lambs, and kids of the goats, and
fine flour, and oil, and wine, and all other things that the priests should
suggest to them; and that they should pray for the preservation of the
king, and of the Persians; and that for such as transgressed any of these
orders thus sent to them, he commanded that they should be caught, and
hung upon a cross, and their substance confiscated to the king's use. He
also prayed to God against them, that if any one attempted to hinder the
building of the temple, God would strike him dead, and thereby restrain
his wickedness."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="104" unit="section" /><p>When Darius had found this book among the records of Cyrus, he wrote
an answer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose contents were these: "King
Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth greeting.
Having found a copy of this epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have
sent it you; and I will that all things be done as is therein written.
Fare ye well." So when Sisinnes, and those that were with him, understood
the intention of the king, they resolved to follow his directions entirely
for the time to come. So they forwarded the sacred works, and assisted
the elders of the Jews, and the princes of the Sanhedrim; and the structure
of the temple was with great diligence brought to a conclusion, by the
prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, according to God's commands, and by
the injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Now the temple was built
in seven years' time. And in the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on
the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, which is by us called Adar,
but by the Macedonians Dystrus, the priests, and Levites, and the other
multitude of the Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of their
former prosperity after their captivity, and because they had now the temple
rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred rains, four hundred lambs, and twelve
kids of the goats, according to the number of their tribes, (for so many
are the tribes of the Israelites,) and this last for the sins of every
tribe. The priests also and the Levites set the porters at every gate,
according to the laws of Moses. The Jews also built the cloisters of the
inner temple that were round about the temple itself.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="109" unit="section" /><p>And as the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first month,
which, according to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus, but according
to us Nisan, all the people ran together out of the villages to the city,
and celebrated the festival, having purified themselves, with their wives
and children, according to the law of their country; and they offered the
sacrifice which was called the Passover, on the fourteenth day of the same
month, and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered whole
burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because
God had led them again to the land of their fathers, and to the laws thereto
belonging, and had rendered the mind of the king of Persia favorable to
them. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and
used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem,
and made use of a form of government that was aristocratical, but mixed
with an oligarchy, for the high priests were at the head of their affairs,
until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government; for before
their captivity, and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had
kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years,
six months, and ten days; but before those kings, such rulers governed
them as were called judges and monarchs. Under this form of government
they continued for more than five hundred years after the death of Moses,
and of Joshua their commander. And this is the account I had to give of
the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but were delivered from it
in the times of Cyrus and Darius.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="114" unit="section" /><p><note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The history contained in this section is entirely wanting in all our other
copies, both of Ezra and Esdras.</note>
But the Samaritans, being evil and enviously disposed to the Jews, wrought
them many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches, and by their pretense
that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came;
and whatsoever it was that they were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's
order out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they would not pay it.
They had also the governors favorable to them, and assisting them for that
purpose; nor did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves or by others,
as far as they were able. So the Jews determined to send an embassage to
king Darius, in favor of the people of Jerusalem, and in order to accuse
the Samaritans. The ambassadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the
rulers; and as soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the accusations
and complaints they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them an epistle
to be carried to the governors and council of Samaria; the contents of
which epistle were these: "King Darius to Tanganas and Sambabas, the
governors of the Sainaritans, to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of their
fellow servants that are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mordecai,
the ambassadors of the Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in
the building of the temple, and do not supply them with the expenses which
I commanded you to do for the offering their sacrifices. My will therefore
is this, That upon the reading of this epistle, you supply them with whatsoever
they want for their sacrifices, and that out of the royal treasury, of
the tributes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that they may not
leave off offering their daily sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and
the Persians." And these were the contents of that epistle.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW XERXES THE SON OF DARIUS WAS WELL DISPOSED TO THE JEWS;
AS ALSO CONCERNING ESDRAS AND NEHEMIAH,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>UPON the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took the kingdom, who, as
he inherited his father's kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards
God, and honor of him; for he did all things suitably to his father relating
to Divine worship, and he was exceeding friendly to the Jews. Now about
this time a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was the high priest.
Moreover, there was now in Babylon a righteous man, and one that enjoyed
a great reputation among the multitude. He was the principal priest of
the people, and his name was Esdras. He was very skillful in the laws of
Moses, and was well acquainted with king Xerxes. He had determined to go
up to Jerusalem, and to take with him some of those Jews that were in Babylon;
and he desired that the king would give him an epistle to the governors
of Syria, by which they might know who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote
the following epistle to those governors: "Xerxes, king of kings,
to Esdras the priest, and reader of the Divine law, greeting. I think it
agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to permit those of the
Jewish nation that are so disposed, as well as those of the priests and
Levites that are in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem. Accordingly,
I have given command for that purpose; and let every one that hath a mind
go, according as it hath seemed good to me, and to my seven counselors,
and this in order to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether
they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them also take with them those
presents which I and my friends have vowed, with all that silver and gold
that is found in the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to God, and
let all this be carried to Jerusalem to God for sacrifices. Let it also
be lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many vessels of silver and
gold as thou pleasest. Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which
have been given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind to make, and
shall take the expenses out of the king's treasury. I have, moreover, written
to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of those
affairs that Esdras the priest, and reader of the laws of God, is sent
about. And that God may not be at all angry with me, or with my children,
I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices to God, according to the law,
as far as a hundred cori of wheat. And I enjoin you not to lay any treacherous
imposition, or any tributes, upon their priests or Levites, or. sacred
singers, or porters, or sacred servants, or scribes of the temple. And
do thou, O Esdras, appoint judges according to the wisdom [given thee]
of God, and those such as understand the law, that they may judge in all
Syria and Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those also which are ignorant
of it, that if any one of thy countrymen transgress the law of God, or
that of the king, he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of ignorance,
but as one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises and contemns it; and
such may be punished by death, or by paying fines. Farewell."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="131" unit="section" /><p>When Esdras had received this epistle, he was very joyful, and began
to worship God, and confessed that he had been the cause of the king's
great favor to him, and that for the same reason he gave all the thanks
to God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there;
but he kept the epistle itself, and sent a copy of it to all those of his
own nation that were in Media. And when these Jews had understood what
piety the king had towards God, and what kindness he had for Esdras, they
were all greatly pleased; nay, many of them took their effects with them,
and came to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to Jerusalem; but then
the entire body of the people of Israel remained in that country; wherefore
there are but two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Iomans, while
the ten tribes are beyond Euphrates till now, and are an immense multitude,
and not to be estimated by numbers. Now there came a great number of priests,
and Levites, and porters, and sacred singers, and sacred servants to Esdras.
So he gathered those that were in the captivity together beyond Euphrates,
and staid there three days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might
make their prayers to God for their preservation, that they might suffer
no misfortunes by the way, either from their enemies, or from any other
ill accident; for Esdras had said beforehand that he had told the king
how God would preserve them, and so he had not thought fit to request that
he would send horsemen to conduct them. So when they had finished their
prayers, they removed from Euphrates on the twelfth day of the first month
of the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem
on the fifth month of the same year. Now Esdras presented the sacred money
to the treasurers, who were of the family of the priests, of silver six
hundred and fifty talents, vessels of silver one hundred talents, vessels
of gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that was more precious than gold,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Hudson takes notice here, that this kind of brass or copper, or rather
mixture of gold and brass or copper, was called aurichalcum, and that this
was of old esteemed the most precious of all metals.</note> twelve
talents by weight; for these Presents had been made by the king and his
counselors, and by all the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when Esdras
had delivered these things to the priests, he gave to God, as the appointed
sacrifices of whole burnt-offerings, twelve bulls on account of the common
preservation of the people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and twelve
kids of the goats, for the remission of sins. He also delivered the king's
epistle to the king's officers, and to the governors of Celesyria and Phoenicia;
and as they were under a necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they
honored our nation, and were assistant to them in all their necessities.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="139" unit="section" /><p>Now these things were truly done under the conduct of Esdras; and
he succeeded in them, because God esteemed him worthy of the success of
his conduct, on account of his goodness and righteousness. But some time
afterward there came some persons to him, and brought an accusation against
certain of the multitude, and of the priests and Levites, who had transgressed
their settlement, and dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying
strange wives, and had brought the family of the priests into confusion.
These persons desired him to support the laws, lest God should take up
a general anger against them all, and reduce them to a calamitous condition
again. Hereupon he rent his garment immediately, out of grief, and pulled
off the hair of his head and beard, and cast himself upon the ground, because
this crime had reached the principal men among the people; and considering
that if he should enjoin them to cast out their wives, and the children
they had by them, he should not be hearkener to, he continued lying upon
the ground. However, all the better sort came running to him, who also
themselves wept, and partook of the grief he was under for what had been
done. So Esdras rose up from the ground, and stretched out his hands towards
heaven, and said that he was ashamed to look towards it, because of the
sins which the people had committed, while they had cast out of their memories
what their fathers had undergone on account of their wickedness; and he
besought God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of the calamity and
captivity they had been in, and had restored them again to Jerusalem, and
to their own land, and had obliged the kings of Persia to have compassion
on them, that he would also forgive them their sins they had now committed,
which, though they deserved death, yet, was it agreeable to the mercy of
God, to remit even to these the punishment due to them.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="145" unit="section" /><p>After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; and when all those
that came to him with their wives and children were under lamentation,
one whose name was Jechonias, a principal man in Jerusalem, came to him,
and said that they had sinned in marrying strange wives; and he persuaded
him to adjure them all to cast those wives out, and the children born of
them, and that those should be punished who would not obey the law. So
Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and
of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put away those
wives and children, according to the advice of Jechonias. And when he had
received their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple into the chamber
of Johanan, the son of Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at
all for grief, so he abode there that day. And when proclamation was made,
that all those of the captivity should gather themselves together to Jerusalem,
and those that did not meet there in two or three days should be banished
from the multitude, and that their substance should b appropriated to the
uses of the temple, according to the sentence of the elders, those that
were of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin came together in three days, viz.
on the twentieth day of the ninth month, which, according to the Hebrews,
is called Tebeth, and according to the Macedonians, Apelleius. Now as they
were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where the elders also were
present, but were uneasy because of the cold, Esdras stood up and accused
them, and told them that they had sinned in marrying wives that were not
of their own nation; but that now they would do a thing both pleasing to
God, and advantageous to themselves, if they would put those wives away.
Accordingly, they all cried out that they would do so. That, however, the
multitude was great, and that the season of the year was winter, and that
this work would require more than one or two days. "Let their rulers,
therefore, [said they,] and those that have married strange wives, come
hither at a proper time, while the elders of every place, that are in common
to estimate the number of those that have thus married, are to be there
also." Accordingly, this was resolved on by them, and they began the
inquiry after those that had married strange wives on the first day of
the tenth month, and continued the inquiry to the first day of the next
month, and found a great many of the posterity of Jeshua the high priest,
and of the priests and Levites, and Israelites, who had a greater regard
to the observation of the law than to their natural affection, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This procedure of Esdras, and of the best part of the Jewish nation, after
their return from the Babylonish captivity, of reducing the Jewish marriages,
once for all, to the strictness of the law of Moses, without any regard
to the greatness of those who had broken it, and without regard to that
natural affection or compassion for their heathen wives, and their children
by them, which made it so hard for Esdras to correct it, deserves greatly
to be observed and imitated in all attempts for reformation among Christians,
the contrary conduct having ever been the bane of true religion, both among
Jews and Christians, while political views, or human passions, or prudential
motives, are suffered to take place instead of the Divine laws, and so
the blessing of God is forfeited, and the church still suffered to continue
corrupt from one generation to another. See ch. 8. sect. 2.</note>
and immediately cast out their wives, and the children which were born
of them. And in order to appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew
rams, as oblations to him; but it does not seem to me to be necessary to
set down the names of these men. So when Esdras had reformed this sin about
the marriages of the forementioned persons, he reduced that practice to
purity, so that it continued in that state for the time to come.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>Now when they kept the feast of tabernacles in the seventh month
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Jewish feast of tabernacles was imitated in several heathen solemnities,
as Spanheim here observes and proves. He also further observes presently,
what great regard many heathens had to the monuments of their forefathers,
as Nehemiah had here, sect. 6.</note>
and almost all the people were come together to it, they went up to the
open part of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward, and desired
of Esdras that the laws of Moses might be read to them. Accordingly, he
stood in the midst of the multitude and read them; and this he did from
morning to noon. Now, by hearing the laws read to them, they were instructed
to be righteous men for the present and for the future; but as for their
past offenses, they were displeased at themselves, and proceeded to shed
tears on their account, as considering with themselves that if they had
kept the law, they had endured none of these miseries which they had experienced.
But when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he bade them go home, and
not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they ought not to weep thereon,
for that it was not lawful so to do. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This rule of Esdras, not to fast on a festival day, is quoted in the Apostolical
Constitutions, B. V., as obtaining among Christians also.</note>
He exhorted them rather to proceed immediately to feasting, and to do what
was suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy; but to
let their repentance and sorrow for their former sins be a security and
a guard to them, that they fell no more into the like offenses. So upon
Esdras's exhortation they began to feast; and when they had so done for
eight days, in their tabernacles, they departed to their own homes, singing
hymns to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for his reformation of what
corruptions had been introduced into their settlement. So it came to pass,
that after he had obtained this reputation among the people, he died an
old man, and was buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem. About the
same time it happened also that Joacim, the high priest, died; and his
son Eliasib succeeded in the high priesthood.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="159" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one of those Jews that had been carried captive who
was cup-bearer to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this man was walking
before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, he heard some strangers that
were entering the city, after a long journey, speaking to one another in
the Hebrew tongue; so he went to them, and asked them whence they came.
And when their answer was, that they came from Judea, he began to inquire
of them again in what state the multitude was, and in what condition Jerusalem
was; and when they replied that they were in a bad state <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This miserable condition of the Jews, and their capital, must have been
after the death of Esdras, their former governor, and before Nehemiah came
with his commission to build the walls of Jerusalem. Nor is that at all
disagreeable to these histories in Josephus, since Esdras came on the seventh,
and Nehemiah not till the twenty-fifth of Xerxes, at the interval of eighteen
years.</note>
for that their walls were thrown down to the ground, and that the neighboring
nations did a great deal of mischief to the Jews, while in the day time
they overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the night did them mischief,
insomuch that not a few were led away captive out of the country, and out
of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the day time found full
of dead men. Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears, out of commiseration of the
calamities of his countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he said, "How
long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook our nation, while it suffers so great
miseries, and while we are made the prey and spoil of all men?" And
while he staid at the gate, and lamented thus, one told him that the king
was going to sit down to supper; so he made haste, and went as he was,
without wishing himself, to minister to the king in his office of cup-bearer.
But as the king was very pleasant after supper, and more cheerful than
usual, he cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and seeing him look sad, he asked
him why he was sad. Whereupon he prayed to God to give him favor, and afford
him the power of persuading by his words, and said, "How can I, O
king, appear otherwise than thus, and not be in trouble, while I hear that
the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the sepulchers of my fathers,
are thrown down to the ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire?
But do thou grant me the favor to go and build its wall, and to finish
the building of the temple." Accordingly, the king gave him a signal
that he freely granted him what he asked; and told him that he should carry
an epistle to the governors, that they might pay him due honor, and afford
him whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as he pleased. "Leave off
thy sorrow then," said the king, "and be cheerful in the performance
of thy office hereafter." So Nehemiah worshipped God, and gave the
king thanks for his promise, and cleared up his sad and cloudy countenance,
by the pleasure he had from the king's promises. Accordingly, the king
called for him the next day, and gave him an epistle to be carried to Adeus,
the governor of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; wherein he sent to him
to pay due honor to Nehemiah, and to supply him with what he wanted for
his building.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="168" unit="section" /><p>Now when he was come to Babylon, and had taken with him many of his
countrymen, who voluntarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the twenty
and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes. And when he had shown the epistles
to God <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This showing king Xerxes's epistles to God, or laying them open before
God in the temple, is very like the laying open the epistles of Sennacherib
before him also by Hezekiah, 2 Kings 19:14; Isaiah 37:14, although this
last was for a memorial, to put him in mind of the enemies, in order to
move the Divine compassion, and the present as a token of gratitude for
mercies already received, as Hayercamp well observes on this place.</note>
he gave them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He also called together
all the people to Jerusalem, and stood in the midst of the temple, and
made the following speech to them: "You know, O Jews, that God hath
kept our fathers, Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in mind continually, and
for the sake of their righteousness hath not left off the care of you.
Indeed he hath assisted me in gaining this authority of the king to raise
up our wall, and finish what is wanting of the temple. I desire you, therefore
who well know the ill-will our neighboring nations bear to us, and that
when once they are made sensible that we are in earnest about building,
they will come upon us, and contrive many ways of obstructing our works,
that you will, in the first place, put your trust in God, as in him that
will assist us against their hatred, and to intermit building neither night
nor day, but to use all diligence, and to hasten on the work, now we have
this especial opportunity for it." When he had said this, he gave
order that the rulers should measure the wall, and part the work of it
among the people, according to their villages and cities, as every one's
ability should require. And when he had added this promise, that he himself,
with his servants, would assist them, he dissolved the assembly. So the
Jews prepared for the work: that is the name they are called by from the
day that they came up from Babylon, which is taken from the tribe of Judah,.
which came first to these places, and thence both they and the country
gained that appellation.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="174" unit="section" /><p>But now when the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Samaritans, and all
that inhabited Celesyria, heard that the building went on apace, they took
it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them, and to hinder their
intentions. They also slew many of the Jews, and sought how they might
destroy Nehemiah himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to kill him.
They also put the Jews in fear, and disturbed them, and spread abroad rumors,
as if many nations were ready to make an expedition against them, by which
means they were harassed, and had almost left off the building. But none
of these things could deter Nehemiah from being diligent about the work;
he only set a number of men about him as a guard to his body, and so unweariedly
persevered therein, and was insensible of any trouble, out of his desire
to perfect this work. And thus did he attentively, and with great forecast,
take care of his own safety; not that he feared death, but of this persuasion,
that if he were dead, the walls for his citizens would never be raised.
He also gave orders that the builders should keep their ranks, and have
their armor on while they were building. Accordingly, the mason had his
sword on, as well as he that brought the materials for building. He also
appointed that their shields should lie very near them; and he placed trumpeters
at every five hundred feet, and charged them, that if their enemies appeared,
they should give notice of it to the people, that they might fight in their
armor, and their enemies might not fall upon them naked. He also went about
the compass of the city by night, being never discouraged, neither about
the work itself, nor about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of
those things for his pleasure, but out of necessity. And this trouble he
underwent for two years and four months; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It may not be very improper to remark here, with what an unusual accuracy
Josephus determines these years of Xerxes, in which the walls of Jerusalem
were built, viz. that Nehemiah came with his commission in the twenty-fifth
of Xerxes, that the walls were two years and four months in building, and
that they were finished on the twenty-eighth of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8. It
may also be remarked further, that Josephus hardly ever mentions more than
one infallible astronomical character, I mean an eclipse of the moon, and
this a little before the death of Herod the Great, Antiq. B. XVII. ch.
6. sect. 4. Now on these two chronological characters in great measure
depend some of the most important points belonging to Christianity, viz.
the explication of Daniel's seventy weeks, and the duration of our Savior's
ministry, and the time of his death, in correspondence to those seventy
weeks. See the Supplement to the Lit. Accorap. of Proph. p. 72.</note>
for in so long a time was the wall built, in the twenty-eighth year of
the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month. Now when the walls were finished,
Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the building of
them, and they continued in feasting eight days. However, when the nations
which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished,
they had indignation at it. But when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin
of people, he exhorted the priests and the Levites that they would leave
the country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue; and
he built them houses at his own expenses; and he commanded that part of
the people which were employed in cultivating the land to bring the tithes
of their fruits to Jerusalem, that the priests and Levites having whereof
they might live perpetually, might not leave the Divine worship; who willingly
hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem
came to be fuller of people than it was before. So when Nehemiah had done
many other excellent things, and things worthy of commendation, in a glorious
manner, he came to a great age, and then died. He was a man of a good and
righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make his own nation happy;
and he hath left the walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself.
Now this was done in the days of Xerxes.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING ESTHER AND MORDECAI AND HAMAN; AND HOW IN THE
REIGN OF ARTAXERXES THE WHOLE NATION OF THE JEWS WAS IN DANGER OF PERISHING.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="184" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the death of Xerxes, the kingdom came to be transferred to
his son Cyrus, whom the Greeks called Artaxerxes. When this man had obtained
the government over the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since some skeptical persons are willing to discard this Book of Esther
as no true history; and even our learned and judicious Dr. Wall, in his
late posthumous Critical Notes upon all the other Hebrew books of the Old
Testament, gives none upon the Canticles, or upon Esther, and seems thereby
to give up this book, as well as he gives up the Canticles, as indefensible;
I shall venture to say, that almost all the objections against this Book
of Esther are gone at once, if, as we certainly ought to do, and as Dean
Prideaux has justly done, we place this history under Artsxerxes Longimanus,
as do both the Septuagint interpretation and Josephus. The learned Dr.
Lee, in his posthumous Dissertation on the Second Book of Esdras, p. 25,
also says, that "the truth of this history is demonstrated by the
feast of Purlin, kept up from that time to this very day. And this surprising
providential revolution in favor of a captive people, thereby constantly
commemorated, standeth even upon a firmer basis than that there ever was
such a man as king Alexander [the Great] in the world, of whose reign there
is no such abiding monument at this day to be found any where. Nor will
they, I dare say, who quarrel at this or any other of the sacred histories,
find it a very easy matter to reconcile the different accounts which were
given by historians of the affairs of this king, or to confirm any one
fact of his whatever with the same evidence which is here given for the
principal fact in this sacred book, or even so much as to prove the existence
of such a person, of whom so great things are related, but. upon granting
this Book of Esther, or sixth of Esdras, (as it is placed in some of the
most ancient copies of the Vulgate,) to be a most true and certain history,"
etc.</note>
with their wives and children, were in danger of perishing; the occasion
whereof we shall declare in a little time; for it is proper, in the first
place, to explain somewhat relating to this king, and how he came to marry
a Jewish wife, who was herself of the royal family also, and who is related
to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had taken the kingdom, and
had set governors over the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from India
even unto Ethiopia, in the third year of his reign, he made a costly feast
for his friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for their governors,
such a one as was proper for a king to make, when he had a mind to make
a public demonstration of his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore
days; after which he made a feast for other nations, and for their ambassadors,
at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was ordered after the manner
following: He caused a tent to be pitched, which was supported by pillars
of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them,
that it might afford room for many ten thousands to sit down. The cups
with which the waiters ministered were of gold, and adorned with precious
stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also gave order to the servants
that they should not force them to drink, by bringing them wine continually,
as is the practice of the Persians, but to permit every one of the guests
to enjoy himself according to his own inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers
through the country, and gave order that they should have a remission of
their labors, and should keep a festival many days, on account of his kingdom.
In like manner did Vashti the queen gather her guests together, and made
them a feast in the palace. Now the king was desirous to show her, who
exceeded all other women in beauty, to those that feasted with him, and
he sent some to command her to come to his feast. But she, out of regard
to the laws of the Persians, which forbid the wives to be seen by strangers,
did not go to the king <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">If the Chaldee paraphrast be in the right, that Artaxerxes intended to
show Vashti to his guests naked, it is no wonder at all that she would
not submit to such an indignity; but still if it were not so gross as that,
yet it might, in the king's cups, be done in a way so indecent, as the
Persian laws would not then bear, no more than the common laws of modesty.
And that the king had some such design seems not improbable, for otherwise
the principal of these royal guests could be no strangers to the queen,
nor unapprized of her beauty, so far as decency admitted. However, since
Providence was now paving the way for the introduction of a Jewess into
the king's affections, in order to bring about one of the most wonderful
deliverances which the Jewish or any other nation ever had, we need not
be further solicitous about the motives by which the king was induced to
divorce Vashti, and marry Esther.</note>
and though he oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did nevertheless
stay away, and refused to come, till the king was so much irritated, that
he brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and called for those seven
who had the interpretation of the laws committed to them, and accused his
wife, and said that he had been affronted by her, because that when she
was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not obey him once. He
therefore gave order that they should inform him what could be done by
the law against her. So one of them, whose name was Memucan, said that
this affront was offered not to him alone, but to all the Persians, who
were in danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, if they
must be thus despised by them; for that none of their wives would have
any reverence for their husbands, if they had" such an example of
arrogance in the queen towards thee, who rulest over all." Accordingly,
he exhorted him to punish her, who had been guilty of so great an affront
to him, after a severe manner; and when he had so done, to publish to the
nations what had been decreed about the queen. So the resolution was to
put Vashti away, and to give her dignity to another woman.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="195" unit="section" /><p>But the king having been fond of her, did not well bear a separation,
and yet by the law he could not admit of a reconciliation; so he was under
trouble, as not having it in his power to do what he desired to do. But
when his friends saw him so uneasy, they advised him to cast the memory
of his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind, but to send abroad
over all the habitable earth, and to search out for comely virgins, and
to take her whom he should best like for his wife, because his passion
for his former wife would be quenched by the introduction of another, and
the kindness he had for Vashti would be withdrawn from her, and be placed
on her that was with him. Accordingly, he was persuaded to follow this
advice, and gave order to certain persons to choose out of the virgins
that were in his kingdom those that were esteemed the most comely. So when
a great number of these virgins were gathered together, there was found
a damsel in Babylon, whose parents were both dead, and she was brought
up with her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle's name. This uncle was
of the tribe of Benjamin, and was one of the principal persons among the
Jews. Now it proved that this damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most
beautiful of all the rest, and that the grace of her countenance drew the
eyes of the spectators principally upon her. So she was committed to one
of the eunuchs to take the care of her; and she was very exactly provided
with sweet odors, in great plenty, and with costly ointments, such as her
body required to be anointed withal; and this was used for six months by
the virgins, who were in number four hundred. And when the eunuch thought
the virgins had been sufficiently purified, in the fore-mentioned time,
and were now fit to go to the king's bed, he sent one to be with the king
ever day. So when he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to the
eunuch; and when Esther had come to him, he was pleased with her, and fell
in love with the damsel, and married her, and made her his lawful wife,
and kept a wedding feast for her on the twelfth month of the seventh year
of his reign, which was called Adar. He also sent angari, as they are called,
or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders that they should keep
a feast for his marriage, while he himself treated the Persians and the
Medes, and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on account
of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace, and
he set a diadem on her head. And thus was Esther married, without making
known to the king what nation she was derived from. Her uncle also removed
from Babylon to Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about the palace,
and inquiring how the damsel did, for he loved her as though she had been
his own daughter.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>Now the king had made a law, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Herodotus says that this law [against any one's coming uncalled to the
kings of Persia when they were sitting on their thrones] was first enacted
by Deioces [i.e. by him who first withdrew the Medes from the dominion
of the Assyrians, and himself first reigned over them]. Thus also, lays
Spanheim, stood guards, with their axes, about the throne of Tenus, or
Tenudus, that the offender might by them be punished immediately.</note>
that none of his own people should approach him unless he were called,
when he sat upon his throne and men, with axes in their hands, stood round
about his throne, in order to punish such as approached to him without
being called. However, the king sat with a golden scepter in his hand,
which he held out when he had a mind to save any one of those that approached
to him without being called, and he who touched it was free from danger.
But of this matter we have discoursed sufficiently.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="207" unit="section" /><p>Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against
the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth
a Jew, was acquainted with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen's
uncle; and Mordecai, by the means of Esther, made the conspirators known
to the king. This troubled the king; but he discovered the truth, and hanged
the eunuchs upon a cross, while at that time he gave no reward ]: to Mordecai,
who had been the occasion of his preservation. He only bid the scribes
to set down his name in the records, and bid him stay in the palace, as
an intimate friend of the king.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="209" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite,
that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped
him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honor should be paid to him;
but Mordecai was so wise, and so observant of his own country's laws, that
he would not worship the man <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whether this adoration required of Mordecai to Haman were by him deemed
too like the adoration due only to God, as Josephus seems here to think,
as well as the Septuagint interpreters also, by their translation of Esther
13:12-14, or whether he thought he ought to pay no sort of adoration to
an Amalekite, which nation had been such great sinners as to have been
universally devoted to destruction by God himself, Exodus 17:14-16; 1 Samuel
15:18, or whether both causes concurred, cannot now, I doubt, be certainly
determined.</note>
When Haman observed this, he inquired whence he came; and when he understood
that he was a Jew, he had indignation at him, and said within himself,
that whereas the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, this man,
who was no better than a slave, does not vouchsafe to do so. And when he
desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request
of the king that he alone might be punished; he rather determined to abolish
the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the
nation of the Amalekites, of which he was; had been destroyed by them.
Accordingly he came to the king, and accused them, saying, "There
is a certain wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habitable
earth the was under his dominion; a nation separate from others, unsociable,
neither admitting the same sort of Divine worship that others do, nor using
laws like to the laws of others, at enmity with thy people, and with all
men, both in their manners and practices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor
to thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them utterly, and not
leave the least remains of them, nor preserve any of them, either for slaves
or for captives." :But that the king might not be damnified by the
loss of the tributes which the Jews paid him, Haman promised to give him
out of his own estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased; and
he said he would pay this money very willingly, that the kingdom might.
be freed from such a misfortune.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>When Haman had made this petition, the king both forgave him the
money, and granted him the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman,
having gained what he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as from the
king, to all nations, the contents whereof were these: "Artaxerxes,
the great king, to the rulers of the hundred twenty and seven provinces,
from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing. Whereas I have governed many
nations, and obtained the dominions of all the habitable earth, according
to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any thing that is insolent
or cruel to my subjects by such my power, but have showed myself mild and
gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order, and have sought how
they might enjoy those blessings for all time to come. And whereas I have
been kindly informed by Haman, who, on account of his prudence and justice,
is the first in my esteem, and in dignity, and only second to myself, for
his fidelity and constant good-will to me, that there is an ill-natured
nation intermixed with all mankind, that is averse to our laws, and not
subject to kings, and of a different conduct of life from others, that
hateth monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious to our affairs,
I give order that all these men, of whom Haman our second father hath informed
us, be destroyed, with their wives and children, and that none of them
be spared, and that none prefer pity to them before obedience to this decree.
And this I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month
of this present year, that so when all that have enmity to us are destroyed,
and this in one day, we may be allowed to lead the rest of our lives in
peace hereafter." Now when this decree was brought to the cities,
and to the country, all were ready for the destruction and entire abolishment
of the Jews, against the day before mentioned; and they were very hasty
about it at Shushan, in particular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent
their time in feasting together with good cheer and wine, but the city
was in disorder.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="221" unit="section" /><p>Now when Mordecai was informed of what was done, he rent his clothes,
and put on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about
the city, crying out, that "a nation that had been injurious to no
man was to be destroyed." And he went on saying thus as far as to
the king's palace, and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him to
go into it in that habit. The same thing was done by all the Jews that
were in the several cities wherein this decree was published, with lamentation
and mourning, on account of the calamities denounced against them. But
as soon as certain persons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before
the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed at this report, and sent
out such as should change his garments; but when he could not be induced
to put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that forced him to put
it on was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then
present, and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him what sad accident
had befallen him, for which he was in mourning, and would not put off the
habit he had put on at her desire. Then did Mordecai inform the eunuch
of the occasion of his mourning, and of the decree which was sent by the
king into all the country, and of the promise of money whereby Haman brought
the destruction of their nation. He also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed
at Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged her to petition the
king about this matter, and not to think it a dishonorable thing in her
to put on a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein she might
deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in danger of it; for that Haman,
whose dignity was only inferior to that of the king, had accused the Jews,
and had irritated the king against them. When she was informed of this,
she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that she was not called by the
king, and that he who goes in to him without being called, is to be slain,
unless when he is willing to save any one, he holds out his golden scepter
to him; but that to whomsoever he does so, although he go in without being
called, that person is so far from being slain, that he obtains pardon,
and is entirely preserved. Now when the eunuch carried this message from
Esther to Mordecai, he bade him also tell her that she must not only provide
for her own preservation, but for the common preservation of her nation,
for that if she now neglected this opportunity, there would certainly arise
help to them from God some other way, but she and her father's house would
be destroyed by those whom she now despised. But Esther sent the very same
eunuch back to Mordecai [to desire him] to go to Shushan, and to gather
the Jews that were there together to a congregation, and to fast and abstain
from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him know that] she
with her maidens would do the same: and then she promised that she would
go to the king, though it were against the law, and that if she must die
for it, she would not refuse it.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="229" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had enjoined him, and made the
people fast; and he besought God, together with them, not to overlook his
nation, particularly at this time, when it was going to be destroyed; but
that, as he had often before provided for them, and forgiven, when they
had sinned, so he would now deliver them from that destruction which was
denounced against them; for although it was not all the nation that had
offended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain, and that he was himself
the occasion of the wrath of Haman, "Because," said he, "I
did not worship him, nor could I endure to pay that honor to him which
I used to pay to thee, O Lord; for upon that his anger hath he contrived
this present mischief against those that have not transgressed thy laws."
The same supplications did the multitude put up, and entreated that God
would provide for their deliverance, and free the Israelites that were
in all the earth from this calamity which was now coming upon them, for
they had it before their eyes, and expected its coming. Accordingly, Esther
made supplication to God after the manner of her country, by casting herself
down upon the earth, and putting on her mourning garments, and bidding
farewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days' time; and
she entreated God to have mercy upon her, and make her words appear persuasive
to the king, and render her countenance more beautiful than it was before,
that both by her words and beauty she might succeed, for the averting of
the king's anger, in case he were at all irritated against her, and for
the consolation of those of her own country, now they were in the utmost
danger of perishing; as also that he would excite a hatred in the king
against the enemies of the Jews, and those that had contrived their future
destruction, if they proved to be contemned by him.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="234" unit="section" /><p>When Esther had used this supplication for three days, she put off
those garments, and changed her habit, and adorned herself as became a
queen, and took two of her handmaids with her, the one of which supported
her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the other followed after, and lifted
up her large train (which swept along the ground) with the extremities
of her fingers. And thus she came to the king, having a blushing redness
in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeableness in her behavior; yet
did she go in to him with fear; and as soon as she was come over against
him, as he was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which was a
garment interwoven with gold and precious stones, which made him seem to
her more terrible, especially when he looked at her somewhat severely,
and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints failed her immediately,
out of the dread she was in, and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but
the king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will of
God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should bring some very
ill thing upon her, and he leaped from his throne, and took her in his
arms, and recovered her, by embracing her, and speaking comfortably to
her, and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any thing
that was sad on account of her coming to him without being called, because
that law was made for subjects, but that she, who was a queen, as well
as he a king, might be entirely secure; and as he said this, he put the
scepter into her hand, and laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the
law; and so freed her from her fear. And after she had recovered herself
by these encouragements, she said, "My lord, it is not easy for me,
on the sudden, to say what hath happened, for as soon as I saw thee to
be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit departed from me, and I had
no soul left in me." And while it was with difficulty, and in a low
voice, that she could say thus much, the king was in a great agony and
disorder, and encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and to expect better
fortune, since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to grant her
the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, Esther desired that he and his friend
Haman would come to her to a banquet, for she said she had prepared a supper
for him. He consented to it; and when they were there, as they were drinking,
he bid Esther to let him know what she desired; for that she should not
be disappointed though she should desire the half of his kingdom. But she
put off the discovery of her petition till the next day, if he would come
again, together with Haman, to her banquet.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="244" unit="section" /><p>Now when the king had promised so to do, Haman went away very glad,
because he alone had the honor of supping with the king at Esther's banquet,
and because no one else partook of the same honor with kings but himself;
yet when he saw Mordecai in the court, he was very much displeased, for
he paid him no manner of respect when he saw him. So he went home and called
for his wife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they were come, he showed
them what honor he enjoyed not only from the king, but from the queen also,
for as he alone had that day supped with her, together with the king, so
was he also invited again for the next day; "yet," said he, "am
I not pleased to see Mordecai the Jew in the court." Hereupon his
wife Zeresh advised him to give order that a gallows should be made fifty
cubits high, and that in the morning he should ask it of the king that
Mordecai might be hanged thereon. So he commended her advice, and gave
order to his servants to prepare the gallows, and to place it in the court,
for the punishment of Mordecai thereon, which was accordingly prepared.
But God laughed to scorn the wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew
what the event would be, he was delighted at it, for that night he took
away the king's sleep; and as the king was not willing to lose the time
of his lying awake, but to spend it in something that might be of advantage
to his kingdom, he commanded the scribe to bring him the chronicles of
the former kings, and the records of his own actions; and when he had brought
them, and was reading them, one was found to have received a country on
account of his excellent management on a certain occasion, and the name
of the country was set down; another was found to have had a present made
him on account of his fidelity: then the scribe came to Bigthan and Teresh,
the eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai
had discovered; and when the scribe said no more but that, and was going
on to another history, the king stopped him, and inquired "whether
it was not added that Mordecai had a reward given him?" and when he
said there was no such addition, he bade him leave off; and he inquired
of those that were appointed for that purpose, what hour of the night it
was; and when he was informed that it was already day, he gave order, that
if they found any one of his friends already come, and standing before
the court, they should tell him. Now it happened that Haman was found there,
for he was come sooner than ordinary to petition the king to have Mordecai
put to death; and when the servants said that Haman was before the court,
he bid them call him in; and when he was come in, he said, "Because
I know that thou art my only fast friend, I desire thee to give me advice
how I may honor one that I greatly love, and that after a manner suitable
to my magnificence." Now Haman reasoned with himself, that what opinion
he should give it would be for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved
by the king: so he gave that advice which he thought of all other the best;
for he said, "If thou wouldst truly honor a man whom thou sayest thou
dost love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with the same garment
on which thou wearest, and with a gold chain about his neck, and let one
of thy intimate friends go before him, and proclaim through the whole city,
that whosoever the king honoreth obtaineth this mark of his honor."
This was the advice which Haman gave, out of a supposal that such a reward
would come to himself. Hereupon the king was pleased with the advice, and
said, "Go thou therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment, and
the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those things, and go
before his horse and proclaim accordingly; for thou art," said he,
"my intimate friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then the
minister of what thou hast advised me to. This shall be his reward from
us, for preserving my life." When he heard this order, which was entirely
unexpected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew not what to do. However,
he went out and led the horse, and took the purple garment, and the golden
chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai before the court, clothed in sackcloth,
he bid him put that garment off, and put the purple garment on. But Mordecai,
not knowing the truth of the matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery,
said, "O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind, dost thou thus laugh
at our calamities?" But when he was satisfied that the king bestowed
this honor upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him when he convicted
the eunuchs who had conspired against him, he put on that purple garment
which the king always wore, and put the chain about his neck, and got on
horseback, and went round the city, while Haman went before and proclaimed,
"This shall be the reward which the king will bestow on every one
whom he loves, and esteems worthy of honor." And when they had gone
round the city, Mordecai went in to the king; but Haman went home, out
of shame, and informed his wife and friends of what had happened, and this
with tears; who said, that he would never be able to be revenged of Mordecai,
for that God was with him.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="260" unit="section" /><p>Now while these men were thus talking one to another, Esther's eunuchs
hastened Haman away to come to supper; but one of the eunuchs, named Sabuchadas,
saw the gallows that was fixed in Haman's house, and inquired of one of
his servants for what purpose they had prepared it. So he knew that it
was for the queen's uncle, because Haman was about to petition the king
that he might be punished; but at present he held his peace. Now when the
king, with Haman, were at the banquet, he desired the queen to tell him
what gifts she desired to obtain, and assured her that she should have
whatsoever she had a mind to. She then lamented the danger her people were
in; and said that "she and her nation were given up to be destroyed,
and that she, on that account, made this her petition; that she would not
have troubled him if he had only given order that they should be sold into
bitter servitude, for such a misfortune would not have been intolerable;
but she desired that they might be delivered from such destruction."
And when the king inquired of her whom was the author of this misery to
them, she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him, that he had been
the wicked instrument of this, and had formed this plot against them. When
the king was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the banquet
into the gardens, Haman began to intercede with Esther, and to beseech
her to forgive him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived that he
was in a very bad case. And as he had fallen upon the queen's bed, and
was making supplication to her, the king came in, and being still more
provoked at what he saw, "O thou wretch," said he, "thou
vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to force in wife?" And when Haman
was astonished at this, and not able to speak one word more, Sabuchadas
the eunuch came in and accused Haman, and said," He found a gallows
at his house, prepared for Mordecai; for that the servant told him so much
upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call him to supper."
He said further, that the gallows was fifty cubits high: which, when the
king heard, he determined that Haman should be punished after no other
manner than that which had been devised by him against Mordecai; so he
gave order immediately that he should be hung upon those gallows, and be
put to death after that manner. And from hence I cannot forbear to admire
God, and to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing
the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it, that he should undergo
the very same punishment which he had contrived for another; as also because
thereby he teaches others this lesson, that what mischiefs any one prepares
against another, he, without knowing of it, first contrives it against
himself.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="269" unit="section" /><p>Wherefore Haman, who had immoderately abused the honor he had from
the king, was destroyed after this manner, and the king granted his estate
to the queen. He also called for Mordecai, (for Esther had informed him
that she was akin to him,) and gave that ring to Mordecai which he had
before given to Haman. The queen also gave Haman's estate to Mordecai;
and prayed the king to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of
death, and showed him what had been written over all the country by Haman
the son of Ammedatha; for that if her country were destroyed, and her countrymen
were to perish, she could not bear to live herself any longer. So the king
promised her that he would not do any thing that should be disagreeable
to her, nor contradict what she desired; but he bid her write what she
pleased about the Jews, in the king's name, and seal it with his seal,
and send it to all his kingdom, for that those who read epistles whose
authority is secured by having the king's seal to them, would no way contradict
what was written therein. So he commanded the king's scribes to be sent
for, and to write to the nations, on the Jews' behalf, and to his lieutenants
and governors, that were over his hundred twenty and seven provinces, from
India to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this epistle were these: "The
great king Artaxerxes to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects,
sendeth greeting. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The true reason why king Artaxerxes did not here properly revoke his former
barbarous decree for the universal slaughter of the Jews, but only empowered
and encouraged the Jews to fight for their lives, and to kill their enemies,
if they attempted their destruction, seems to have been that old law of
the Medes and Persians, not yet laid aside, that whatever decree was signed
both by the king and his lords could not be changed, but remained unalterable,
Daniel 6:7-9, 12, 15, 17; Esther 1:19; 8:8. And Haman having engrossed
the royal favor might perhaps have himself signed this decree for the Jews'
slaughter instead of the ancient lords, and so might have rendered it by
their rules irrevocable.</note>
Many men there are who, on account of the greatness of the benefits bestowed
on them, and because of the honor which they have obtained from the wonderful
kind treatment of those that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their
inferiors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that have been their
benefactors, as if they would take away gratitude from among men, and by
their insolent abuse of such benefits as they never expected, they turn
the abundance they have against those that are the authors of it, and suppose
they shall lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that vengeance
which comes from him. Some of these men, when they have had the management
of affairs committed to them by their friends, and bearing private malice
of their own against some others, by deceiving those that have the power,
persuade them to be angry at such as have done them no harm, till they
are in danger of perishing, and this by laying accusations and calumnies:
nor is this state of things to be discovered by ancient examples, or such
as we have learned by report only, but by some examples of such impudent
attempts under our own eyes; so that it is not fit to attend any longer
to calumnies and accusations, nor to the persuasions of others, but to
determine what any one knows of himself to have been really done, and to
punish what justly deserves it, and to grant favors to such as are innocent.
This hath been the case of Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite,
and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably entertained
by us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great
a degree, as to be called my father, and to be all along worshipped, and
to have honor paid him by all in the second rank after the royal honor
due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude
of his prosperity with sound reason; nay, he made a conspiracy against
me and my life, who gave him his authority, by endeavoring to take away
Mordecai, my benefactor, and my savior, and by basely and treacherously
requiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and of my dominion, brought
to destruction; for he contrived by this means to deprive me of my faithful
friends, and transfer the government to others: <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These words give an intimation as if Artaxerxes suspected a deeper design
in Haman than openly appeared, viz. that knowing the Jews would be faithful
to him, and that he could never transfer the crown to his own family, who
was an Agagite, Esther 3:1, 10, or of the posterity of Agag, the old king
of the Amalekites, 1 Samuel 15:8, 32, 33, while they were alive, and spread
over all his dominions, he therefore endeavored to destroy them. Nor is
it to me improbable that those seventy-five thousand eight hundred of the
Jews' enemies which were soon destroyed by the Jews, on the permission
of the king, which must be on some great occasion, were Amalekites, their
old and hereditary enemies, Exodus 17:14, 15; and that thereby was fulfilled
Balaam's prophecy, "Amalek was the first of the nations, but his latter
end shall be, that he perish for ever" Numbers 24:20.</note>
but since I perceived that these Jews, that were by this pernicious fellow
devoted to destruction, were not wicked men, but conducted their lives
after the best manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of that God
who hath preserved the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, I do not only
free them from the punishment which the former epistle, which was sent
by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, to which if you refuse obedience,
you shall do well; but I will that they have all honor paid to them. Accordingly,
I have hanged up the man that contrived such things against them, with
his family, before the gates of Shushan; that punishment being sent upon
him by God, who seeth all things. And I give you in charge, that you publicly
propose a copy of this epistle through all my kingdom, that the Jews may
be permitted peaceably to use their own laws, and that you assist them,
that at the same season whereto their miserable estate did belong, they
may defend themselves the very same day from unjust violence, the thirteenth
day of the twelfth month, which is Adar; for God hath made that day a day
of salvation instead of a day of destruction to them; and may it be a good
day to those that wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of the
conspirators against us: and I will that you take notice, that every city,
and every nation, that shall disobey any thing that is contained in this
epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. However, let this epistle
be published through all the country that is under our obedience, and let
all the Jews, by all means, be ready against the day before mentioned,
that they may avenge themselves upon their enemies."</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="284" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, the horsemen who carried the epistles proceeded on
the ways which they were to go with speed: but as for Mordecai, as soon
as he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown of gold, and had put
the chain about his neck, he went forth in a public procession; and when
the Jews who were at Shushan saw him in so great honor with the king, they
thought his good fortune was common to themselves also, and joy and a beam
of salvation encompassed the Jews, both those that were in the cities,
and those that were in the countries, upon the publication of the king's
letters, insomuch that many even of other nations circumcised their foreskin
for fear of the Jews, that they might procure safety to themselves thereby;
for on the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which according to the
Hebrews is called Adar, but according to the Macedonians, Dystrus, those
that carried the king's epistle gave them notice, that the same day wherein
their danger was to have been, on that very day should they destroy their
enemies. But now the rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the
kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for the fear they were
in of Mordecai forced them to act with discretion. Now when the royal decree
was come to all the country that was subject to the king, it fell out that
the Jews at Shushan slew five hundred of their enemies; and when the king
had told Esther the number of those that were slain in that city, but did
not well know what had been done in the provinces, he asked her whether
she would have any thing further done against them, for that it should
be done accordingly: upon which she desired that the Jews might be permitted
to treat their remaining enemies in the same manner the next day; as also
that they might hang the ten sons of Haman upon the gallows. So the king
permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther. So they
gathered themselves together again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystrus,
and slew about three hundred of their enemies, but touched nothing of what
riches they had. Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the country,
and in the other cities, seventy-five thousand of their enemies, and these
were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next day they kept
as a festival. In like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered themselves
together, and feasted on the fourteenth day, and that which followed it;
whence it is that even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth
keep these days festival, and send portions to one another. Mordecai also
wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to observe these
days, and celebrate them as festivals, and to deliver them down to posterity,
that this festival might continue for all time to come, and that it might
never be buried in oblivion; for since they were about to be destroyed
on these days by Haman, they would do a right thing, upon escaping the
danger in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to
observe those days, and give thanks to God on them; for which cause the
Jews still keep the forementioned days, and call them days of Phurim [or
Purim.] <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take here part of Reland's note on this disputed passage: "In Josephus's
copies these Hebrew words, 'days of Purim,' or ' lots,' as in the Greek
copies of Esther, ch. 9:26, 28-32, is read 'days of Phurim,' or 'days of
protection,' but ought to be read' days of Parira,' as in the Hebrew; than
which creation," says he, "nothing is more certain." And
had we any assurance that Josephus's copy mentioned the "casting of
lots," as our other copies do, Esther 3:7, I should fully agree with
Reland; but, as it now stands, it seems to me by no means certain. As to
this whole Book of Esther in the present Hebrew copy, it is so very imperfect,
in a case where the providence of God was so very remarkable, and the Septuagint
and Josephus have so much of religion, that it has not so much as the name
of God once in it; and it is hard to say who made that epitome which the
Masorites have given us for the genuine book itself; no religious Jews
could well be the authors of it, whose education obliged them to have a
constant regard to God, and whatsoever related to his worship; nor do we
know that there ever was so imperfect a copy of it in the world till after
the days of Barchochab, in the second century.</note>
And Mordecai became a great and illustrious person with the king, and assisted
him in the government of the people. He also lived with the queen; so that
the affairs of the Jews were, by their means, better than they could ever
have hoped for. And this was the state of the Jews under the reign of Artaxerxes.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JOHN SLEW HIS BROTHER JESUS IN THE TEMPLE; AND HOW BAGOSES
OFFERED MANY INJURIES TO THE JEWS; AND WHAT SANBALLAT DID.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="297" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Eliashib the high priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in
the high priesthood; and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity;
on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Artaxerxes's
army, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Concerning this other Artaxerxes, called Muemon, and the Persian affliction
and captivity of the Jews under him, occasioned by the murder of the high
priest's brother in the holy house itself, see Authent. Rec. at large,
p. 49. And if any wonder why Josephus wholly omits the rest of the kings
of Persia after Artaxerxes Mnemon, till he came to their last king Darius,
who was conquered by Alexander the Great, I shall give them Vossius's and
Dr. Hudson's answer, though in my own words, viz. that Josephus did not
do ill in admitting those kings of Persia with whom the Jews had no concern,
because he was giving the history of the Jews, and not of the Persians
[which is a sufficient reason also why he entirely omits the history and
the Book of Job, as not particularly relating to that nation]. He justly
therefore returns to the Jewish affairs after the death of Longimanus,
without any intention of Darius II. before Artaxerxes Mnemon, or of Ochus
or Arogus, as the Canon of Ptolemy names them, after him. Nor had he probably
mentioned this other Artaxerxes, unless Bagoses, one of the governors and
commanders under him, had occasioned the pollution of the Jewish temple,
and had greatly distressed the Jews upon that pollution.</note>
polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the
public stock, before they offered the daily sacrifices, they should pay
for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the brother of John, and was
a friend of Bagoses, who had promised to procure him the high priesthood.
In confidence of whose support, Jesus quarreled with John in the temple,
and so provoked his brother, that in his anger his brother slew him. Now
it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high priest, to perpetrate
so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so
cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. However,
God did not neglect its punishment, but the people were on that very account
enslaved, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses,
the general of Artaxerxes's army, knew that John, the high priest of the
Jews, had slain his own brother Jesus in the temple, he came upon the Jews
immediately, and began in anger to say to them," Have you had the
impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?" And as he was aiming
to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to them,"
Am not I purer than he that was slain in the temple?" And when he
had said these words, he went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made
use of this pretense, and punished the Jews seven years for the murder
of Jesus.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="302" unit="section" /><p>Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in
the high priesthood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. :Now there
was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of Persia], into
Samaria. He was a Cutheam by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans
also. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that
their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the
people of Celesyria; so that he willingly gave his daughter, whose name
was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage
would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue
their good-will to him.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING SANBALLAT AND MANASSEH, AND THE TEMPLE WHICH THEY
BUILT ON MOUNT GERIZZIM; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER MADE HIS ENTRY INTO THE
CITY JERUSALEM, AND WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE JEWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="304" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time it was that Philip, king of Macedon, was treacherously
assaulted and slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Cerastes, who was
derived from the family of Oreste, and his son Alexander succeeded him
in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hellespont, overcame the generals
of Darius's army in a battle fought at Granicum. So he marched over Lydia,
and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of <placeName key="tgn,7002611" authname="tgn,7002611">Pamphylia</placeName>,
as has been related elsewhere.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="306" unit="section" /><p>But the elders of Jerusalem being very uneasy that the brother of
Jaddua the high priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner
with him in the high priesthood, quarreled with him; for they esteemed
this man's marriage a step to such as should be desirous of transgressing
about the marriage of [strange] wives, and that this would be the beginning
of a mutual society with foreigners, although the offense of some about
marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country,
had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they
then underwent; so they commanded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not
to approach the altar, the high priest himself joining with the people
in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away from the
altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told
him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing
to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the
principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family.
And then Sanballat promised him not only to preserve to him the honor of
his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high
priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled,
if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him further, that
he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzini,
which is the highest of all the mountains that are in Samaria; and he promised
that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh
was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal
that he should gain a high priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for
it happened that Sanballat was then in years. But there was now a great
disturbance among the people of Jerusalem, because many of those priests
and Levites were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh,
and Sanballat afforded them money, and divided among them land for tillage,
and habitations also, and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="313" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed
over the Hellespont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the battle at Granicum,
and was proceeding further; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse
and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they
should assault and conquer all Asia. So he passed over the river Euphrates,
and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain, and at Issus of Cilicia he
waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. Upon which Sanballat
was glad that Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he would suddenly
perform his promises to him, and this as soon as ever Darius should come
back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that
were in Asia also, were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much
as come to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude. But
the event proved otherwise than they expected; for the king joined battle
with the Macedonians, and was beaten, and lost a great part of his army.
His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he
fled into Persia. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damascus; and
when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent all epistle
to the Jewish high priest, to send him some auxiliaries, and to supply
his army with provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent to Darius,
he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians,
and that he should never repent of so doing. But the high priest answered
the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arms against
him; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in
the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry;
and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be
taken, yet as soon as he had taken it, he threatened that he would make
an expedition against the Jewish high priest, and through him teach all
men to whom they must keep their oaths. So when he had, with a good deal
of pains during the siege, taken Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he
came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor
of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="321" unit="section" /><p>But Sanballat thought he had now gotten a proper opportunity to make
his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking with him seven thousand
of his own subjects, he came to Alexander; and finding him beginning the
siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered up to him these men, who
came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for
his lord instead of Darius. So when Alexander had received him kindly,
Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair.
He told him that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was brother to the
high priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation,
now with him, that were desirous to have a temple in the places subject
to him; that it would be for the king's advantage to have the strength
of the Jews divided into two parts, lest when the nation is of one mind,
and united, upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings,
as it had formerly proved to the kings of Assyria. Whereupon Alexander
gave Sanballat leave so to do, who used the utmost diligence, and built
the temple, and made Manasseh the priest, and deemed it a great reward
that his daughter's children should have that dignity; but when the seven
months of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege
of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste
to go up to Jerusalem; and Jaddua the high priest, when he heard that,
was in an agony, and under terror, as not knowing how he should meet the
Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience.
He therefore ordained that the people should make supplications, and should
join with him in offering sacrifice to God, whom he besought to protect
that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon
them; whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he
had offered sacrifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city,
and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but
that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their
order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence
of God would prevent. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly
rejoiced, and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According
to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="329" unit="section" /><p>And when he understood that he was not far from the city, he went
out in procession, with the priests and the multitude of the citizens.
The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that
of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha, which name, translated
into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of
Jerusalem and of the temple. And when the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans
that followed him thought they should have liberty to plunder the city,
and torment the high priest to death, which the king's displeasure fairly
promised them, the very reverse of it happened; for Alexander, when he
saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood
clothed with fine linen, and the high priest in purple and scarlet clothing,
with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of
God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first
saluted the high priest. The Jews also did all together, with one voice,
salute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria
and the rest were surprised at what Alexander had done, and supposed him
disordered in his mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked
him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore
the high priest of the Jews? To whom he replied, "I did not adore
him, but that God who hath honored him with his high priesthood; for I
saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios
in Macedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain
the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass
over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give
me the dominion over the Persians; whence it is that, having seen no other
in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remembering that vision,
and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this
army under the Divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and
destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according
to what is in my own mind." And when he had said this to Parmenio,
and had given the high priest his right hand, the priests ran along by
him, and he came into the city. And when he went up into the temple, he
offered sacrifice to God, according to the high priest's direction, and
magnificently treated both the high priest and the priests. And when the
Book of Daniel was showed him <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The place showed Alexander might be Daniel 7:6; 8:3-8, 20--22; 11:3; some
or all of them very plain predictions of Alexander's conquests and successors.</note>
wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire
of the Persians, he supposed that himself was the person intended. And
as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present; but the
next day he called them to him, and bid them ask what favors they pleased
of him; whereupon the high priest desired that they might enjoy the laws
of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He
granted all they desired. And when they entreared him that he would permit
the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly
promised to do hereafter what they desired. And when he said to the multitude,
that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army, on this condition,
that they should continue under the laws of their forefathers, and live
according to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready
to accompany him in his wars.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="340" unit="section" /><p>So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his
army into the neighboring cities; and when all the inhabitants to whom
he came received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then
Shechem for their metropolis, (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited
by apostates of the Jewish nation,) seeing that Alexander had so greatly
honored the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; for such is the
disposition of the Samaritans, as we have already elsewhere declared, that
when the Jews are in adversity, they deny that they are of kin to them,
and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good
fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion
with them, saying that they belong to them, and derive their genealogy
from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly, they
made their address to the king with splendor, and showed great alacrity
in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem. And when Alexander
had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them
the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would
come to their city, and do honor to their temple also; to whom he promised,
that when he returned he would come to them. And when they petitioned that
he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did
but sow thereon, he asked who they were that made such a petition; and
when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living
at Shechem, he asked them again whether they were Jews; and when they said
they were not Jews, "It was to the Jews," said he, "that
I granted that privilege; however, when I return, and am thoroughly informed
by you of this matter, I will do what I shall think proper." And in
this manner he took leave of the Shechenlites; but ordered that the troops
of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to
give them lands, which he did a little after in Thebais, when he ordered
them to guard that country.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="346" unit="section" /><p>Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his
successors, but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim remained. And if any one
were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here Josephus uses the very word <emph>koinophagia</emph> "eating things
common," for "eating things unclean;" as does our New Testament,
Acts x. 14,15, 28; xi. 8, 9; Rom. xiv. 14.</note>
or of having broken the sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature,
he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was accused unjustly.
About this time it was that Jaddua the high priest died, and Onias his
son took the high priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the
people of Jerusalem at this time.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="12" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XII</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF A HUNDRED AND SEVENTY YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF
JUDAS MACCABEUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW PTOLEMY THE SON OF LAGUS TOOK JERUSALEM AND JUDEA BY
DECEIT AND TREACHERY, AND CARRIED MANY THENCE, AND PLANTED THEM IN EGYPT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Alexander, king of Macedon, had put an end to the dominion
of the Persians, and had settled the affairs in Judea after the forementioned
manner, he ended his life. And as his government fell among many, Antigonus
obtained Asia, Seleucus Babylon; and of the other nations which were there,
Lysimachus governed the Hellespont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia;
as did Ptolemy the son of Lagus seize upon Egypt. And while these princes
ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality,
it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars
too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitants
in these times of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the means of Ptolemy
the son of Lagus, underwent the reverse of that denomination of Savior,
which he then had. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made
use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a sabbath
day, as if he would offer sacrifices <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here Josephus uses the very word koinopltagia, "eating things common,"
for "eating things unclean;" as does our New Testament, Acts
10:14, 15, 28; 11:8, 9; Romans 14:14,</note>
he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose
him, for they did not suspect him to be their enemy; and he gained it thus,
because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they
were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he ruled over it
in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of
Alexander's successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it,
had lost our liberty; where he says thus: "There is a nation called
the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem.
These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of Ptolemy, as not
willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master,
by reason of their unseasonable superstition." This is what Agatharchides
relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives,
both from the mountainous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem
and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The great number of these Jews and Samaritans that were formerly carried
into Egypt by Alexander, and now by Ptolemy the son of Lagus, appear afterwards
in the vast multitude who as we shall see presently, were soon ransomed
by Philadelphus, and by him made free, before he sent for the seventy-two
interpreters; in the many garrisons and other soldiers of that nation in
Egypt; in the famous settlement of Jews, and the number of their synagogues
at Alexandria, long afterward; and in the vehement contention between the
Jews and Samatitans under Philometer, about the place appointed for public
worship in the law of Moses, whether at the Jewish temple of Jerusalem,
or at the Samaritan temple of Gerizzim; of all which our author treats
hereafter. And as to the Samaritans carried into Egypt under the same princes,
Scaliger supposes that those who have a great synagogue at Cairo, as also
those whom the Arabic geographer speaks of as having seized on an island
in the Red Sea, are remains of them at this very day, as the notes here
inform us.</note> and
settled them there. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem were most
faithful in the observation of oaths and covenants; and this from the answer
they made to Alexander, when he sent an embassage to them, after he had
beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons,
and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians
themselves; and required of them to take their oaths, that they would keep
their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to
their care. Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord,
went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality
of Ptolemy. However, there were disoders among their posterity, with relation
to the Samaritans, on account of their resolution to preserve that conduct
of life which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon
contended one with another, while those of Jerusalem said that their temple
was holy, and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but the Samaritans
were resolved that they should be sent to Mount Gerizzim.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS PROCURED THE LAWS OF THE JEWS TO
BE TRANSLATED INTO THE GREEK TONGUE AND SET MANY CAPTIVES FREE, AND DEDICATED
MANY GIFTS TO GOD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter
forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom of Egypt, and held it forty
years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted, and set free those
that were come from Jerusalem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who
were a hundred and twenty thousand. The occasion was this: Demetrius Phalerius,
who was library keeper to the king, was now endeavoring, if it were possible,
to gather together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and
buying whatsoever was any where valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclination,
(who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books,) to which inclination
of his Demetrius was zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked
him how many ten thousands of books he had collected, he replied, that
he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time,
he should have fifty times ten thousand. But be said he had been informed
that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after,
and worthy of the king's library, but which, being written in characters
and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them
translated into the Greek tongue; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the translation of the other parts of the Old Testament by seventy Egyptian
Jews, in the reigns of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and Philadelphus; as also
of the translation of the Pentateuch by seventy-two Jerusalem Jews, in
the seventh year of Philadelphus at Alexandria, as given us an account
of by Aristeus, and thence by Philo and Josephus, with a vindication of
Aristeus's history; see the Appendix to Lit. Accorap. of Proph. at large,
p. 117--152.</note>
that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which
is the proper character of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced,
is like theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to themselves.
Wherefore he said that nothing hindered why they might not get those books
to be translated also; for while nothing is wanting that is necessary for
that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. So the king
thought that Demetrius was very zealous to procure him abundance of books,
and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore
he wrote to the Jewish high priest, that he should act accordingly.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="17" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king's most intimate
friends, and on account of his modesty very acceptable to him. This Aristeus
resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he
would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this
to be a convenient opportunity for the making that petition. So he discoursed,
in the first place, with the captains of the king's guards, Sosibius of
Tarentum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist him in what he was
going to intercede with the king for. Accordingly Aristeus embraced the
same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the
king, and made the following speech to him: "It is not fit for us,
O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay
the truth open. For since we have determined not only to get the laws of
the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satisfaction, by what
means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom?
Do thou then what will be agreeable to thy magnanimity, and to thy good
nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that
God, who supporteth thy kingdom, was the author of their laws as I have
learned by particular inquiry; for both these people, and we also, worship
the same God the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by
the name of GREEK, [or life, or <placeName key="tgn,1125260" authname="tgn,1125260">Jupiter</placeName>,] because he breathes life into
all men. Wherefore do thou restore these men to their own country, and
this do to the honor of God, because these men pay a peculiarly excellent
worship to him. And know this further, that though I be not of kin to them
by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these
favors to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God; and I
am sensible that he is well-pleased with those that do good. I do therefore
put up this petition to thee, to do good to them."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="24" unit="section" /><p>When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful
and joyful countenance, and said, "How many ten thousands dost thou
suppose there are of such as want to be made free?" To which Andreas
replied, as he stood by, and said," A few more than ten times ten
thousand." The king made answer, "And is this a small gift that
thou askest, Aristeus?" But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by,
said that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his
greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this
answer he was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers
their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachmas <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Although this number one hundred and twenty drachmee [of Alexandria, or
sixty Jewish shekels] be here three times repeated, and that in all Josephus's
copies, Greek and Latin; yet since all the copies of Aristeus, whence Josephus
took his relation, have this sum several times, and still as no more than
twenty drachmae, or ten Jewish shekels; and since the sum of the talents,
to be set down presently, which is little above four hundred and sixty,
for somewhat more than one hundred thousand slaves, and is nearly the same
in Josephus and Aristeus, does better agree to twenty than to one hundred
and twenty drachmae; and since the value of a slave of old was at the utmost
but thirty shekels, or sixty drachmae; see Exodus 21:32; while in the present
circumstances of these Jewish slaves, and those so very numerous, Philadelphus
would rather redeem them at a cheaper than at a dearer rate; — there is
great reason to prefer here Aristeus's copies before Josephus's.</note>
for every one of the slaves? And he promised to publish a magnificent decree,
about what they requested, which should confirm what Aristeus had proposed,
and especially what God willed should be done; whereby he said he would
not only set those free who had been led away captive by his father and
his army, but those who were in this kingdom before, and those also, if
any such there were, who had been brought away since. And when they said
that their redemption money would amount to above four hundred talents,
he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that
the magnanimity of this king may be made known. Its contents were as follows:
"Let ail those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they
overran Syria and Phoenicia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives,
and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country,
and then sold them; as also all those that were in my kingdom before them,
and if there be any that have been lately brought thither, - be made free
by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty
drachmas for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption
money with their pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I suppose
that they were made captives without our father's consent, and against
equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers,
and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great profit
by them. Out of regard therefore to justice, and out of pity to those that
have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have
such Jews in their service to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of
the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but
obey what is here commanded. And I will that they give in their names within
three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed
to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I
think it will be for the advantage of my affairs. And let every one that
will inform against those that do not obey this decree, and I will that
their estates be confiscated into the king's treasury." When this
decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here
inserted, and omitted only those Jews that had formerly been brought, and
those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he
added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He
also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry,
should be divided among the king's ministers, and among the officers of
his treasury. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly
brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seven days' time, the
number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and
sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty
drachmas for the children also, the king having, in effect, commanded that
these should be paid for, when he said in his decree, that they should
receive the forementioned sum for every slave.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="34" unit="section" /><p>Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according
to the king's inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to give him in writing
his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no
part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things
are managed with great circumspection. On which account I have subjoined
a copy of these epistles, and set down the multitude of the vessels sent
as gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the exactness
of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them,
and which workman made every vessel, may be made manifest, and. this on
account of the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the
epistle was to this purpose: "Demetrius to the great king. When thou,
O king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were
wanting to fill your library, and concerning the care that ought to be
taken about such as are imperfect, I have used the utmost diligence about
those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish
legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters,
and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. It hath also
happened to them, that they have been transcribed more carelessly than
they ought to have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care
taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate
copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and
entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God; for which cause it
is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention
of it, nor of those men who lead their lives according to it, since it
is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. If then
it please thee, O king, thou mayst write to the high priest of the Jews,
to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most
skillful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing
sense of these books, and may obtain an accurate interpretation of their
contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable
to thy desire."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="40" unit="section" /><p>When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle
should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high priest, concerning these
matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that
had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for
the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity
of precious stones. He also gave order to those who had the custody of
the chest that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to
choose out what sorts of them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a
hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and
for other uses. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the
manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy
of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high priest, who had obtained
that dignity on the occasion following: When Onias the high priest was
dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We have a very great encomium of this Simon the Just, the son of Onias,
in the fiftieth chapter of the Ecclesiasticus, through the whole chapter.
Nor is it improper to consult that chapter itself upon this occasion.</note> because
of both his piety towards God, and his kind disposition to those of his
own nation. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called
Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high
priesthood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote, and that in the manner
following: "King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high priest, sendeth greeting.
There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when
they were in power, carried captives. These were honored by my father;
some of them he placed in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary;
to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he committed his
garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the
Egyptians. And when I had taken the government, I treated all men with
humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow citizens, of whom I
have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price
of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; and those
that are of a fit age, I have admitted into them number of my soldiers.
And for such as are capable of being faithful to me, and proper for my
court, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done
to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God
for his providence over me. And as I am desirous to do what will be grateful
to these, and to all the other Jews in the habitable earth, I have determined
to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out
of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt therefore
do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are now
elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age,
must be skillful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation
of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that I have done
a work glorious to myself. And I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain
of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem; by whom
I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and
to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents.
And if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldst have further,
thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="51" unit="section" /><p>When this epistle of the king was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an
answer to it with all the respect possible: "Eleazar the high priest
to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">When we have here and presently mention made of Philadelphus's queen and
sister Arsinoe, we are to remember, with Spanheim, that Arsinoe was both
his sister and his wife, according to the old custom of Persia, and of
Egypt at this very time; nay, of the Assyrians long afterwards. See Antiq.
B. XX. ch. 2. sect. 1. Whence we have, upon the coins of Philadelphus,
this known inscription, "The divine brother and sister."</note>
and thy children, be well, we are entirely satisfied. When we received
thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions; and when the multitude
were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible
of the piety thou hast towards God. We also showed them the twenty vials
of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the table
for the shew-bread; as also the hundred talents for the sacrifices, and
for the making what shall be needful at the temple; which things Andreas
and Aristeus, those most honored friends of thine, have brought us; and
truly they are persons of an excellent character, and of great learning,
and worthy of thy virtue. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is
for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought
to make a return for the numerous acts of kindness which thou hast done
to our countrymen. We immediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee
and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers,
that thy affairs may be to thy mind, and that thy kingdom may be preserved
in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion
thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders
out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law with them. It will be
thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law, when it hath
been translated, and to return those to us that bring it in safety. Farewell."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="57" unit="section" /><p>This was the reply which the high priest made. But it does not seem
to me to be necessary to set down the names of the seventy [two] elders
who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined
at the end of the epistle. However, I thought it not improper to give an
account of those very valuable and artificially contrived vessels which
the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had
for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for these vessels,
and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing
of carelessness or negligence to be any damage to their operations. And
I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although perhaps
the nature of this history may not require such a description; but I imagine
I shall thereby recommend the elegant taste and magnanimity of this king
to those that read this history.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>And first I will describe what belongs to the table. It was indeed
in the king's mind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but
then he gave orders that they should learn what was the magnitude of the
table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether
there was a possibility of making one larger than it. And when he was informed
how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but
a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that
should be five times as large as the present table; but his fear was, that
it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great
largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only
be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred ministrations.
According to which reasoning, that the former table was made of so moderate
a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not
exceed the former table in largeness; but would make it exceed it in the
variety and elegancy of its materials. And as he was sagacious in observing
the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and
surprising, and where there was no sculptures, he would invent such as
were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded
that such sculptures should now be made, and that those which were delineated
should be most accurately formed by a constant regard to their delineation.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="64" unit="section" /><p>When therefore the workmen had undertaken to make the table, they
framed it in length two cubits [and a half], in breadth one cubit, and
in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was
of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work
wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was
admirably turned on its three parts; for as they were of a triangular figure,
every angle had the same disposition of its sculptures, that when you turned
them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation.
Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its
sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside
was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful ornaments, because it
was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; for which reason
it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute,
and none of the angles, which we before told you were three, appeared less
than another, when the table was turned about. Now into the cordwork thus
turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other,
enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; but the parts which
were on the side of the crown, and were exposed to the sight, were adorned
with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort
of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encompassed the
table round about. But under these oval figures, thus engraven, the workmen
had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was
represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up. And when they
had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned,
and that each in its proper color, they made them fast with gold round
the whole table. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved
rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show
the same appearance of variety and elegancy of its ornaments; so that neither
the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be different, although
the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same
artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; for there
was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth
of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them
to the table by buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown
was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand,
it might exhibit the very same view of the exquisite workmanship, and of
the vast expeses bestowed upon it: but upon the table itself they engraved
a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars,
of various colors; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out
agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts
also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in
their kind. Hard by this meander a texture of net-work ran round it, the
middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-crystal
and amber, which, by the great resemblance of the appearance they made,
gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. The chapiters of the feet
imitated the first buddings of lilies, while their leaves were bent and
laid under the table, but so that the chives were seen standing upright
within them. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the
bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers
in breadth. Now they had engraven upon it with a very fine tool, and with
a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy and tendrils of the vine, sending
forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different
from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended
at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one
believe that they were the product of nature, and not the representation
of art. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be
threefold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together
as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished.
Now the thickness of the table was not less than half a cubit. So that
this gift, by the king's great generosity, by the great value of the materials,
and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in
imitating nature with graying tools, was at length brought to perfection,
while the king was very desirous, that though in largeness it were not
to be different from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that
in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the
splendor of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious
than that was.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="78" unit="section" /><p>Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was
of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts
of stones enchased in the spiral circles. Next to which there was upon
it a meander of a cubit in height; it was composed of stones of all sorts
of colors. And next to this was the rod-work engraven; and next to that
was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the basin,
while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four
fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the basin
were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils
of vines in a circular manner. And this was the construction of the two
cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins. But those which were of
silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses, and you
might in them see the images that fell upon them more plainly than in the
other. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that
were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with
the leaves of ivy and of vines, artificially engraven. And these were the
vessels that were after an extraordinary manner brought to this perfection,
partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such fine work,
but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, who not only
supplied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what
they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and
stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation. And this was the cause
why the workmen were so accurate in their performance, because they had
regard to the king, and to his great concern about the vessels, and so
the more indefatigably kept close to the work.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="85" unit="section" /><p>And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and
dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high priest had devoted them
to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given
them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when they
were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard that they were come,and that
the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristens,
his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they
brought him from the high priest, and made answer to all the questions
he put to them by word of mouth. He then made haste to meet the elders
that came from Jerusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave
command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away,
which was a thing surprising, and what he did not use to do; for those
that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the
fifth day, but ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had sent those
away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; but as the old men
came in with the presents, which the high priest had given them to bring
to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written
in golden letters <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The Talmudists say, that it is not lawful to write the law in letters of
gold, contrary to this certain and very ancient example. See Hudson's and
Reland's notes here.</note>
he put questions to them concerning those books; and when they had taken
off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes.
So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness
of the junctures, which could not be perceived; (so exactly were they connected
one with another;) and this he did for a considerable time. He then said
that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks
to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared
to be. Then did the elders, and those that were present with them, cry
out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he
fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural
to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do under sorrows.
And when he had bid them deliver the books to those that were appointed
to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse,
in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address
himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day
on which they came to him remarkable and eminent every year through the
whole course of his life; for their coming to him, and the victory which
he gained over Antigonus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He
also gave orders that they should sup with him; and gave it in charge that
they should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part
of the city.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="94" unit="section" /><p>Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers,
Nicanor by name, called for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision
for them, and bid him prepare for every one of them what should be requisite
for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after
this manner: he took care that those that belonged to every city, which
did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared
for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being
feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they
might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done
to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in
the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because
of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life; for he took
care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed
them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded
him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set
at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that
no respect should be omitted that could be shown them. And when they were
thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come
to him from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to; for
which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew the
sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace; but called to one of those
that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who w a priest, and desired
him to say grace; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is the most ancient example I have met with of a grace, or short prayer,
or thanksgiving before meat; which, as it is used to be said by a heathen
priest, was now said by Eleazar, a Jewish priest, who was one of these
seventy-two interpreters. The next example I have met with, is that of
the Essenes, (Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 5,) both before and after
it; those of our Savior before it, Mark 8:6; John 6:11, 23; and St. Paul,
Acts 27:35; and a form of such a grace or prayer for Christians, at the
end of the fifth book of the Apostolical Constitutions, which seems to
have been intended for both times, both before and after meat.</note>
who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might
attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an acclamation
was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that.
was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what
was set before them. And at a little interval afterward, when the king
thought a sufficient time had been interposed, he began to talk philosophically
to them, and he asked every one of them a philosophical question <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">They were rather political questions and answers, tending to the good and
religious government of mankind.</note>
and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had
explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every
point, he was well-pleased with their answers. This took up the twelve
days in which they were treated; and he that pleases may learn the particular
questions in that book of Aristeus, which he wrote on this very occasion.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="101" unit="section" /><p>And while not the king only, but the philosopher Menedemus also,
admired them, and said that all things were governed by Providence, and
that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered
in these men's words, they then left off asking any more such questions.
But the king said that he had gained very great advantages by their coming,
for that he had received this profit from them, that he had learned how
he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have
every one three talents given them, and that those that were to conduct
them to their lodging should do it. Accordingly, when three days were over,
Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it
was a bank in the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge,
he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet,
which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place,
and fit for their discoursing together about their work. When he had brought
them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which
they wanted for the interpretation of their law) that they would suffer
nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an accurate
interpretation, with great zeal and great pains, and this they continued
to do till the ninth hour of the day; after which time they relaxed, and
took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great
plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's command, brought them a great
deal of what was provided for the king himself. But in the morning they
came to the court and saluted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former
place, where, when they had washed their hands, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This purification of the interpreters, by washing in the sea, before they
prayed to God every morning, and before they set about translating, may
be compared with the like practice of Peter the apostle, in the Recognitions
of Clement, B. IV. ch. 3., and B. V. ch. 36., and with the places of the
Proseuchre, or of prayer, which were sometimes built near the sea or rivers
also; of which matter see Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 9,3; Acts 16:13.
16.</note>
and purified themselves, they betook themselves to the interpretation of
the laws. Now when the law was transcribed, and the labor of interpretation
was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered
all the Jews together to the place where the laws were translated, and
where the interpreters were, and read them over. The multitude did also
approve of those elders that were the interpreters of the law. They withal
commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly
for their happiness; and they desired that he would give leave to their
rulers also to read the law. Moreover, they all, both the priest and the
ancientest of the elders, and the principal men of their commonwealth,
made it their request, that since the interpretation was happily finished,
it might continue in the state it now was, and might not be altered. And
when they all commended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that
if any one observed either any thing superfluous, or any thing omitted,
that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and
corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing was judged
to have been well done, it might continue for ever.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="110" unit="section" /><p>So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature
was brought to perfection, to so great advantage; and he was chiefly delighted
with hearing the Laws read to him; and was astonished at the deep meaning
and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius,
"How it came to pass, that when this legislation was so wonderful,
no one, either of the poets or of the historians, had made mention of it."
Demetrius made answer, "that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon
the description of these laws, because they were Divine and venerable,
and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God." He
also told him, that "Theopompus was desirous of writing somewhat about
them, but was thereupon disturbed in his mind for above thirty days' time;
and upon some intermission of his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer],
as suspecting that his madness proceeded from that cause." Nay, indeed,
he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged
too great a curiosity about Divine matters, and was desirous of publishing
them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered
his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him of Theodectes, the tragic
poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic
representation he was desirous to make mention of things that were contained
in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and
that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing
God [by prayer], he was freed from that affliction.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="114" unit="section" /><p>And when the king had received these books from Demetrius, as we
have said already, he adored them, and gave order that great care should
be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that
the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea, and that both on
account of the respects that he would pay them, and on account of the presents
he would make them; for he said it was now but just to send them away,
although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they
should obtain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what
his generosity was able to give them. So he then sent them away, and gave
to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of
gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of the room
wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them.
But by them he sent to Eleazar the high priest ten beds, with feet of silver,
and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents;
and besides these, ten garments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown,
and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes,
and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns to be dedicated to God.
He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters
leave, if any of them were desirous of coming to him, because he highly
valued a conversation with men of such learning, and should be very willing
to lay out his wealth upon such men. And this was what came to the Jews,
and was much to their glory and honor, from Ptolemy Philadelphus.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE KINGS OF ASIA HONORED THE NATION OF THE JEWS AND
MADE THEM CITIZENS OF THOSE CITIES WHICH THEY BUILT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="119" unit="section" /><p>THE Jews also obtained honors from the kings of Asia when they became
their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities
which he built in Asia, and in the lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself,
Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and
Greeks, who were the inhabitants, insomuch that these privileges continue
to this very day: an argument for which you have in this, that whereas
the Jews do not make use of oil prepared by foreigners, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives of it much more valuable,
in Judea, and the neighboring countries, than it is amongst us. It was
also, in the days of Josephus, thought unlawful for Jews to make use of
any oil that was prepared by heathens, perhaps on account of some superstitions
intermixed with its preparation by those heathens. When therefore the heathens
were to make them a donative of oil,: they paid them money instead of it.
See Of the War, B. II. ch. 21. sect. 2; the Life of Josephus, sect. 13;
and Hudson's note on the place before us.</note>
they receive a certain sum of money from the proper officers belonging
to their exercises as the value of that oil; which money, when the people
of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last war, Mucianus, who
was then president of Syria, preserved it to them. And when the people
of Alexandria and of Antioch did after that, at the time that Vespasian
and Titus his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these privileges
of citizens might be taken away, they did not obtain their request. in
which behavior any one may discern the equity and generosity of the Romans,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This, and the like great and just characters, of the justice, and equity.
and generosity of the old Romans, both to the Jews and other conquered
nations, affords us a very good reason why Almighty God, upon the rejection
of the Jews for their wickedness, chose them for his people, and first
established Christianity in that empire; of which matter see Josephus here,
sect. 2; as also Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 22, 23; B. XVI. ch. 2. sect.
4.</note>
especially of Vespasian and Titus, who, although they had been at a great
deal of pains in the war against the Jews, and were exasperated against
them, because they did not deliver up their weapons to them, but continued
the war to the very last, yet did not they take away any of their forementioned
privileges belonging to them as citizens, but restrained their anger, and
overcame the prayers of the Alexandrians and Antiochians, who were a very
powerful people, insomuch that they did not yield to them, neither out
of their favor to these people, nor out of their old grudge at those whose
wicked opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would they alter any
of the ancient favors granted to the Jews, but said, that those who had
borne arms against them, and fought them, had suffered punishment already,
and that it was not just to deprive those that had not offended of the
privileges they enjoyed.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="125" unit="section" /><p>We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards
the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry at them, and besought
Agrippa that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citizens
which Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, (who by the Greeks was called
<emph>The God</emph>,) had bestowed on them, and desired that, if the Jews were
to be joint-partakers with them, they might be obliged to worship the gods
they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to the
trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own
customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus; for Agrippa
gave sentence that he could not innovate. And if any one hath a mind to
know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third
and hundred and twenty-fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now
as to this determination of Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired, for
at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. :But one may
well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasian and Titus, that after
so great wars and contests which they had from us, they should use such
moderation. But I will now return to that part of my history whence I made
the present digression.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="129" unit="section" /><p>Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who ruled
over all Asia, that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of Celesyria,
suffered greatly, and their land was sorely harassed; for while he was
at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, who was called Epiphanes,
it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was
beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they were very like to a ship
in a storm, which is tossed by the waves on both sides; and just thus were
they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus's prosperity and
its change to adversity. But at length, when Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy,
he seized upon Judea; and when Philopater was dead, his son sent out a
great army under Scopas, the general of his forces, against the inhabitants
of Celesyria, who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation;
which when he fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was it not long afterward
when Antiochus overcame Scopas, in a battle fought at the fountains of
Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army. But afterward, when Antiochus
subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scopas had gotten into his possession,
and Samaria with them, the Jews, of their own accord, went over to him,
and received him into the city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision
to all his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted him when he
besieged the garrison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore
Antiochus thought it but just to requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in
his service. So he wrote to the generals of his armies, and to his friends,
and gave testimony to the good behavior of the Jews towards him, and informed
them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them for that their behavior.
I will set down presently the epistles themselves which he wrote to the
generals concerning them, but will first produce the testimony of Polybius
of Megalopolis; for thus does he speak, in the sixteenth book of his history:
"Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the superior
parts of the country, and in the winter time overthrew the nation of the
Jews?" He also saith, in the same book, that "when Seopas was conquered
by Antiochus, Antiochus received Batanea, and Samaria, and Abila, and Gadara;
and that, a while afterwards, there came in to him those Jews that inhabited
near that temple which was called Jerusalem; concerning which, although
I have more to say, and particularly concerning the presence of God about
that temple, yet do I put off that history till another opportunity."
This it is which Polybius relates. But we will return to the series of
the history, when we have first produced the epistles of king Antiochus.</p>
<quote><p>KING ANTIOCHUS TO PTOLEMY, SENDETH GREETING.</p>
<p>"Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated
their friendship towards us, and when we came to their city [Jerusalem],
received us in a splendid manner, and came to meet us with their senate,
and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants,
and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were
in the citadel, we have thought fit to reward them, and to retrieve the
condition of their city, which hath been greatly depopulated by such accidents
as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered
abroad back to the city. And, in the first place, we have determined, on
account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for
their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine, and oil,
and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and [six]
sacred artabrae of fine flour, with one thousand four hundred and sixty
medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt. And
these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you.
I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters,
and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt. And for the materials
of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself and out of the other
countries, and out of Libanus tax free; and the same I would have observed
as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to render
the temple more glorious; and let all of that nation live according to
the laws of their own country; and let the senate, and the priests, and
the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money
and the crown tax and other taxes also. And that the city may the sooner
recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years
to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the
month Hyperheretus. We also discharge them for the future from a third
part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired.
And all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves,
we grant them and their children their freedom, and give order that their
substance be restored to them."</p></quote>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="145" unit="section" /><p>And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published a
decree through all his kingdom in honor of the temple, which contained
what follows: "It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within
the limits of the temple round about; which thing is forbidden also to
the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have purified
themselves. Nor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, or of asses, he brought
into the city, whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes,
or hares; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for the
Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let any such animal
be bred up in the city. Let them only be permitted to use the sacrifices
derived from their forefathers, with which they have been obliged to make
acceptable atonements to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders,
let him pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver." Moreover,
this Antiochus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle
of his, written when he was informed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia,
at which time he was in the superior provinces, wherein he commanded Zenxis,
the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to send some of
our nation out of Babylon into Phrygia. The epistle was this:
<quote><p>KING ANTIOCHUS TO ZEUXIS HIS FATHER, SENDETH GREETING.</p>
<p>"If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. Having
been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, I thought
that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what
was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to remove two thousand
families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Babylon, unto
the castles and places that lie most convenient; for I am persuaded that
they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their
piety towards God, and because I know that my predecessors have borne witness
to them, that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired
to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove
these Jews, under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their
own laws. And when thou shalt have brought them to the places forementioned,
thou shalt give everyone of their families a place for building their houses,
and a portion of the land for their husbandry, and for the plantation of
their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits
of the earth for ten years; and let them have a proper quantity of wheat
for the maintenance of their servants, until they receive bread corn out
of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister
to them in the necessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects of our
humanity, they may show themselves the more willing and ready about our
affairs. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that
they may not have any disturbance given them by any one."</p></quote>
Now these
testimonials which I have produced are sufficient to declare the friendship
that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ANTIOCHUS MADE A LEAGUE WITH PTOLEMY AND HOW ONIAS PROVOKED
PTOLEMY EUERGETES TO ANGER; AND HOW JOSEPH BROUGHT ALL THINGS RIGHT AGAIN,
AND ENTERED INTO FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM; AND WHAT OTHER THINGS WERE DONE BY
JOSEPH, AND HIS SON HYRCANUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>AFTER this Antiochus made a friendship and league with Ptolemy, and
gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielded up to him Celesyria,
and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry. And upon the division
of the taxes between the two kings, all the principal men framed the taxes
of their several countries, and collecting the sum that was settled for
them, paid the same to the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans
were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cutting
off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened when Onias
was high priest; for after Eleazar's death, his uncle Manasseh took the
priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity.
He was the son of Simon, who was called <emph>The Just</emph>: which Simon was
the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little
soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not
pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to
these things out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes
to anger, who was the father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an ambassador
to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threatened,
that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send
soldiers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king,
they were confounded; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing
of things nature made him ashamed.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="160" unit="section" /><p>There was now one Joseph, young in age, but of great reputation among
the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His father's
name was Tobias; and his mother was the sister of Onias the high priest,
who informed him of the coming of the ambassador; for he was then sojourning
at a village named Phicol, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The name of this place, Phicol, is the very same with that of the chief
captain of Abimelech's host, in the days of Abraham, Genesis 21:22, and
might possibly be the place of that Phicol's nativity or abode, for it
seems to have been in the south part of Palestine, as that was.</note>
where he was born. Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and reproved
Onias for not taking care of the preservation of his countrymen, but bringing
the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation
of them, he told him he had received the authority over them, and had been
made high priest; but that, in case he was so great a lover of money, as
to endure to see his country in danger on that account, and his countrymen
suffer the greatest damages, he advised him to go to the king, and petition
him to remit either the whole or a part of the sum demanded. Onias's answer
was this: That he did not care for his authority, and that he was ready,
if the thing were practicable, to lay down his high priesthood; and that
he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself at all about
such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would not give him leave to go
ambassador on behalf of the nation. He replied, that he would give him
leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple, and called the multitude
together to a congregation, and exhorted them not to be disturbed nor aftrighted,
because of his uncle Onias's carelessness, but desired them to be at rest,
and not terrify themselves with fear about it; for he promised them that
he would be their ambassador to the king, and persuade him that they had
done him no wrong. And when the multitude heard this, they returned thanks
to Joseph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy's ambassador
in a hospitable manner. He also presented him with rich gifts, and feasted
him magnificently for many days, and then sent him to the king before him,
and told him that he would soon follow him; for he was now more willing
to go to the king, by the encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly
persuaded him to come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care
that he should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was
highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the gravity
of his deportment.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="167" unit="section" /><p>When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the king of
the thoughtless temper of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the
disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to him to excuse the multitude,
as not having done him any harm, for that he was their patron. In short,
he was so very large in his encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed
both the king and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before
he came. So Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of
them, and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments and cups,
and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty thousand drachmae,
and went to Alexandria. Now it happened that at this time all the principal
men and rulers went up out of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid
for their taxes; for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest
power in every city. So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and
laughed at him for his poverty and meanness. But when he came to Alexandria,
and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, be went up thither to meet
with him; which happened as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his
wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was the very person who had been
ambassador at Jerusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore
as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how good
and generous a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired
him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain
of the management of Onias: to which he answered, "Forgive him, on
account of his age; for thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with this,
that old men and infants have their minds exactly alike; but thou shalt
have from us, who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have
no cause to complain." With this good humor and pleasantry of the
young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as though
he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater affection for
him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet in the king's palace, and
be a guest at his own table every day. But when the king was come to Alexandria,
the principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the king, and were much
offended at it.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="175" unit="section" /><p>And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes of the
cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of dignity in their
several countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes together,
of Celesyria, and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria, [as they were bidden
for,] came to eight thousand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders,
as having agreed together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low
a rate; and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for them:
but for those who did not pay, he would send the king home their whole
substance; for this privilege was sold together with the taxes themselves.
The king was pleased to hear that offer; and because it augmented his revenues,
he said he would confirm the sale of the taxes to him. But when he asked
him this question, Whether he had any sureties that would be bound for
the payment of the money? he answered very pleasantly, "I will give
such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and which you
shall have no reason to distrust." And when he bid him name them who
they were, he replied, "I give thee no other persons, O king, for
my sureties, than thyself, and this thy wife; and you shall be security
for both parties." So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal, and granted
him the farming of the taxes without any sureties. This procedure was a
sore grief to those that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly
disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country with shame.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="180" unit="section" /><p>But Joseph took with him two thousand foot soldiers from the king,
for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to force such as
were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of the king's friends
at Alexandria five hundred talents, he made haste back into Syria. And
when he was at Askelon, and demanded the taxes of the people of Askelon,
they refused to pay any thing, and affronted him also; upon which he seized
upon about twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what
they had together, and sent it all to the king, and informed him what he
had done. Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, and commended
him for what he had done, and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When
the Syrians heard of this, they were astonished; and having before them
a sad example in the men of Askelon that were slain, they opened their
gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid their taxes. And when the
inhabitants of Scythopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay
him those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing about
them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent their effects
to the king. By this means he gathered great wealth together, and made
vast gains by this farming of the taxes; and he made use of what estate
he had thus gotten, in order to support his authority, as thinking it a
piece of prudence to keep what had been the occasion and foundation of
his present good fortune; and this he did by the assistance of what he
was already possessed of, for he privately sent many presents to the king,
and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were powerful about
the court, and thereby purchased their good-will to himself.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="186" unit="section" /><p>This good fortune he enjoyed for twenty-two years, and was become
the father of seven sons by one wife; he had also another son, whose name
was Hyrcanus, by his brother Solymius's daughter, whom he married on the
following occasion. He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had
along with him a daughter already marriageable, in order to give her in
wedlock to some of the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with
the king, and falling in love with an actress that was of great beauty,
and came into the room where they feasted, he told his brother of it, and
entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to
a foreigner, to conceal his offense; and to be kind and subservient to
him, and to give him an opportunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon which
his brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned
his own daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his
bed. And Joseph, being disordered with drink, knew not who she was, and
so lay with his brother's daughter; and this did he many times, and loved
her exceedingly; and said to his brother, that he loved this actress so
well, that he should run the hazard of his life [if he must part with her],
and yet probably the king would not give him leave [to take her with him].
But his brother bid him be in no concern about that matter, and told him
he might enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her
for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and assured him
that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook
him, and se him come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph commended him for
this his brotherly love, and married his daughter; and by her begat a son,
whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. And when this his youngest
son showed, at thirteen years old, a mind that was both courageous and
wise, and was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much
above them, and such a one as they might well envy, Joseph had once a mind
to know which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue; and when
he sent them severally to those that had then the best reputation for instructing
youth, the rest of his children, by reason of their sloth and unwillingness
to take pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned. After them he sent
out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen, and
bid him go two days' journey into the wilderness, and sow the land there,
and yet kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled them together.
When Hyrcanus came to the place, and found he had no yokes with him, he
contenmed the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send some to his
father, to bring them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to
lose his time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he invented
a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age older than his own; for he
slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their flesh among the laborers,
and cut their hides into several pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked
the oxen together with them; by which means he sowed as much land as his
father had appointed him to sow, and returned to him. And when he was come
back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and commended
the sharpness of his understanding, and his boldness in what he did. And
he still loved him the more, as if he were his only genuine son, while
his brethren were much troubled at it.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="196" unit="section" /><p>But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and that
all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries subject to him,
were to keep a festival, on account of the child's birthday, and went away
in haste with great retinues to Alexandria, he was himself indeed hindered
from going by old age; but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them
would be willing to go to the king. And when the elder sons excused themselves
from going, and said they were not courtiers good enough for such conversation,
and advised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to
that advice, and called Hyrcanus, and asked him whether he would go to
the king, and whether it was agreeable to him to go or not. And upon his
promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want much money
for his journey, because he would live moderately, and that ten thousand
drachmas would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son's prudence. After
a little while, the son advised his father not to send his presents to
the king from thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria,
that he might furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most
excellent and most precious. So he thinking that the expense of ten talents
would be enough for presents to be made the king, and commending his son,
as giving him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that managed all
his money matters at Alexandria; which money was not less than three thousand
talents on his account, for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria
to Alexandria. And when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes
to the king came, he wrote to Arion to pay them. So when the son had asked
his father for a letter to the steward, and had received it, he made haste
to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the king's
friends, that they should destroy him.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="203" unit="section" /><p>But when he was come to Alexaudria, he delivered his letter to Arion,
who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he would ask for no
more than ten, or a little more); he said he wanted a thousand talents.
At which the steward was angry, and rebuked him, as one that intended to
live extravagantly; and he let him know how his father had gathered together
his estate by painstaking, and resisting his inclinations, and wished him
to imitate the example of his father: he assured him withal, that he would
give him but ten talents, and that for a present to the king also. The
son was irritated at this, and threw Arion into prison. But when Arion's
wife had informed Cleopatra of this, with her entreaty, that she would
rebuke the child for what he had done, (for Arion was in great esteem with
her,) Cleopatra informed the king of it. And Ptolemy sent for Hyrcanus,
and told him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that
he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward in prison.
And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to him, and give an account
of the reason of what he had done. And they report that the answer he made
to the king's messenger was this: That "there was a law of his that
forbade a child that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had
been at the temple and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning
he did not himself come to him in expectation of the present he was to
make to him, as to one who had been his father's benefactor; and that he
had punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for that it mattered
not Whether a master was little or great: so that unless we punish such
as these, thou thyself mayst also expect to be despised by thy subjects."
Upon hearing this his answer he fell a laughing, and wondered at the great
soul of the child.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="208" unit="section" /><p>When Arion was apprized that this was the king's disposition, and
that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a thousand talents,
and was let out of prison. So after three days were over, Hyrcanus came
and saluted the king and queen. They saw him with pleasure, and feasted
him in an obliging manner, out of the respect they bare to his father.
So he came to the merchants privately, and bought a hundred boys, that
had learning, and were in the flower of their ages, each at a talent apiece;
as also he bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other.
And when he was invited to feast with the king among the principal men
in the country, he sat down the lowest of them all, because he was little
regarded, as a child in age still; and this by those who placed every one
according to their dignity. Now when all those that sat with him had laid
the bones Of the several parts on a heap before Hyrcanus, (for they had
themselves taken away the flesh belonging to them,) till the table where
he sat was filled full with them, Trypho, who was the king's jester, and
was appointed for jokes and laughter at festivals, was now asked by the
guests that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter]. So he stood by
the king, and said, "Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie
by Hyrcanus? by this similitude thou mayst conjecture that his father made
all Syria as bare as he hath made these bones." And the king laughing
at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many
bones before him? he replied," Very rightfully, my lord; for they
are dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests
have done, (looking in the mean time at those guests,) for there is nothing
before them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away the hones,
as I, who am also a man, have now done." Upon which the king admired
at his answer, which was so wisely made; and bid them all make an acclamation,
as a mark of their approbation of his jest, which was truly a facetious
one. On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's friends,
and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still inquired
of the servants what present they would make the king on his son's birthday;
and when some said that they would give twelve talents, and that others
of greater dignity would every one give according to the quantity of their
riches, he pretended to every one of them to be grieved that he was not
able to bring so large a present; for that he had no more than five talents.
And when the servants heard what he said, they told their masters; and
they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be disapproved, and would
make the king angry, by the smallness of his present. When the day came,
the others, even those that brought the most, offered the king not above
twenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and
hundred maidens that he had bought a talent apiece, for them to carry,
and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleopatra;
every body wondering at the unexpected richness of the presents, even the
king and queen themselves. He also presented those that attended about
the king with gifts to the value of a great number of talents, that he
might escape the danger he was in from them; for to these it was that Hyrcanus's
brethren had written to destroy him. Now Ptolemy admired at the young man's
magnanimity, and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But he desired
nothing else to be done for him by the king than to write to his father
and brethren about him. So when the king had paid him very great respects,
and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his
brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away.
But when his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favors from
the king, and was returning home with great honor, they went out to meet
him, and to destroy him, and that with the privity of their father; for
he was angry at him for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for presents,
and so had no concern for his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the
anger he had at his son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus's brethren
came to fight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as
also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem
to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would
receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan,
and there abode, but obliging the barbarians to pay their taxes.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="223" unit="section" /><p>At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over Asia,
being the son of Antiochus the Great. And [now] Hyrcanus's father, Joseph,
died. He was a good man, and of great magnanimity; and brought the Jews
out of a state of poverty and meanness, to one that was more splendid.
He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria
twenty-two years. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time], and left
the high priesthood to his son Simeon. And when he was dead, Onias his
son succeeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the
Lacedemonians, sent an embassage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here
follows:
<text><body><opener>Areus, King of the Lacedemonians, to Onias, sendeth
greeting.</opener>
<p>We have met with a certain writing, whereby we have discovered
that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived
from the kindred of Abraham <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whence it comes that these Lacedemonians declare themselves here to be
of kin to the Jews, as derived from the same ancestor, Abraham, I cannot
tell, unless, as Grotius supposes, they were derived from Dores, that came
of the Pelasgi. These are by Herodotus called Barbarians, and perhaps were
derived from the Syrians and Arabians, the posterity of Abraham by Keturah.
See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 22; and Of the War, B. I. ch. 26. sect.
l; and Grot. on 1 Macc. 12:7. We may further observe from the Recognitions
of Clement, that Eliezer, of Damascus, the servant of Abraham, Genesis
15:2; 24., was of old by some taken for his son. So that if the Lacedemonians
were sprung from him, they might think themselves to be of the posterity
of Abraham, as well as the Jews, who were sprung from Isaac. And perhaps
this Eliezer of Damascus is that very Damascus whom Trogus Pompeius, as
abridged by Justin, makes the founder of the Jewish nation itself, though
he afterwards blunders, and makes Azelus, Adores, Abraham, and Israel kings
of Judea, and successors to this Damascus. It may not be improper to observe
further, that Moses Chorenensis, in his history of the Armenians, informs
us, that the nation of the Parthians was also derived from Abraham by Keturah
and her children.</note>
It is but just therefore that you, who are our brethren, should send to
us about any of your concerns as you please. We will also do the same thing,
and esteem your concerns as our own, and will look upon our concerns as
in common with yours. Demoteles, who brings you this letter, will bring
your answer back to us. This letter is four-square; and the seal is an
eagle, with a dragon in his claws.</p></body></text>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /></p><p>And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent
from the king of the Lacedemonians. But, upon the death of Joseph, the
people grew seditious, on account of his sons. For whereas the elders made
war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude
was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as
did Simon the high priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus
determined not to return to Jerusalem any more, but seated himself beyond
Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew many of them,
and took many of them captives. He also erected a strong castle, and built
it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious
magnitude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal
of water. He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a
rock that was over against him; and then he made large rooms in it, some
for feasting, and some for sleeping and living in. He introduced also a
vast quantity of waters which ran along it, and which were very delightful
and ornamental in the court. But still he made the entrances at the mouth
of the caves so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them
at once. And the reason why he built them after that manner was a good
one; it was for his own preservation, lest he should be besieged by his
brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by them. Moreover, he built
courts of greater magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly
large gardens. And when he had brought the place to this state, he named
it Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Judea, beyond Jordan, not far
from the country of Heshbon. And he ruled over those parts for seven years,
even all the time that Seleucus was king of Syria. But when he was dead,
his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, took the kingdom. Ptolemy
also, the king of Egypt, died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left
two sons, and both young in age; the elder of which was called Philometer,
and the youngest Physcon. As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus had
a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and brought to
punishment for what he had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, and
slew himself with his own hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his substance.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, UPON THE QUARRELS ONE AGAINST ANOTHER ABOUT THE HIGH
PRIESTHOOD ANTIOCHUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST JERUSALEM, TOOK THE CITY
AND PILLAGED THE TEMPLES. AND DISTRESSED THE JEWS' AS ALSO HOW MANY OF
THE JEWS FORSOOK THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY; AND HOW THE SAMARITANS FOLLOWED
THE CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS AND NAMED THEIR TEMPLE AT MOUNT GERIZZIM THE
TEMPLE OF JUPITER HELLENIUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="237" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time, upon the death of Onias the high priest, they gave
the high priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left
[or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant; and, in its proper place, we will
inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. But
this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high priesthood
by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother,
whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of which
the priesthood came, as we have already informed the reader. This Jesus
changed his name to Jason, but Onias was called Menelaus. Now as the former
high priest, Jesus, raised a sedition against Menelaus, who was ordained
after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of
Tobias took the part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the people assisted
Jason; and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were distressed,
and retired to Antiochus, and informed him that they were desirous to leave
the laws of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them,
and to follow the king's laws, and the Grecian way of living. Wherefore
they desired his permission to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This word" Gymnasium" properly denotes a place where the exercises
were performed naked, which because it would naturally distinguish circumcised
Jews from uncircumcised Gentiles, these Jewish apostates endeavored to
appear uncircumcised, by means of a surgical operation, hinted at by St.
Paul, 1 Corinthians 7:18, and described by Celsus, B. VII. ch. 25., as
Dr. Hudson here informs us.</note>
And when he had given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their
genitals, that even when they were naked they might appear to be Greeks.
Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged to their own country,
and imitated the practices of the other nations.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="242" unit="section" /><p>Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his
kingdom, resolved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he
had a desire to gain it, and because he contemned the son of Ptolemy, as
now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence;
so he came with great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy Philometor
by treachery, and seized upon Egypt. He then came to the places about Memphis;
and when he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes of taking
it by siege, and of subduing Ptolemy, who reigned there. But he was driven
not only from Alexandria, but out of all Egypt, by the declaration of the
Romans, who charged him to let that country alone; according as I have
elsewhere formerly declared. I will now give a particular account of what
concerns this king, how he subdued Judea and the temple; for in my former
work I mentioned those things very briefly, and have therefore now thought
it necessary to go over that history again, and that with great accuracy.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="246" unit="section" /><p>King Antiochus returning out of Egypt <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Hereabout Josephus begins to follow the First Book of the Maccabees, a
most excellent and most authentic history; and accordingly it is here,
with great fidelity and exactness, abridged by him; between whose present
copies there seem to he fewer variations than in any other sacred Hebrew
book of the Old Testament whatsoever, (for this book also was originally
written in Hebrew,) which is very natural, because it was written so much
nearer to the times of Josephus than the rest were.</note>
for fear of the Romans, made an expedition against the city Jerusalem;
and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom
of the Seleucidse, he took the city without fighting, those of his own
party opening the gates to him. And when he had gotten possession of Jerusalem,
he slew many of the opposite party; and when he had plundered it of a great
deal of money, he returned to Antioch.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="248" unit="section" /><p>Now it came to pass, after two years, in the hundred forty and fifth
year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu,
and by the Macedonians Apelleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olympiad,
that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession
of the city by treachery; at which time he spared not so much as those
that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in the temple;
but, led by his covetous inclination, (for he saw there was in it a great
deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very
great value,) and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break
the league he had made. So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden
candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense], and table [of shew-bread],
and the altar [of burnt-offering]; and did not abstain from even the veils,
which were made of fine linen and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret
treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the
Jews into great lamentation, for he forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices
which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when he had
pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried
captive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude
of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thousand.
He also burnt down the finest buildings; and when he had overthrown the
city walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This citadel, of which we have such frequent mention in the following history,
both in the Maccabees and Josephus, seems to have been a castle built on
a hill, lower than Mount Zion, though upon its skirts, and higher than
Mount Moriah, but between them both; which hill the enemies of the Jews
now got possession of, and built on it this citadel, and fortified it,
till a good while afterwards the Jews regained it, demolished it, and leveled
the hill itself with the common ground, that their enemies might no more
recover it, and might thence overlook the temple itself, and do them such
mischief as they had long undergone from it, Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 6. sect.
6.</note>
for the place was high, and overlooked the temple; on which account he
fortified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of
Macedonians. However, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part
of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered
many and sore calamities. And when the king had built an idol altar upon
God's altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither
according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country.
He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own
God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples,
and raise idol altars in every city and village, and offer swine upon them
every day. He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened
to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction.
He also appointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded.
And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king's commands,
either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced. But
the best men, and those of the noblest souls, did not regard him, but did
pay a greater respect to the customs of their country than concern as to
the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient; on which account
they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments; for they were
whipped with rods, and their bodies were torn to pieces, and were crucified,
while they were still alive, and breathed. They also strangled those women
and their sons whom they had circumcised, as the king had appointed, hanging
their sons about their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if there
were any sacred book of the law found, it was destroyed, and those with
whom they were found miserably perished also.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="257" unit="section" /><p>When the Samaritans saw the Jews under these sufferings, they no
longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on
Mount Gerizzim belonged to Almighty God. This was according to their nature,
as we have already shown. And they now said that they were a colony of
Medes and Persians; and indeed they were a colony of theirs. So they sent
ambassadors to Antiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: "To
king Antiochus the god, Epiphanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live
at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon certain frequent plagues, and as following
a certain ancient superstition, had a custom of observing that day which
by the Jews is called the Sabbath. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This allegation of the Samaritans is remarkable, that though they were
not Jews, yet did they, from ancient times, observe the Sabbath day, and,
as they elsewhere pretend, the Sabbatic year also, Antiq. B. XI. ch. 8.
sect. 6.</note>
And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerrizzim, though
without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices. Now, upon the
just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing
that we were of kin to them, and practiced as they do, make us liable to
the same accusations, although we be originally Sidonians, as is evident
from the public records. We therefore beseech thee, our benefactor and
Savior, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country,
and to Nicanor, the procurator of thy affairs, to give us no disturbance,
nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens
from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at
present hath no name at all be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius. If
this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more
intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater
revenue to thee." When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the
king sent them back the following answer, in an epistle: "King Antiochus
to Nicanor. The Sidonians, who live at Shechem, have sent me the memorial
enclosed. When therefore we were advising with our friends about it, the
messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way concerned
with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the
customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations,
and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the
Temple of Jupiter Hellenius." He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius,
the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and
the eighteenth day of the month Hecatorabeom</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, UPON ANTIOCHUS'S PROHIBITION TO THE JEWS TO MAKE USE
OF THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY MATTATHIAS, THE SON OF ASAMONEUS, ALONE DESPISED
THE KING, AND OVERCAME THE GENERALS OF ANTIOCHUS'S ARMY; AS ALSO CONCERNING
THE DEATH OF MATTATHIAS, AND THE SUCCESSION OF JUDAS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="265" unit="section" /><p>NOW at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, who dwelt
at Modin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest
of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons; John,
who was called Gaddis, and Simon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who
was called Maccabeus, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That this appellation of Maccabee was not first of all given to Judas Maccabeus,
nor was derived from any initial letters of the Hebrew words on his banner,
"Mi Kamoka Be Elire, Jehovah?" ("Who is like unto thee among
the gods, O Jehovah?") Exodus 15:11 as the modern Rabbins vainly pretend,
see Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 205, 206. Only we may note, by the way, that
the original name of these Maccabees, and their posterity, was Asamoneans;
which was derived from Asamoneus, the great-grandfather of Mattathias,
as Josephus here informs us.</note>
and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus.
Now this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs,
and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and
the calamities the multitude were under; and he told them that it was better
for them to die for the laws of their country, than to live so ingloriously
as they then did.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="268" unit="section" /><p>But when those that were appointed by the king were come to Modin,
that they might compel the Jews to do what they were commanded, and to
enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded,
they desired that Mattathias, a person of the greatest character among
them, both on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous
and so deserving a family of children, would begin the sacrifice, because
his fellow citizens would follow his example, and because such a procedure
would make him honored by the king. But Mattathias said he would not do
it; and that if all the other nations would obey the commands of Antiochus,
either out of fear, or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave
the religious worship of their country. But as soon as he had ended his
speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed,
as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation,
and ran upon him violently, with his sons, who had swords with them, and
slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general,
who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew
the idol altar, and cried out, "If," said he," any one be
zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him
follow me." And when he had said this, he made haste into the desert
with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. Many others did
the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert,
and dwelt in caves. But when the king's generals heard this, they took
all the forces they then had in the citadel at Jerusalem, and pursued the
Jews into the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they in the first
place endeavored to persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most
for their advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using them according
to the law of war. But when they would not comply with their persuasions,
but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the
sabbath day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance,
and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves. And they
avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not willing
to break in upon the honor they owed the sabbath, even in such distresses;
for our law requires that we rest upon that day. There were about a thousand,
with their wives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves;
but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed
him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight, even on the sabbath day;
and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own
enemies, by observing the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries
would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend themselves,
and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting.
This speech persuaded them. And this rule continues among us to this day,
that if there be a necessity, we may fight on sabbath days. So Mattathias
got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those
that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power; for many
of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him.
He also commanded that those boys which were not yet circumcised should
be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder
such their circumcision.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="279" unit="section" /><p>But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a distemper,
he called for his sons, and set them round about him, and said, "O
my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I recommend to you my
resolution, and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it, but to be
mindful of the desires of him who begat you, and brought you up, and to
preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form
of government, which is in danger of being overturned, and not to be carried
away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity,
betray it, but to become such sons as are worthy of me; to be above all
force and necessity, and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when
it shall be necessary, to die for your laws; as sensible of this, by just
reasoning, that if God see that you are so disposed he will not overlook
you, but will have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you
again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which
you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own customs. Your bodies are mortal,
and subject to fate; but they receive a sort of immortality, by the remembrance
of what actions they have done. And I would have you so in love with this
immortality, that you may pursue after glory, and that, when you have undergone
the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose
your lives. I exhort you, especially, to agree one with another; and in
what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far,
and by that means to reap the advantage of every one's own virtues. Do
you then esteem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary
prudence, and be governed by him in what counsels be gives you. Take Maccabeus
for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for
he will avenge your nation, and will bring vengeance on your enemies. Admit
among you the righteous and religious, and augment their power."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="285" unit="section" /><p>When Mattathias had thus discoursed to his sons, and had prayed to
God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution,
he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin; all the people making
great lamentation for him. Whereupon his son Judas took upon him the administration
of public affairs, in the hundred fbrty and sixth year; and thus, by the
ready assistance of his brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies
out of the country, and put those of their own country to death who had
transgressed its laws, and purified the land of all the pollutions that
were in it.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JUDAS OVERTHREW THE FORCES OF APOLLONIUS AND SERON AND
KILLED THE GENERALS OF THEIR ARMIES THEMSELVES; AND HOW WHEN, A LITTLE
WHILE AFTERWARDS LYSIAS AND GORGIAS WERE BEATEN HE WENT UP TO JERUSALEM
AND PURIFIED THE TEMPLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="287" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this,
he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who met him, and
joined battle with him, and beat him, and slew many of his men, and among
them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword being that which he
happened then to wear, he seized upon, and kept for himself; but he wounded
more than he slew, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy's camp,
and went his way. But when Seron, who was general of the army of Celesyria,
heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had about him
an army sufficient for fighting, and for making war, he determined to make
an expedition against him, as thinking it became him to endeavor to punish
those that transgressed the king's injunctions. He then got together an
army, as large as he was able, and joined to it the runagate and wicked
Jews, and came against Judas. He came as far as Bethhoron, a village of
Judea, and there pitched his camp; upon which Judas met him; and when he
intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were backward to
fight, because their number was small, and because they wanted food, for
they were fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them, that victory and
conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in
the exercise of piety towards God; and that they had the plainest instances
in their forefathers, who, by their righteousness, exerting themselves
on behalf of their own laws, and their own children, had frequently conquered
many ten thousands, - for innocence is the strongest army. By this speech
he induced his men to contenm the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon
Seron. And upon joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians; and when
their general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as thinking
that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued them unto the plain,
and slew about eight hundred of the enemy; but the rest escaped to the
region which lay near to the sea.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="293" unit="section" /><p>When king Antiochus heard of these things, he was very angry at what
had happened; so he got together all his own army, with many mercenaries,
whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him, and prepared
to break into Judea about the beginning of the spring. But when, upon his
mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient,
and there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not paid,
by reason of the seditions there had been among the nations he having been
so magnanimous and so liberal, that what he had was not sufficient for
him, he therefore resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes
of that country. Hereupon he left one whose name was Lysias, who was in
great repute with him governor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of
Egypt, and of the Lower Asia, and reaching from the river Euphrates, and
committed to him a certain part of his forces, and of his elephants, and
charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, until
he came back; and that he should conquer Judea, and take its inhabitants
for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation.
And when king Antiochus had given these things in charge to Lysias, he
went into Persia; and in the hundred and forty-seventh year he passed over
Euphrates, and went to the superior provinces.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="298" unit="section" /><p>Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor,
and Gorgias, very potent men among the king's friends, and delivered to
them forty thousand foot soldiers, and seven thousand horsemen, and sent
them against Judea, who came as far as the city Emmaus, and pitched their
camp in the plain country. There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria,
and the country round about; as also many of the runagate Jews. And besides
these came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives,
(having bonds with them to bind those that should be made prisoners,) with
that silver and gold which they were to pay for their price. And when Judas
saw their camp, and how numerous their enemies were, he persuaded his own
soldiers to be of good courage, and exhorted them to place their hopes
of victory in God, and to make supplication to him, according to the custom
of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual
habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and thereby to prevail with
God to grant you the victory over your enemies. So he set them in their
ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains
of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married,
as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not
fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order
to enjoy those blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers, he encouraged
them to fight by the following speech, which he made to them: "O my
fellow soldiers, no other time remains more opportune than the present
for courage and contempt of dangers; for if you now fight manfully, you
may recover your liberty, which, as it is a thing of itself agreeable to
all men, so it proves to be to us much more desirable, by its affording
us the liberty of worshipping God. Since therefore you are in such circumstances
at present, you must either recover that liberty, and so regain a happy
and blessed way of living, which is that according to our laws, and the
customs of our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious sufferings;
nor will any seed of your nation remain if you be beat in this battle.
Fight therefore manfully; and suppose that you must die, though you do
not fight; but believe, that besides such glorious rewards as those of
the liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you shall
then obtain everlasting glory. Prepare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves
into such an agreeable posture, that you may be ready to fight with the
enemy as soon as it is day tomorrow morning."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="305" unit="section" /><p>And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them. But when
the enemy sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and one thousand horse,
that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had for that purpose certain
of the runagate Jews as guides, the son of Mattathias perceived it, and
resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now their
forces were divided. When they had therefore supped in good time, and had
left many fires in their camp, he marched all night to those enemies that
were at Emmaus. So that when Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but
suspected that they were retired, and had hidden themselves among the mountains,
he resolved to go and seek them wheresoever they were. But about break
of day Judas appeared to those enemies that were at Emmaus, with only three
thousand men, and those ill armed, by reason of their poverty; and when
he saw the enemy very well and skillfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged
the Jews, and told them that they ought to fight, though it were with their
naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old given such men strength,
and that against such as were more in number, and were armed also, out
of regard to their great courage. So he commanded the trumpeters to sound
for the battle; and by thus falling upon the enemies when they did not
expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew
many of those that resisted him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as
Gadara, and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia; and of these
there fell about three thousand. Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not
to be too desirous of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest
and battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were with him; but that when
they had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the camp,
because they were the only enemies remaining, and they expected no others.
And just as he was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias's men looked down
into that army which they left in their camp, and saw that it was overthrown,
and the camp burnt; for the smoke that arose from it showed them, even
when they were a great way off, what had happened. When therefore those
that were with Gorgias understood that things were in this posture, and
perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight them, they
also were affrighted, and put to flight; but then Judas, as though he had
already beaten Gorgias's soldiers without fighting, returned and seized
on the spoils. He took a great quantity of gold, and silver, and purple,
and blue, and then returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for
their good success; for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery
of their liberty.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="313" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which he
had sent, and the next year he got together sixty thousand chosen men.
He also took five thousand horsemen, and fell upon Judea; and he went up
to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of Judea, and pitched his camp
there, where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and when he saw the great
number of his enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined
battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them, and slew
about five thousand of them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of
them. Nay, indeed, Lysias observing the great spirit of the Jews, how they
were prepared to die rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of
their desperate way of fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the
rest of the army back with him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed
foreigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon Judea with a greater
army.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="316" unit="section" /><p>When therefore the generals of Antiochus's armies had been beaten
so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told them, that after
these many victories which God had given them, they ought to go up to Jerusalem,
and purify the temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices. But as soon
as he, with the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple
deserted, and its gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple of
their own accord, on account of its desertion, he and those that were with
him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the sight of the temple;
so he chose out some of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight against
those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the
temple. When therefore he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new
vessels, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of
incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates, and
added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of burnt-offering], and
built a new one of stones that he gathered together, and not of such as
were hewn with iron tools. So on the five and twentieth day of the month
Casleu, which the Macedonians call Apeliens, they lighted the lamps that
were on the candlestick, and offered incense upon the altar [of incense],
and laid the loaves upon the table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offerings
upon the new altar [of burnt-offering]. Now it so fell out, that these
things were done on the very same day on which their Divine worship had
fallen off, and was reduced to a profane and common use, after three years'
time; for so it was, that the temple was made desolate by Antiochus, and
so continued for three years. This desolation happened to the temple in
the hundred forty and fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of the month
Apeliens, and on the hundred fifty and third olympiad: but it was dedicated
anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apeliens, on the hundred
and forty-eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad. And
this desolation came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which
was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the
Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time].</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="323" unit="section" /><p>Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the sacrifices
of the temple for eight days, and omitted no sort of pleasures thereon;
but he feasted them upon very rich and splendid sacrifices; and he honored
God, and delighted them by hymns and psalms. Nay, they were so very glad
at the revival of their customs, when, after a long time of intermission,
they unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they
made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep a festival, on
account of the restoration of their temple worship, for eight days. And
from that time to this we celebrate this festival, and call it Lights.
I suppose the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes appeared
to us; and that thence was the name given to that festival. Judas also
rebuilt the walls round about the city, and reared towers of great height
against the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also fortified
the city Bethsura, that it might serve as a citadel against any distresses
that might come from our enemies.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JUDAS SUBDUED THE NATIONS ROUND ABOUT; AND HOW SIMON
BEAT THE PEOPLE OF TYRE AND PTOLEMAIS; AND HOW JUDAS OVERCAME TIMOTHEUS,
AND FORCED HIM TO FLY AWAY, AND DID MANY OTHER THINGS AFTER JOSEPH AND
AZARIAS HAD BEEN BEATEN</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="327" unit="section" /><p>WHEN these things were over, the nations round about the Jews were
very uneasy at the revival of their power, and rose up together, and destroyed
many of them, as gaining advantage over them by laying snares for them,
and making secret conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual expeditions
against these men, and endeavored to restrain them from those incursions,
and to prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he fell upon the
Idumeans, the posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great many
of them, and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of Bean, that
laid wait for the Jews; and he sat down about them, and besieged them,
and burnt their towers, and destroyed the men [that were in them]. After
this he went thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had a great and
a numerous army, of which Timotheus was the commander. And when he had
subdued them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives and their
children captives, and burnt the city, and then returned into Judea. But
when the neighboring nations understood that he was returned, they got
together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those
Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Dathema;
and sent to Judas, to inform him that Timotheus was endeavoring to take
the place whither they were fled. And as these epistles were reading, there
came other messengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants
of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten
together.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="332" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done, with
relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave order that Simon
his brother should take three thousand chosen men, and go to the assistance
of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another of his brothers, Jonathan,
made haste into the land of Gilead, with eight thousand soldiers. And he
left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, to be over the rest of
the forces; and charged them to keep Judea very carefully, and to fight
no battles with any persons whomsoever until his return. Accordingly, Simon-went
into Galilee, and fought the enemy, and put them to flight, and pursued
them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three thousand of them,
and took the spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they
had made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="335" unit="section" /><p>Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother Jonathan, they passed
over the river Jordan; and when they had gone three days journey, they
lighted upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them peaceably, and who told
them how the affairs of those in the land of Gilead stood; and how many
of them were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into the cities
of Galilee; and exhorted him to make haste to go against the foreigners,
and to endeavor to save his own countrymen out of their hands. To this
exhortation Judas hearkened, and returned to the wilderness; and in the
first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and
beat the inhabitants, and destroyed all the males, and all that were able
to fight, and burnt the city. Nor did he stop even when night came on,
but he journeyed in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to be then
shut up, and where Timotheus lay round the place with his army. And Judas
came upon the city in the morning; and when he found that the enemy were
making an assault upon the walls, and that some of them brought ladders,
on which they might get upon those walls, and that others brought engines
[to batter them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his trumpet, and he encouraged
his soldiers cheerfully to undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren
and kindred; he also parted his army into three bodies, and fell upon the
backs of their enemies. But when Timotheus's men perceived that it was
Maccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage and good success in
war they had formerly had sufficient experience, they were put to flight;
but Judas followed them with his army, and slew about eight thousand of
them. He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners called Malle, and
took it, and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed
from thence, and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of
the land of Gilead.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="341" unit="section" /><p>But not long after this, Timotheus prepared a great army, and took
many others as auxiliaries; and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise
of rewards, to go with him in this expedition, and came with his army beyond
the brook, over against the city Raphon; and he encouraged his soldiers,
if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight courageously, and to hinder
their passing over the brook; for he said to them beforehand, that "if
they come over it, we shall be beaten." And when Judas heard that
Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he took all his own army, and went
in haste against Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over the brook,
he fell upon his enemies, and some of them met him, whom he slew, and others
of them he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down their arms
and fly; and some of them escaped, but some of them fled to what was called
the Temple of Camaim, and hoped thereby to preserve themselves; but Judas
took the city, and slew them, and burnt the temple, and so used several
ways of destroying his enemies.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="345" unit="section" /><p>When he had done this, he gathered the Jews together, with their
children and wives, and the substance that belonged to them, and was going
to bring them back into Judea; but as soon as he was come to a certain
city, whose name was Ephron, that lay upon the road, (and it was not possible
for him to go any other way, so he was not willing to go back again,) he
then sent to the inhabitants, and desired that they would open their gates,
and permit them to go on their way through the city; for they had stopped
up the gates with stones, and cut off their passage through it. And when
the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this proposal, he encouraged
those that were with him, and encompassed the city round, and besieged
it, and, lying round it by day and night, took the city, and slew every
male in it, and burnt it all down, and so obtained a way through it; and
the multitude of those that were slain was so great, that they went over
the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan, and arrived at the great plain,
over against which is situate the city Bethshah, which is called by the
Greeks Scythopolis. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reason why Bethshah was called Scythopolis is well known from Herodotus,
B. I. p. 105, and Syncellus, p. 214, that the Scythians, when they overran
Asia, in the days of Josiah, seized on this city, and kept it as long as
they continued in Asia, from which time it retained the name of Scythopolis,
or the City of the Scythians.</note>
And going away hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms
and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual
in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank-offerings, both for their
good success, and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the
Jews was slain in these battles.<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This most providential preservation of all the religious Jews in this expedition,
which was according to the will of God, is observable often among God's
people, the Jews; and somewhat very like it in the changes of the four
monarchies, which were also providential. See Prideaux at the years 331,
333, and 334.</note></p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="350" unit="section" /><p>But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left
generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time when Simon was in
Galilee, fighting against the people of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and
his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect
the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took
the army that was under their command, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias,
the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them; and upon joining battle
with him, they lost two thousand of their army, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here is another great instance of Providence, that when, even at the very
time that Simon, and Judas, and Jonathan were so miraculously preserved
and blessed, in the just defense of their laws and religion, these other
generals of the Jews, who went to fight for honor in a vain-glorious way,
and without any commission from God, or the family he had raised up to
deliver them, were miserably disappointed and defeated. See 1 Macc. 5:61,
62.</note>
and fled away, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea. And this
misfortune befell them by their disobedience to what injunctions Judas
had given them, not to fight with any one before his return. For besides
the rest of Judas's sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning
the misfortune that befell the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias,
which he understood would happen, if they broke any of the injunctions
he had given them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave off fighting
with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on all sides, and took from them
the city of Hebron, and demolished all its fortifications, and set all
its towers on fire, and burnt the country of the foreigners, and the city
Marissa. They came also to Ashdod, and took it, and laid it waste, and
took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned
to Judea.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANE. HOW ANTIOCHUS
EUPATOR FOUGHT AGAINST JUDA AND BESIEGED HIM IN THE TEMPLE AND AFTERWARDS
MADE PEACE WITH HIM AND DEPARTED; OF ALCIMUS AND ONIAS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="354" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time it was that king Antiochus, as he was going over
the upper countries, heard that there was a very rich city in Persia, called
Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that it was full
of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as also weapons and breastplates,
which, upon inquiry, he found had been left there by Alexander, the son
of Philip, king of Macedonia. And being incited by these motives, he went
in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it. But as those that
were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege, but opposed
him very courageously, he was beaten off his hopes; for they drove him
away from the city, and went out and pursued after him, insomuch that he
fled away as far as Babylon, and lost a great many of his army. And when
he was grieving for this disappointment, some persons told him of the defeat
of his commanders whom he had left behind him to fight against Judea, and
what strength the Jews had already gotten. When this concern about these
affairs was added to the former, he was confounded, and by the anxiety
he was in fell into a distemper, which, as it lasted a great while, and
as his pains increased upon him, so he at length perceived he should die
in a little time; so he called his friends to him, and told them that his
distemper was severe upon him; and confessed withal, that this calamity
was sent upon him for the miseries he had brought upon the Jewish nation,
while he plundered their temple, and contemned their God; and when he had
said this, he gave up the ghost. Whence one may wonder at Polybius of Megalopolis,
who, though otherwise a good man, yet saith that "Antiochus died because
he had a purpose to plunder the temple of Diana in Persia;" for the
purposing to do a thing, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since St. Paul, a Pharisee, confesses that he had not known concupiscence,
or desires, to be sinful, had not the tenth commandment said, "Thou
shalt not covet," Romans 7:7, the case seems to have been much the
same with our Josephus, who was of the same sect, that he had not a deep
sense of the greatness of any sins that proceeded no further than the intention.
However, since Josephus speaks here properly of the punishment of death,
which is not intended by any law, either of God or man, for the bare intention,
his words need not to be strained to mean, that sins intended, but not
executed, were no sins at all.</note>
but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But if Polybius
could think that Antiochus thus lost his life on that account, it is much
more probable that this king died on account of his sacrilegious plundering
of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not contend about this matter with
those who may think that the cause assigned by this Polybius of Megalopolis
is nearer the truth than that assigned by us.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="360" unit="section" /><p>However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one
of his companions, and made him the guardian of his kingdom; and gave him
his diadem, and his garment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them,
and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of
his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">No wonder that Josephus here describes Antiochus Eupator as young, and
wanting tuition, when he came to the crown, since Appian informs us (Syriac.
p. 177) that he was then but nine years old.</note>
This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth year; but it was Lysias
that declared his death to the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus
to be king, (of whom at present he had the care,) and called him Eupator.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="362" unit="section" /><p>At this time it was that the garrison in the citadel of Jerusalem,
with the Jewish runagates, did a great deal of harm to the Jews; for the
soldiers that were in that garrison rushed out upon the sudden, and destroyed
such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their sacrifices,
for this citadel adjoined to and overlooked the temple. When these misfortunes
had often happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garrison; whereupon
he got all the people together, and vigorously besieged those that were
in the citadel. This was in the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion
of the Seleucidse. So he made engines of war, and erected bulwarks, and
very zealously pressed on to take the citadel. But there were not a few
of the runagates who were in the place that went out by night into the
country, and got together some other wicked men like themselves, and went
to Antiochus the king, and desired of him that he would not suffer them
to be neglected, under the great hardships that lay upon them from those
of their own nation; and this because their sufferings were occasioned
on his father's account, while they left the religious worship of their
fathers, and preferred that which he had commanded them to follow: that
there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed to garrison it by
the king, should be taken by Judas, and those that were with him, unless
he would send them succors. When Antiochus, who was but a child, heard
this, he was angry, and sent for his captains and his friends, and gave
order that they should get an army of mercenaries together, with such men
also of his own kingdom as were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an
army was collected of about a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand
horsemen, and thirty-two elephants.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="367" unit="section" /><p>So the king took this army, and marched hastily out of Antioch, with
Lysias, who had the command of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence
went up to the city Bethsnra, a city that was strong, and not to be taken
without great difficulty. He set about this city, and besieged it. And
while the inhabitants of Bethsura courageously opposed him, and sallied
out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great deal of time was spent
in the siege. But when Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the
siege of the citadel, and met the king, and pitched his camp in certain
straits, at a place called Bethzachriah, at the distance of seventy furlongs
from the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces from Bethsura, and brought
them to those straits. And as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array,
and made his elephants follow one another through the narrow passes, because
they could not be set sideways by one another. Now round about every elephant
there were a thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen. The elephants
also had high towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them]. And he
also made the rest of his army to go up the mountains, and put his friends
before the rest; and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and so he
attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight their golden and brazen shields,
so that a glorious splendor was sent from them; and when they shouted the
mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, he was not terrified, but
received the enemy with great courage, and slew about six hundred of the
first ranks. But when his brother Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw
the tallest of all the elephants armed with royal breastplates, and supposed
that the king was upon him, he attacked him with great quickness and bravery.
He also slew many of those that were about the elephant, and scattered
the rest, and then went under the belly of the elephant, and smote him,
and slew him; so the elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight crushed
him to death. And thus did this man come to his end, when he had first
courageously destroyed manyof his enemies.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="375" unit="section" /><p>But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, retired to Jerusalem,
and prepared to endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he sent part of his army
to Bethsura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he came against
Jerusalem; but the inhabitants of Bethsura were terrified at his strength;
and seeing that their provisions grew scarce,. they delivered themselves
up on the security of oaths that they should suffer no hard treatment from
the king. And when Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no other
harm than sending them out naked. He also placed a garrison of his own
in the city. But as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a
long time, while they within bravely defended it; for what engines soever
the king set against them, they set other engines again to oppose them.
But then their provisions failed them; what fruits of the ground they had
laid up were spent and the land being not ploughed that year, continued
unsowed, because it was the seventh year, on which, by our laws, we are
obliged to let it lay uncultivated. And withal, so many of the besieged
ran away for want of necessaries, that but a few only were left in the
temple.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="379" unit="section" /><p>And these happened to be the circumstances of such as were besieged
in the temple. But then, because Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus
the king, were informed that Philip was coming upon them out of Persia,
and was endeavoring to get the management of public affairs to himself,
they came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and to make haste
to go against Philip; yet did they resolve not to let this be known to
the soldiers or to the officers: but the king commanded Lysias to speak
openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a word about the
business of Philip; and to intimate to them that the siege would be very
long; that the place was very strong; that they were already in want of
provisions; that many affairs of the kingdom wanted regulation; and that
it was much better to make a league with the besieged, and to become friends
to their whole nation, by permitting them to observe the laws of their
fathers, while they broke out into this war only because they were deprived
of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had discoursed thus to them,
both the army and the officers were pleased with this resolution.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="382" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were besieged
with them, and promised to give them peace, and to permit them to make
use of, and live according to, the laws of their fathers; and they gladly
received his proposals; and when they had gained security upon oath for
their performance, they went out of the temple. But when Antiochus came
into it, and saw how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered
his army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and when
he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also carried with him Onias
the high priest, who was also called Menelaus; for Lysias advised the king
to slay Menelaus, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no
further disturbance, for that this man was the origin of all the mischief
the Jews had done them, by persuading his father to compel the Jews to
leave the religion of their fathers. So the king sent Menelaus to Berea,
a city of Syria, and there had him put to death, when he had been high
priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order
to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress
their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called
Jacimus, was made high priest. But when king Antiochus found that Philip
had already possessed himself of the government, he made war against him,
and subdued him, and took him, and slew him. Now as to Onias, the son of
the high priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when
his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus,
and given the high priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high priest
stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his family
to another house, he fled to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; and when he found
he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired
and obtained a place in the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple
like to that at Jerusalem; of which therefore we shall hereafter give an
account, in a place more proper for it.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW BACCHIDES, THE GENERAL OF DEMETRIUS'S ARMY, MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST JUDEA, AND RETURNED WITHOUT SUCCESS; AND HOW NICANOR WAS SENT A
LITTLE AFTERWARD AGAINST JUDAS AND PERISHED, TOGETHER WITH HIS ARMY; AS
ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ALCIMUS AND THE SUCCESSION OF JUDAS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="389" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, fled away from
Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the diadem on his own
head. He also gathered certain mercenary soldiers together, and entered
into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves
up to him. And when they had taken Autiochus the king, and Lysias, they
brought them to him alive; both which were immediately put to death by
the command of Demetrius, when Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have
already elsewhere related. But there were now many of the wicked Jewish
runagates that came together to him, and with them Alcimus the high priest,
who accused the whole nation, and particularly Judas and his brethren;
and said that they had slain all his friends, and that those in his kingdom
that were of his party, and waited for his return, were by them put to
death; that these men had ejected them out of their own country, and caused
them to be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that he would
send some one of his own friends, and know from him what mischief Judas's
party had done.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="393" unit="section" /><p>At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent Bacchides, a friend of
Antiochus Epiphanes, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is no way probable that Josephus would call Bacchidoa, that bitter and
bloody enemy of the Jews, as our present copies have it, a man good, or
kind, and gentle, What the author of the First Book of Maccabees, whom
Josephus here follows, instead of that character, says of him, is, that
he was a great man in the kingdom, and faithful to his king; which was
very probably Josephus's meaning also.</note>
a good man, and one that had been intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave
him an army, and committed Alcimus the high priest to his care; and gave
him charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him. So Bacchides made
haste, and went out of Antioch with his army; and when he was come into
Judea, he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with them about
a league of friendship and peace, for he had a mind to take him by treachery.
But Judas did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came with so great
an army as men do not bring when they come to make peace, but to make war.
However, some of the people acquiesced in what Bacchides caused to be proclaimed;
and supposing they should undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who
was their countryman, they went over to them; and when they had received
oaths from both of them, that neither they themselves, nor those of the
same sentiments, should come to any harm, they intrusted themselves with
them. But Bacchides troubled not himself about the oaths he had taken,
but slew threescore of them, although, by not keeping his faith with those
that first went over, he deterred all the rest, who had intentions to go
over to him, from doing it. But as he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was
at the village called Bethzetho, he sent out, and caught many of the deserters,
and some of the people also, and slew them all; and enjoined all that lived
in the country to submit to Alcimus. So he left him there, with some part
of the army, that he might have wherewith to keep the country in obedience
and returned to Antioch to king Demetrius.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="398" unit="section" /><p>But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion more firmly assured
to him; and understanding that, if he could bring it about that the multitude
should be his friends, he should govern with greater security, he spake
kind words to them all, and discoursed to each of them after an agreeable
and pleasant manner; by which means he quickly had a great body of men
and an army about him, although the greater part of them were of the wicked,
and the deserters. With these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers,
he went all over the country, and slew all that he could find of Judas's
party. But when Judas saw that Alcimus was already become great, and had
destroyed many of the good and holy men of the country, he also went all
over the country, and destroyed those that were of the other party. But
when Alcimus saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to
him in strength, he resolved to apply himself to king Demetrius for his
assistance; so he came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas, and
accused him, alleging that he had undergone a great many miseries by his
means, and that he would do more mischief unless he were prevented, and
brought to punishment, which must be done by sending a powerful force against
him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="402" unit="section" /><p>So Demetrius, being already of opinion that it would be a thing pernicious
to his own affairs to overlook Judas, now he was becoming so great, sent
against him Nicanor, the most kind and most faithful of all his friends;
for he it was who fled away with him from the city of Rome. He also gave
him as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to conquer Judas withal,
and bid him not to spare the nation at all. When Nicanor was come to Jerusalem,
he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but judged it better to
get him into his power by treachery; so he sent him a message of peace,
and said there was no manner of necessity for them to fight and hazard
themselves; and that he would give him his oath that he would do him no
harm, for that he only came with some friends, in order to let him know
what king Demetrius's intentions were, and what opinion he had of their
nation. When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his brethren
complied with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of
friendship, and received Nicanor and his army; but while he was saluting
Judas, and they were talking together, he gave a certain signal to his
own soldiers, upon which they were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived
the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled away with them.
So upon this discovery of his purpose, and of the snares laid for Judas,
Nicanor determined to make open war with him, and gathered his army together,
and prepared for fighting him; and upon joining battle with him at a certain
village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus's copies must have been corrupted when they here give victory
to Nicanor, contrary to the words following, which imply that he who was
beaten fled into the citadel, which for certain belonged to the city of
David, or to Mount Zion, and was in the possession of Nicanor's garrison,
and not of Judas's. As also it is contrary to the express words of Josephus's
original author, 1 Macc. 7:32, who says that Nicanor lost about five thousand
men, and fled to the city of David.</note>
and forced him to fly to that citadel which was at Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="406" unit="section" /><p>And when Nicanor came down from the citadel unto the temple, some
of the priests and elders met him, and saluted him; and showed him the
sacrifices which they offered to God for the king: upon which he blasphemed,
and threatened them, that unless the people would deliver up Judas to him,
upon his return he would pull clown their temple. And when he had thus
threatened them, he departed from Jerusalem. But the priests fell into
tears out of grief at what he had said, and besought God to deliver them
from their enemies But now for Nicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem,
and was at a certain village called Bethoron, he there pitched his camp,
another army out of Syria having joined him. And Judas pitched his camp
at Adasa, another village, which was thirty furlongs distant from Bethoron,
having no more than one thousand soldiers. And when he had encouraged them
not to be dismayed at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how
many they were against whom they were going to fight, but to consider who
they themselves were, and for what great rewards they hazarded themselves,
and to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out to fight, and joining
battle with Nicanor, which proved to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy,
and slew many of them; and at last Nicanor himself, as he was fighting
gloriously, fell: - upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when they
had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arms.
Judas also pursued them and slew them, and gave notice by the sound of
the trumpets to the neighboring villages that he had conquered the enemy;
which, when the inhabitants heard, they put on their armor hastily, and
met their enemies in the face as they were running away, and slew them,
insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this battle, who were in number
nine thousand This victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that
month which by the Jews is called Adar and by the Macedonians Dystrus;
and the Jews thereon celebrate this victory every year, and esteem it as
a festival day. After which the Jewish nation were, for a while, free from
wars, and enjoyed peace; but afterward they returned into their former
state of wars and hazards.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="413" unit="section" /><p>But now as the high priest Alcimus, was resolving to pull down the
wall of the sanctuary, which had been there of old time, and had been built
by the holy prophets, he was smitten suddenly by God, and fell down. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This account of the miserable death of Alcimus, or Jac-mus, the wicked
high priest, (the first that was not of the family of the high priests,
and made by a vile heathen, Lysias,) before the death of Judas, and of
Judas's succession to him as high priest, both here, and at the conclusion
of this book, directly contradicts 1 Macc. 9:54-57, which places his death
after the death of Judas, and says not a syllable of the high priesthood
of Judas. How well the Roman histories agree to this account of the conquests
and powerful condition of the Romans at this time, see the notes in Havercamp's
edition; only that the number of the senators of Rome was then just three
hundred and twenty, is, I think, only known from 1 Macc. 8:15.</note>
This stroke made him fall down speechless upon the ground; and undergoing
torments for many days, he at length died, when he had been high priest
four years. And when he was dead, the people bestowed the high priesthood
on Judas; who hearing of the power of the Romans, and that they had conquered
in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and Libya; and that, besides
these, they had subdued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and Philip, and
Antiochus the Great also; he resolved to enter into a league of friendship
with them. He therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the
son of John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by them desired the Romans
that they would assist them, and be their friends, and would write to Demetrius
that he would not fight against the Jews. So the senate received the ambassadors
that came from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about the errand
on which they came, and then granted them a league of assistance. They
also made a decree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It
was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass. The decree itself
was this: "The decree of the senate concerning a league of assistance
and friendship with the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for
any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews,
nor to assist those that do so, either by sending them corn, or ships,
or money; and if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall assist
them, as far as they are able; and again, if any attack be made upon the
Romans, the Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have a mind to add
to, or to take away any thing from, this league of assistance, that shall
be done with the common consent of the Romans. And whatsoever addition
shall thus be made, it shall be of force." This decree was written
by Eupolemus the son of John, and by Jason the son of Eleazar, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This subscription is wanting 1 Macc. 8:17, 29, and must be the words of
Josephus, who by mistake thought, as we have just now seen, that Judas
was at this time high priest, and accordingly then reckoned his brother
Jonathan to be the general of the army, which yet he seems not to have
been till after the death of Judas.</note>
when Judas was high priest of the nation, and Simon his brother was general
of the army. And this was the first league that the Romans made with the
Jews, and was managed after this manner.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THAT BACCHIDES WAS AGAIN SENT OUT AGAINST JUDAS; AND HOW
JUDAS FELL AS HE WAS COURAGEOUSLY FIGHTING.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="420" unit="section" /><p>BUT when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the
destruction of the army that was with him, he sent Bacchides again with
an army into Judea, who marched out of Antioch, and came into Judea, and
pitched his camp at Arbela, a city of Galilee; and having besieged and
taken those that were there in caves, (for many of the people fled into
such places,) he removed, and made all the haste he could to Jerusalem.
And when he had learned that Judas had pitched his camp at a certain village
whose name was Bethzetho, he led his army against him: they were twenty
thousand foot-men, and two thousand horsemen. Now Judas had no more soldiers
than one thousand. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That this copy of Josephus, as he wrote it, had here not one thousand,
but three thousand, with 1 Macc 9:5, is very plain, because though the
main part ran away at first, even in Josephus, as well as in 1 Macc. 9:6,
yet, as there, so here, eight hundred are said to have remained with Judas,
which would be absurd, if the whole number had been no more than one thousand.</note>
When these saw the multitude of Bacchides's men, they were afraid, and
left their camp, and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now when Judas
was deserted by his own soldiers, and the enemy pressed upon him, and gave
him no time to gather his army together, he was disposed to fight with
Bacchides's army, though he had but eight hundred men with him; so he exhorted
these men to undergo the danger courageously, and encouraged them to attack
the enemy. And when they said they were not a body sufficient to fight
so great an army, and advised that they should retire now, and save themselves
and that when he had gathered his own men together, then he should fall
upon the enemy afterwards, his answer was this: "Let not the sun ever
see such a thing, that I should show my back to the enemy and although
this be the time that will bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle,
I will rather stand to it courageously, and bear whatsoever comes upon
me, than by now running away bring reproach upon my former great actions,
or tarnish their glory." This was the speech he made to those that
remained with him, whereby he encouraged them to attack the enemy.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="426" unit="section" /><p>But Bacchldes drew his army out of their camp, and put them in array
for the battle. He set the horsemen on both the wings, and the light soldiers
and the archers he placed before the whole army, but he was himself on
the right wing. And when he had thus put his army in order of battle, and
was going to join battle with the enemy, he commanded the trumpeter to
give a signal of battle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall on the
enemy. And when Judas had done the same, he joined battle with them; and
as both sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued till sun-set,
Judas saw that Bacehides and the strongest part of the army was in the
right wing, and thereupon took the most courageous men with him, and ran
upon that part of the army, and fell upon those that were there, and broke
their ranks, and drove them into the middle, and forced them to run away,
and pursued them as far as to a mountain called Aza: but when those of
the left wing saw that the right wing was put to flight, they encompassed
Judas, and pursued him, and came behind him, and took him into the middle
of their army; so being not able to fly, but encompassed round about with
enemies, he stood still, and he and those that were with him fought; and
when he had slain a great many of those that came against him, he at last
was himself wounded, and fell and gave up the ghost, and died in a way
like to his former famous actions. When Judas was dead, those that were
with him had no one whom they could regard [as their commander]; but when
they saw themselves deprived of such a general, they fled. But Simon and
Jonathan, Judas's brethren, received his dead body by a treaty from the
enemy, and carried it to the village of Modin, where their father had been
buried, and there buried him; while the multitude lamented him many days,
and performed the usual solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this was
the end that Judas came to. He had been a man of valor and a great warrior,
and mindful of the commands of their father Matrathins; and had undergone
all difficulties, both in doing and suffering, for the liberty of his countrymen.
And when his character was so excellent [while he was alive], he left behind
him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation,
and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. And when he had
retained the high priesthood three years, he died.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="13" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XIII</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTY-TWO YEARS,
FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN
ALEXANDRA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JONATHAN TOOK THE GOVERNMENT AFTER HIS BROTHER JUDAS;
AND HOW HE, TOGETHER WITH HIS BROTHER SIMON, WAGED WAR AGAINST BACCHIDES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>BY what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when
they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what struggles,
and how great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran through, till
he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been related in the foregoing
book; but after he was dead, all the wicked, and those that transgressed
the laws of their forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon
them, and distressed them on every side. A famine also assisted their wickedness,
and afflicted the country, till not a few, who by reason of their want
of necessaries, and because they were not able to bear up against the miseries
that both the famine and their enemies brought upon them, deserted their
country, and went to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides gathered those
Jews together who had apostatized from the accustomed way of living of
their forefathers, and chose to live like their neighbors, and committed
the care of the country to them, who also caught the friends of Judas,
and those of his party, and delivered them up to Bacchides, who when he
had, in the first place, tortured and tormented them at his pleasure, he,
by that means, at length killed them. And when this calamity of the Jews
was become so great, as they had never had experience of the like since
their return out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of Judas,
seeing that the nation was ready to be destroyed after a miserable manner,
came to his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he would imitate his
brother, and that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose liberty
in general he died also; and that he would not permit the nation to be
without a governor, especially in those destructive circumstances wherein
it now was. And where Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them,
and esteemed no inferior to his brother, he was appointed to be the general
of the Jewish army.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="7" unit="section" /><p>When Bacchides heard this, and was afraid that Jonathan might be
very troublesome to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had been before
him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery. But this intention of
his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor to his brother Simon; but when these
two were apprized of it, they took all their companions, and presently
fled into that wilderness which was nearest to the city; and when they
were come to a lake called Asphar, they abode there. But when Bacchides
was sensible that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he
hasted to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp beyond
Jordan, he recruited his army. But when Jonathan knew that Bacchides Was
coming upon him, he sent his brother John, who was also called Gaddis,
to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them until
the battle with Bacchides should be over, for they were the Jews' friends.
And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush for John from the city Medaba, and
seized upon him, and upon those that were with him, and plundered all that
they had with them. They also slew John, and all his companions. However,
they were sufficiently punished for what they now did by John's brethren,
as we shall relate presently.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="12" unit="section" /><p>But when Bacchides knew that Jonathan had pitched his camp among
the lakes of Jordan, he observed when their sabbath day came, and then
assaulted him, [as supposing that he would not fight because of the law
for resting on that day]: but he exhorted his companions [to fight]; and
told them that their lives were at stake, since they were encompassed by
the river, and by their enemies, and had no way to escape, for that their
enemies pressed upon them from before, and the river was behind them. So
after he had prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined battle with
the enemy, of whom he overthrew many; and as he saw Bacchides coming up
boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to smite him; but the other
foreseeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped
into the river, and swam over it, and by that means escaped beyond Jordan
while the enemies did not pass over that river; but Bacchides returned
presently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of
his army. He also fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls had been
demolished; Jericho, and Emmaus, and Betboron, and Bethel, and Tinma, and
Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built towers in every one of these
cities, and encompassed them with strong walls, that were very large also,
and put garrisons into them, that they might issue out of them, and do
mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than
all the rest. Moreover, he took the sons of the principal Jews as pledges,
and hut them up in the citadel, and in that manner guarded it.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="18" unit="section" /><p>About the same time one came to Jonathan, and to his brother Simon,
and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing
the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of the illustrious
men among the Arabians, and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp,
and splendor, and much riches: so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared
to be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their brother, and
that they had forces sufficient for receiving satisfaction from them for
his death, they made haste to Medaba, and lay in wait among the mountains
for the coming of their enemies; and as soon as they saw them conducting
the virgin, and her bridegroom, and such a great company of their friends
with them as was to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their
ambush, and slew them all, and took their ornaments, and all the prey that
then followed them, and so returned, and received this satisfaction for
their brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well those sons themselves,
as their friends, and wives, and children that followed them, perished,
being in number about four hundred.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="22" unit="section" /><p>However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river, and
abode there. But Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons,
returned to the king; and then it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet
for two years. But when the deserters and the wicked saw that Jonathan
and those that were with him lived in the country very quietly, by reason
of the peace, they sent to king Demetrius, and excited him to send Bacchides
to seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to be done without any trouble,
and in one night's time; and that if they fell upon them before they were
aware, they might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides, who, when
he was come into Judea, wrote to all his friends, both Jews and auxiliaries,
that they should seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to him; and when, upon
all their endeavors, they were not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he
was sensible of the snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded
against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as having imposed
upon him, and upon the king, and slew fifty of their leaders: whereupon
Jonathan, with his brother, and those that were with him, retired to Bethagla,
a village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides. He
also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care that
it should be safely guarded. Upon the hearing of which Bacchides led his
own army along with him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came
against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his fortifications, and besieged
him many days; but Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides
used in the siege, but courageously opposed him. And while he left his
brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went privately out
himself into the country, and got a great body of men together of his own
party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp in the night time, and destroyed
a great many of them. His brother Simon knew also of this his falling upon
them, because he perceived that the enemies were slain by him; so he sallied
out upon them, and burnt the engines which the Macedonians used, and made
a great slaughter of them. And when Bacchides saw himself encompassed with
enemies, and some of them before and some behind him, he fell into despair
and trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill success of this
siege. However, he vented his displeasure at these misfortunes upon those
deserters who sent for him from the king, as having deluded him. So he
had a mind to finish this siege after a decent manner, if it were possible
for him so to do, and then to return home.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="32" unit="section" /><p>When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors
to him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and that they
might restore those they had taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides
thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home, and made a league of
friendship with Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more
make war one against another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and
took his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch; and after
this his departure, he never came into Judea again. Then did Jonathan take
the opportunity of this quiet state of things, and went and lived in the
city Michmash; and there governed the multitude, and punished the wicked
and ungodly, and by that means purged the nation of them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ALEXANDER [BALA] IN HIS WAR WITH DEMETRIUS, GRANTED JONATHAN
MANY ADVANTAGES AND APPOINTED HIM TO BE HIGH PRIEST AND PERSUADED HIM TO
ASSIST HIM ALTHOUGH DEMETRIUS PROMISED HIM GREATER ADVANTAGES ON THE OTHER
SIDE. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF DEMETRIUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="35" unit="section" /><p>NOW in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander,
the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Alexander Bala, who certainly pretended to be the son of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and was owned for such by the Jews and Romans, and many others,
and yet is by several historians deemed to be a counterfeit, and of no
family at all, is, however, by Josephus believed to have been the real
son of that Antiochus, and by him always spoken of accordingly. And truly,
since the original contemporary and authentic author of the First Book
of Maccabees (10:1) calls him by his father's name, Epiphanes, and says
he was the son of Antiochus, I suppose the other writers, who are all much
later, are not to be followed against such evidence, though perhaps Epiphanes
might have him by a woman of no family. The king of Egypt also, Philometor,
soon gave him his daughter in marriage, which he would hardly have done,
had he believed him to be a counterfeit, and of so very mean a birth as
the later historians pretend.</note>
came up into Syria, and took Ptolemais the soldiers within having betrayed
it to him; for they were at enmity with Demetrius, on account of his insolence
and difficulty of access; for he shut himself up in a palace of his that
had four towers which he had built himself, not far from Antioch and admitted
nobody. He was withal slothful and negligent about the public affairs,
whereby the hatred of his subjects was the more kindled against him, as
we have elsewhere already related. When therefore Demetrius heard that
Alexander was in Ptolemais, he took his whole army, and led it against
him; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan about a league of mutual assistance
and friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the
other should treat with him first, and gain assistance from him; and this
he did out of the fear he had lest Jonathan should remember how ill Demetrius
had formerly treated him, and should join with him in this war against
him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to raise
an army, and should get armor made, and should receive back those hostages
of the Jewish nation whom Baechides had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem.
When this good fortune had befallen Jonathan, by the concession of Demetrius,
he came to Jerusalem, and read the king's letter in the audience of the
people, and of those that kept the citadel. When these were read, these
wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel, were greatly afraid,
upon the king's permission to Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive
back the hostages. So he delivered every one of them to his own parents.
And thus did Jonathan make his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to
a better state, and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave
orders that the walls of the city should be rebuilt with square stones,
that it might be more secure from their enemies. And when those that kept
the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled
to Antioch, excepting those that were in the city Bethsura, and those that
were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these was of
the wicked Jews and deserters, and on that account these did not deliver
up their garrisons.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="43" unit="section" /><p>When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan, and
withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done when he fought
the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had undergone by the means
of Demetrius, and of Bacchides, the general of Demetrius's army, he told
his friends that he could not at present find any one else that might afford
him better assistance than Jonathan, who was both courageous against his
enemies, and had a particular hatred against Demetrius, as having both
suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard things against
him. If therefore they were of opinion that they should make him their
friend against Demetrius, it was more for their advantage to invite him
to assist them now than at another time. It being therefore determined
by him and his friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle:
"King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have
long ago heard of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have
sent to thee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual assistance.
We therefore do ordain thee this day the high priest of the Jews, and that
thou beest called my friend. I have also sent thee, as presents, a purple
robe and a golden crown, and desire that, now thou art by us honored, thou
wilt in like manner respect us also."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="46" unit="section" /><p>When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical
robe at the time of the feast of tabernacles, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since Jonathan plainly did not put on the pontifical robes till seven or
eight years after the death of his brother Judas, or not till the feast
of tabernacles, in the 160th of the Seleucidm, 1 Macc. 10;21, Petitus's
emendation seems here to deserve consideration, who, instead of "after
four years since the death of his brother Judas," would have us read,
"and therefore after eight years since the death of his brother Judas."
This would tolerably well agree with the date of the Maccabees, and with
Josephus's own exact chronology at the end of the twentieth book of these
Antiquities, which the present text cannot be made to do.</note>
four years after the death of his brother Judas, for at that time no high
priest had been made. So he raised great forces, and had abundance of armor
got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius when he heard of it, and made
him blame himself for his slowness, that he had not prevented Alexander,
and got the good-will of Jonathan, but had given him time so to do. However,
he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, and to the people, the contents
whereof are these: "King Demetrius to Jonathan, and to the nation
of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship
for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined
yourselves to them, I both commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort
you to continue in the same disposition, for which you shall be repaid,
and receive rewards from us; for I will free you from the greatest part
of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors,
and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you
have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value
of the crowns which you used to offer to me <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take Grotius's note here: "The Jews," says he, "were wont
to present crowns to the kings [of Syria]; afterwards that gold which was
paid instead of those crowns, or which was expended in making them, was
called the crown gold and crown tax." On 1 Macc. 10:29.</note>
and instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half
of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day:
and as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head of
the inhabitants of Judea, and of the three toparchies that adjoin to Judea,
Samaria, and Galilee, and Peres, that I relinquish to you for this time,
and for all time to come. I will also that the city of Jerusalem be holy
and inviolable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes, unto its utmost
bounds. And I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to permit
Jonathan your high priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison
in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to himself, that they
may keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews who have been made
captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of
the Jews be not pressed for our service; and let their sabbaths, and all
their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any imposition.
In the same manner, I set free the Jews that are inhabitants of my kingdom,
and order that no injury be done them. I also give leave to such of them
as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it, and
those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they
go, shall have the same pay that my own army hath; and some of them I will
place in my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers
over those that are in my court. I give them leave also to use the laws
of their forefathers, and to observe them; and I will that they have power
over the three toparchies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the
power of the high priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any other
temple for worship but only that at Jerusalem. I bequeath also, out of
my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices, one hundred
and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I will that
it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand drachmae
which the kings received from the temple, because they appertain to the
priests that minister in that temple. And whosoever shall fly to the temple
at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto belonging, or who owe the king money,
or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their
goods be in safety. I also give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple,
and that all be done at my expenses. I also allow you to build the walls
of your city, and to erect high towers, and that they be erected at my
charge. And if there be any fortified town that would be convenient for
the Jewish country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="58" unit="section" /><p>This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews by this
letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and
of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against
Demetrius. And when it was come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius
put those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them a great way, and
slew many of them, and spoiled their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius
happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But
Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the enemy; but
as he was in the pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep
bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it happened, that upon his
horse's falling down, he could not escape being killed; for when his enemies
saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Demetrius
round, and they all threw their darts at him; but he, being now on foot,
fought bravely. But at length he received so many wounds, that he was not
able to bear up any longer, but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius
came to, when he had reigned eleven years, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since the rest of the historians now extant give this Demetrius thirteen
years, and Josephus only eleven years, Dean Prideaux does not amiss in
ascribing to him the mean number twelve.</note>
as we have elsewhere related.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE FRIENDSHIP THAT WAS BETWEEN ONIAS AND PTOLEMY PHILOMETOR;
AND HOW ONIAS BUILT A TEMPLE IN EGYPT LIKE TO THAT AT JERUSALEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="62" unit="section" /><p>BUT then the son of Onias the high priest, who was of the same name
with his father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor,
lived now at Alexandria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that
Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire
to purchase to himself a memorial and eternal fame he resolved to send
to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might
build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites
and priests out of their own stock. The chief reason why he was desirous
so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above
six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a
temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was
elevated with this prediction, and wrote the following epistle to Ptolemy
and Cleopatra: "Having done many and great things for you in the affairs
of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia,
I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your
nation, where I found that the greatest part of your people had temples
in an improper manner, and that on this account they bare ill-will one
against another, which happens to the Egyptians by reason of the multitude
of their temples, and the difference of opinions about Divine worship.
Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country
Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished
with sacred animals; I desire therefore that you will grant me leave to
purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down,
and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that
in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the benefit of
thyself, and thy wife and children, that those Jews which dwell in Egypt
may have a place whither they may come and meet together in mutual harmony
one with another, and he subservient to thy advantages; for the prophet
Isaiah foretold that "there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord
God; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It seems to me contrary to the opinion of Josephus, and of the moderns,
both Jews and Christians, that this prophecy of Isaiah, 19:19, etc., "In
that day there shall be an altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of
Egypt," etc., directly foretold the building of this temple of Onias
in Egypt, and was a sufficient warrant to the Jews for building it, and
for worshipping the true God. the God of Israel, therein. See Authent.
Rec. 11. p. 755. That God seems to have soon better accepted of the sacrifices
and prayers here offered him than those at Jerusalem, see the note on ch.
10. sect. 7. And truly the marks of Jewish corruption or interpolation
in this text, in order to discourage their people from approving of the
Worship of God here, are very strong, and highly deserve our consideration
and correction. The foregoing verse in Isaiah runs thus in our common copies,
"In that day shall five cities in the land of Egypt speak the language
of Canaan," [the Hebrew language; shall be full of Jews, whose sacred
books were in Hebrew,] "and swear to the Lord of hosts; one"
[or the first] "shall be called, The City of Destruction," Isaiah
19:18. A strange-name, "City of Destruction," upon so joyful
occasion, and a name never heard of in the land of Egypt, or perhaps in
any other nation. The old reading was evidently the City of the Sun, or
Heliopolis; and Unkelos, in effect, and Symmachus, with the Arabic version,
entirely confess that to be the true reading. The Septuagint also, though
they have the text disguised in the common copies, and call it Asedek,
the City of Righteousness; yet in two or three other copies the Hebrew
word itself for the Sun, Achares, or Thares, is preserved. And since Onias
insists with the king and queen, that Isaiah's prophecy contained many
other predictions relating to this place besides the words by him recited,
it is highly probable that these were especially meant by him; and that
one main reason why he applied this prediction to himself, and to his prefecture
of Heliopolis, which Dean Prideaux well proves was in that part of Egypt,
and why he chose to build in that prefecture of Heliopolis, though otherwise
an improper place, was this, that the same authority that he had for building
this temple in Egypt, the very same he had for building it in his own prefecture
of Heliopolis also, which he desired to do, and which he did accordingly.
Dean Prideaux has much ado to avoid seeing this corruption of the Hebrew;
but it being in support of his own opinion about this temple, he durst
not see it; and indeed he reasons here in the most injudicious manner possible.
See him at the year <date value="149" authname="149">149</date>.</note>
and many other such things did he prophesy relating to that place."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="69" unit="section" /><p>And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe
his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which
they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the transgression
of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: "King
Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition,
wherein thou desirest leave to be given thee to purge that temple which
is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is
named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder
that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so
unclean, and so full of sacred animals. But since thou sayest that Isaiah
the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it
may be done according to your law, and so that we may not appear to have
at all offended God herein."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="72" unit="section" /><p>So Onias took the place, and built a temple, and an altar to God,
like indeed to that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think
it proper for me now to describe its dimensions or its vessels, which have
been already described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. However,
Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites,
that there performed Divine service. But we have said enough about this
temple.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="74" unit="section" /><p>Now it came to pass that the Alexandrian Jews, and those Samaritans
who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander
at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed
about their temples before Ptolemy himself; the Jews saying that, according
to the laws of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem; and the
Samaritans saying that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired therefore
the king to sit with his friends, and hear the debates about these matters,
and punish those with death who were baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius
managed the argument for the Samaritans, and Andronicus, the son of Messalamus,
for the people of Jerusalem; and they took an oath by God and the king
to make their demonstrations according to the law; and they desired of
Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had
sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several
of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the
pleaders said. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern
for those men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem;
for they took it very ill that any should take away the reputation of that
temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth.
Now when Sabbeus and Tlteodosius had given leave to Andronicus to speak
first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions
of the high priests, how they every one in succession from his father had
received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings
of Asia had honored that temple with their donations, and with the most
splendid gifts dedicated thereto. But as for that at Gerizzm, he made no
account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. By this
speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine
that the temple at Jerusalem was built according to the laws of Moses,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A very unfair disputation this! while the Jewish disputant, knowing that
he could not properly prove out of the Pentateuch, that "the place
which the Lord their God shall choose to place his name there," so
often referred to in the Book of Deuteronomy, was Jerusalem any more than
Gerizzim, that being not determined till the days of David, Antiq. B. VII.
ch. 13. sect. 4, proves only, what the Samaritans did not deny, that the
temple at Jerusalem was much more ancient, and much more celebrated and
honored, than that at Gerizzim, which was nothing to the present purpose.
The whole evidence, by the very oaths of both parties, being, we see, obliged
to be confined to the law of Moses, or to the Pentateuch alone. However,
worldly policy and interest and the multitude prevailing, the court gave
sentence, as usual, on the stronger side. and poor Sabbeus and Theodosius,
the Samaritan disputants, were martyred, and this, so far as appears, without
any direct hearing at all, which is like the usual practice of such political
courts about matters of religion. Our copies say that the body of the Jews
were in a great concern about those men (in the plural) who were to dispute
for their temple at Jerusalem, whereas it seems here they had but one disputant,
Andronicus by name. Perhaps more were prepared to speak on the Jews' side;
but the firstraying answered to his name, and overcome the Samaritans,
there was necessity for any other defender of the Jerusalem temple.</note> and
to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that
befell the Jews at Alexandria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ALEXANDER HONORED JONATHAN AFTER AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER;
AND HOW DEMETRIUS, THE SON OF DEMETRIUS, OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND MADE A
LEAGUE OF FRIENDSHIP WITH JONATHAN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="80" unit="section" /><p>DEMETRIUS being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander
took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired
his daughter in marriage; and said it was but just that he should be joined
an affinity to one that had now received the principality of his forefathers,
and had been promoted to it by God's providence, and had conquered Demetrius,
and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being related to him. Ptolemy
received this proposal of marriage gladly; and wrote him an answer, saluting
him on account of his having received the principality of his forefathers;
and promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and
assured him that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais, and desired that
he would there meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so
far, and would there marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written thus,
he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along
with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him
to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her
as much silver and gold as became such a king to give.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="83" unit="section" /><p>When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high priest,
and desired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and
had made them magnificent presents, he was honored by them both. Alexander
compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to take a purple garment,
and made him sit with him in his throne; and commanded his captains that
they should go with him into the middle of the city, and proclaim, that
it was not permitted to any one to speak against him, or to give him any
disturbance. And when the captains had thus done, those that were prepared
to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the honor
that was done him by proclamation, and that by the king's order, ran away,
and were afraid lest some mischief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander
was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of
his friends.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="86" unit="section" /><p>But then, upon the hundred and sixty-fifth year, Demetrius, the son
of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mercenary soldiers,
which Lasthenes, the Cretian, brought him, and sailed to Cilicia. This
thing cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it;
so he made haste immediately out of Phoenicia, and came to Antioch, that
he might put matters in a safe posture there before Demetrius should come.
He also left Apollonius Daus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of the several Apollonius about these ages, see Dean Prideaux at the year
<date value="148" authname="148">148</date>. This Apollonius Daus was, by his account, the son of that Apollonius
who had been made governor of Celesyria and Phoenicia by Seleueus Philopater,
and was himself a confidant of his son Demetrius the father, and restored
to his father's government by him, but afterwards revolted from him to
Alexander; but not to Demetrius the son, as he supposes.</note>
governor of Celesyria, who coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to
Jonathan the high priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone
should live at rest, and with authority, and not be subject to the king;
that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he had not
yet made him subject to the king. "Do not thou therefore deceive thyself,
and sit still among the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee;
but if thou hast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain,
and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the battle will
demonstrate which of us is the most courageous. However, take notice, that
the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the
very men who have always beaten thy progenitors; but let us have the battle
in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not
with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten
may fly."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="91" unit="section" /><p>With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten thousand
of his soldiers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his brother Simon,
and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of the city, because
the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison
in the city put there by Apollonius. But when Jonathan was preparing to
besiege them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they
opened the gates to him. But Apollonius, when he heard that Joppa was taken
by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen and
came to Ashdod; and removing thence, he made his journey silently and slowly,
and going up to Joppa, he made as if he was retiring from the place, and
so drew Jonathan into the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen,
and having his hopes of victory principally in them. However, Jonathan
sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius
perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave him battle.
But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that
they might be seen by their enemies as behind them; which when Jonathan
perceived, he was under no consternation, but ordering his army to stand
in a square battle-array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on
both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both before and
behind; and while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave part of his
forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies; but
for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with
their armor, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were
commanded; so that the enemy's horsemen, while they threw their darts till
they had no more left, did them no harm, for the darts that were thrown
did not enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields that were
united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily overcame the
force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect. But when the
enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till late at night,
Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him;
and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight.
And when the horsemen saw that the footmen ran away, neither did they stay
themselves, but they being very weary, by the duration of the fight till
the evening, and their hope from the footmen being quite gone, they basely
ran away, and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from
another, and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued
them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the
rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which was
at Ashdod; but Jonathan took the city on the first onset, and burnt it,
and the villages about it; nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon
itself, but burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now
the entire multitude of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed
in the temple, were eight thousand. When Jonathan therefore had overcome
so great an army, he removed from Ashdod, and came to Askelon; and when
he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out
and met him, bringing him hospitable presents, and honoring him; so he
accepted of their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with
a great deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies.
But when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was
beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan
his friend and ally against his directions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan,
and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary rewards, as a golden
button, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Hudson here observes, that the Phoenicians and Romans used to reward
such as had deserved well of them, by presenting to them a golden button.
See ch. 5. sect. 4.</note>
which it is the custom to give the king's kinsmen, and allowed him Ekron
and its toparchy for his own inheritance.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="103" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor,
led an army, part by the sea, and part by land, and came to Syria, to the
assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; and accordingly all the
cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and
conducted him as far as Ashdod; where they all made loud complaints about
the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid
it waste, and destroyed the country adjoining with fire, and slain a great
number of them. Ptolemy heard these accusations, but said nothing. Jonathan
also went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained from him hospitable
presents, and those glorious in their kinds, with all the marks of honor;
and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he
returned again to Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="106" unit="section" /><p>But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected
destruction; for a treacherous design was laid for his life by Alexander,
by the means of Ammonius, who was his friend; and as the treachery was
very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of him that he should
bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him what snares had been
laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he might he accordingly punished
for it. But when Alexander did not comply with his demands, he perceived
that it was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him.
Alexander had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people of Antioch,
for they had suffered very much by his means; yet did Ammonius at length
undergo the punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was killed
in an opprobrious manner, like a woman, while he endeavored to conceal
himself in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="109" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in
marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made with him to assist
him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to him, and took his
daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered
to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed
with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him to the
principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage,
and accepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter. But
Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the
people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly displeased
at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius had done them;
yet did he bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander
on Ammonius's account, as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed
with to cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came
into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, and was made king by its inhabitants,
and by the army; so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of
Asia, the other of Egypt: but being naturally a good and a righteous man,
and not desirous of what belonged to others, and besides these dispositions,
being also a wise man in reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid
the envy of the Romans; so he called the people of Antioch together to
an assembly, and persuaded them to receive Demetrius; and assured them
that he would not be mindful of what they did to his father in case he
should he now obliged by them; and he undertook that he would himself be
a good monitor and governor to him, and promised that he would not permit
him to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented
with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people of
Antioch to receive Demetrius.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="116" unit="section" /><p>But now Alexander made haste with a numerous and great army, and
came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country belonging to Antioch,
and pillaged it; whereupon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Demetrius, brought
their army against him, (for he had already given him his daughter in marriage,)
and beat Alexander, and put him to flight; and accordingly he fled into
Arabia. Now it happened in the time of the battle that Ptolemy' horse,
upon hearing the noise of an elephant, cast him off his back, and threw
him on the ground; upon the sight of which accident, his enemies fell upon
him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought him into danger
of death; for when his guards caught him up, he was so very ill, that for
four days' time he was not able either to understand or to speak. However,
Zabdiel, a prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexander's head, and sent
it to Ptolemy, who recovering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding,
on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most
agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander; yet a
little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was
so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was
called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have elsewhere related.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This name, Demetrius Nicator, or Demetrius the conqueror, is so written
on his coins still extant, as Hudson and Spanheim inform us; the latter
of whom gives us here the entire inscription, "King Demetrius the
God, Philadelphus, Nicator."</note>
had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers
very hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that was
between them, nor that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by Cleopatra's
marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his wicked treatment to Alexandria;
but Demetrius kept his elephants. But Jonathan the high priest levied an
army out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged
it. It was held by a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those wicked
men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers. These men at first
despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on
its strength; but some of those wicked men went out by night, and came
to Demetrius, and informed him that the citadel was besieged; who was irritated
with what he heard, and took his army, and came from Antioch, against Jonathan.
And when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come
to him quickly to Ptolemais: upon which Jonathan did not intermit the siege
of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the people, and the priests,
and carried with him gold, and silver, and garments, and a great number
of presents of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with
them, and thereby pacified the king's anger. So he was honored by him,
and received from him the confirmation of his high priesthood, as he had
possessed it by the grants of the kings his predecessors. And when the
Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit to
them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more than three
hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the three toparchies
of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and
gave him a letter confirming all those grants; whose contents were as follows:
"King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the
Jews, sendeth greeting. We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we
have written to Lasthones our kinsman, that you may know its contents.
"King Demetrus to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined
to return thanks, and to show favor to the nation of the Jews, which hath
observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to
them the three prefectures, Apherims, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have
been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurtenances; as also what
the kings my predecessors received from those that offered sacrifices in
Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees,
and what else belongs to us; with the salt-pits, and the crowns that used
to be presented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of those
taxes from this time to all futurity. Take care therefore that a copy of
this epistle be taken, and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent
place of their holy temple.'" And these were the contents of this
writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace every where, and
that there was no danger, nor fear of war, he disbanded the greatest part
of his army, and diminished their pay, and even retained in pay no others
than such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the other
islands. However, this procured him ill-will and hatred from the soldiers;
on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings before him
used to pay them in time of peace as they did before, that they might have
their good-will, and that they might be very ready to undergo the difficulties
of war, if any occasion should require it.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW TRYPHO AFTER HE HAD BEATEN DEMETRIUS DELIVERED THE KINGDOM
TO ANTIOCHUS THE SON OF ALEXANDER, AND GAINED JONATHAN FOR HIS ASSISTANT;
AND CONCERNING THE ACTIONS AND EMBASSIES OF JONATHAN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="131" unit="section" /><p>NOW there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an Apanemian
by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also called Trypho, took notice
the ill-will of the soldiers bare to Demetrius, and went to Malchus the
Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and told him what
ill-will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus,
because he would make him king, and recover to him the kingdom of his father.
Malchus at the first opposed him in this attempt, because he could not
believe him; but when Trypho lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded
him to comply with Trypho's intentions and entreaties. And this was the
state Trypho was now in.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="133" unit="section" /><p>But Jonathan the high priest, being desirous to get clear of those
that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish deserters, and
wicked men, as well as of those in all the garrisons in the country, sent
presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated him to take away his
soldiers out of the strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made answer, that
after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, was over, he would not
only grant him that, but greater things than that also; and he desired
he would send him some assistance, and informed him that his army had deserted
him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent them
to Demetrius.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="135" unit="section" /><p>Now the people of Antioch hated Demetrius, both on account of what
mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his enemies also
on account of his father Demetrius, who had greatly abused them; so they
watched some opportunity which they might lay hold on to fall upon him.
And when they were informed of the assistance that was coming to Demetrius
from Jonathan, and considered at the same time that he would raise a numerous
army, unless they prevented him, and seized upon him, they took their weapons
immediately, and encompassed his palace in the way of a siege, and seizing
upon all the ways of getting out, they sought to subdue their king. And
when he saw that the people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies and
that they were thus in arms, he took the mercenary soldiers which he had
with them, and those Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the
Antiochians; but he was overpowered by them, for they were many ten thousands,
and was beaten. But when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior,
they went up to the top of the palace, and shot at them from thence; and
because they were so remote from them by their height, that they suffered
nothing on their side, but did great execution on the others, as fighting
from such an elevation, they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and
immediately set them on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the
whole city, and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness
of the houses, and because they were generally built of wood. So the Antioehians,
when they were not able to help themselves, nor to stop the fire, were
put to flight. And as the Jews leaped from the top of one house to the
top of another, and pursued them after that manner, it thence happened
that the pursuit was so very surprising. But when the king saw that the
Antiochians were were busy in saving their children and their wives, and
so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages,
and fought them, and slew a great many of them, till at last they were
forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius.
So he forgave them this their insolent behavior, and put an end to the
sedition; and when he had given rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils
he had gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause of his victory,
he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, with an ample testimony of
the assistance they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan
afterward, and broke the promises he had made; and he threatened that he
would make war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute which the
Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]. And this he had done,
if Trypho had not hindered him, and diverted his preparations against Jonathan
to a concern for his own preservation; for he now returned out of Arabia
into Syria, with the child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth,
and put the diadem on his head; and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius,
because they had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Demetrius,
and joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took from him
both his elephants and the city Antioch.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="145" unit="section" /><p>Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired into Cilicia; but the child
Antiochus sent ambassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and made him his
friend and confederate, and confirmed to him the high priesthood, and yielded
up to him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea. Moreover,
he sent him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple garment, and gave him
leave to use them. He also presented him with a golden button, and styled
him one of his principal friends, and appointed his brother Simon to be
the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre unto Egypt. So Jonathan
was so pleased with these grants made him by Antiochus, that he sent ambassadors
to him and to Trypho, and professed himself to be their friend and confederate,
and said he would join with him in a war against Demetrius, informing him
that he had made no proper returns for the kindness he had done him; for
that when he had received many marks of kindness from him, when he stood
in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had requited him with further
injuries.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="148" unit="section" /><p>So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous army
out of Syria and Phoenicia and to make war against Demetrius's generals;
whereupon he went in haste to the several cities which received him splendidly
indeed, but put no forces into his hands. And when he was come from thence
to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and brought him presents, and
met him in a splendid manner. He exhorted them, and every one of the cities
of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus; and, in
assisting him, to endeavor to punish Demetrius for what offenses he had
been guilty of against themselves; and told them there were many reasons
for that their procedure, if they had a mind so to do. And when he had
persuaded those cities to promise their assistance to Antiochus, he came
to Gaza, in order to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but he
found the inhabitants of Gaza much more alienated from him than he expected,
for they had shut their gates against him; and although they had deserted
Demetrius, they had not resolved to join themselves to Antiochus. This
provoked Jonathan to besiege them, and to harass their country; for as
he set a part of his army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he
overran their land, and spoiled it, and burnt what was in it. When the
of Gaza saw themselves in this state of affliction, and that no assistance
came to them from Demetrius, that what distressed them was at hand, but
what should profit them was still at a great distance, and it was uncertain
whether it would come at all or not, they thought it would he prudent conduct
to leave off any longer continuance with them, and to cultivate friendship
with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would be his
friends, and afford him assistance: for such is the temper of men, that
before they have had the trial of great afflictions, they do not understand
what is for their advantage; but when they find themselves under such afflictions,
they then change their minds, and what it had been better for them to have
done before they had been at all damaged, they choose to do, but not till
after they have suffered such damages. However, he made a league of friendship
with them, and took from them hostages for their performance of it, and
sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the country,
as far as Damascus.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were come
to the city Cadesh with a numerous army, (the place lies between the land
of the Tyrians and Galilee,)for they supposed they should hereby draw him
out of Syria, in order to preserve Galilee, and that he would not overlook
the Galileans, who were his own people, when war was made upon them, he
went to meet them, having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army
as he was able out of the country, and then sat down before Bethsura, and
besieged it, that being the strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison
of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already related. But as Simon was raising
banks, and bringing his engines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest
about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest the place should be
taken of Simon by force, and they put to the sword; so they sent to Simon,
and desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no harm
from him, and that they would leave the place, and go away to Demetrius.
Accordingly he gave them his oath, and ejected them out of the city, and
he put therein a garrison of his own.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="158" unit="section" /><p>But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which are
called Gennesar, for there he was before encamped, and came into the plain
that is called Asor, without knowing that the enemy was there. When therefore
Demetrius's men knew a day beforehand that Jonathan was coming against
them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were to assault him on the
sudden, while they themselves met him with an army in the plain; which
army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready his own
soldiers for the battle as well as he was able; but those that were laid
in ambush by Demetrius's generals being behind them, the Jews were afraid
lest they should be caught in the midst between two bodies, and perish;
so they ran away in haste, and indeed all the rest left Jonathan; but a
few there were, in number about fifty, who staid with him, and with them
Mattathias, the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were
commanders of the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men desperate,
against the enemy, and so pushed them, that by their courage they daunted
them, and with their weapons in their hands they put them to flight. And
when those soldiers of Jonathan that had retired saw the enemy giving way,
they got together after their flight, and pursued them with great violence;
and this did they as far as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="163" unit="section" /><p>Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and slain two thousand
of the enemy, returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw that all his affairs
prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God, he sent ambassadors
to the Romans, being desirous of renewing that friendship which their nation
had with them formerly. He enjoined the same ambassadors, that, as they
came back, they should go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of their
friendship and kindred. So when the ambassadors came to Rome, they went
into their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan the high
priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship. The senate
then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship
with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia
and Europe, and to the governors of the cities, that they might safely
conduct them to their own country. Accordingly, as they returned, they
came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan
to them; a copy of which here follows: "Jonathan the high priest of
the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews,
to the ephori, and senate, and people of the Lacedemonians, send greeting.
If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agreeable to
your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. When in former
times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high priest, from
Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, concerning the kindred
that was between us and you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both
joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and
Areus, although we did not need such a demonstration, because we were satisfied
about it from the sacred writings <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This clause is otherwise rendered in the First Book of Maccabees, 12:9,
"For that we have the holy books of Scripture in our bands to comfort
us." The Hebrew original being lost, we cannot certainly judge which
was the truest version only the coherence favors Josephus. But if this
were the Jews' meaning, that they were satisfied out of their Bible that
the Jews and Lacedemonians were of kin, that part of their Bible is now
lost, for we find no such assertion in our present copies.</note>
yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you,
lest we should seem too early in taking to ourselves the glory which is
now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you
hath been renewed; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices
to God, we pray to him for your preservation and victory. As to ourselves,
although we have had many wars that have compassed us around, by reason
of the covetousness of our neighbors, yet did not we determine to be troublesome
either to you, or to others that were related to us; but since we have
now overcome our enemies, and have occasion to send Numenius the son of
Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, who are both honorable men belonging
to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that
they might renew that friendship which is between us. You will therefore
do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand
in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act according
to your desires." So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly,
and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to
them.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="171" unit="section" /><p>At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different
opinions concerning human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees,
another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Essens.
Now for the Pharisees, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Those that suppose Josephus to contradict himself in his three several
accounts of the notions of the Pharisees, this here, and that earlier one,
which is the largest, Of the War B. II. ch. 8. sect. 14, and that later,
Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 3, as if he sometimes said they introduced
an absolute fatality, and denied all freedom of human actions, is almost
wholly groundless if he ever, as the very learned Casaubon here truly observes,
asserting, that the Pharisees were between the Essens and Sadducees, and
did so far ascribe all to fate or Divine Providence as was consistent with
the freedom of human actions. However, their perplexed way of talking about
fate, or Providence, as overruling all things, made it commonly thought
they were willing to excuse their sins by ascribing them to fate, as in
the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VI. ch. 6. Perhaps under the same general
name some difference of opinions in this point might be propagated, as
is very common in all parties, especially in points of metaphysical subtilty.
However, our Josephus, who in his heart was a great admirer of the piety
of the Essens, was yet in practice a Pharisee, as he himself informs us,
in his own Life, sect. 2. And his account of this doctrine of the Pharisees
is for certain agreeable to his own opinion, who ever both fully allowed
the freedom of human actions, and yet strongly believed the powerful interposition
of Divine Providence. See concerning this matter a remarkable clause, Antiq.
B. XVI. ch. 11. sect. 7.</note>
they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some
of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are
not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm, that fate governs
all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its determination.
And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing,
and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they
suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so that we are ourselves
the causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly.
However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second
book of the Jewish War.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="174" unit="section" /><p>But now the generals of Demetrius being willing to recover the defeat
they had had, gathered a greater army together than they had before, and
came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their coming,
he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Hamoth, for he resolved
to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; so he pitched his camp
at fifty furlongs' distance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take
a view of their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. When his
spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some of them
by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, he, thus apprized
beforehand, provided for his security, and placed watchmen beyond his camp,
and kept all his forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge to be
of good courage, and to have their minds prepared to fight in the night
time, if they should be obliged so to do, lest their enemy's designs should
seem concealed from them. But when Demetrius's commanders were informed
that Jonathan knew what they intended, their counsels were disordered,
and it alarmed them to find that the enemy had discovered those their intentions;
nor did they expect to overcome them any other way, now they had failed
in the snares they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle,
they did not think they should be a match for Jonathan's army, so they
resolved to fly; and having lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw
them they might suppose they were there still, they retired. When Jonathan
came to give them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted,
and understood they were fled, he pursued them; yet he could not overtake
them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus, and were out
of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence, he went into Arabia, and
fought against the Nabateans, and drove away a great deal of their prey,
and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and there sold off what
he had taken. About the same time it was that Simon his brother went over
all Judea and Palestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the strong holds;
and when he had made them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and
in the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when he had taken
it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard that the people of
Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city to Demetrius's generals.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="181" unit="section" /><p>When Simon and Jonathan had finished these affairs, they returned
to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people together, and took
counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that
encompassed the temple, which had been thrown down, and to make the places
adjoining stronger by very high towers; and besides that, to build another
wall in the midst of the city, in order to exclude the market-place from
the garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them
from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the fortresses that
were in the country much stronger and more defensible than they were before.
And when these things were approved of by the multitude, as rightly proposed,
Jonathan himself took care of the building that belonged to the city, and
sent Simon away to make the fortresses in the country more secure than
formerly. But Demetrius passed over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopotamia,
as desirous to retain that country still, as well as Babylon; and when
he should have obtained the dominion of the upper provinces, to lay a foundation
for recovering his entire kingdom; for those Greeks and Macedonians who
dwelt there frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised, that if he
would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and assist
him in fighting against Arsaces, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This king, who was of the famous race of Arsaces, is bethused to call them;
but by the elder author of the First Maccahere, and 1 Macc. 14:2, called
by the family name Arsaces; was, the king of the Persians and Medes, according
to the land but Appion says his proper name was Phraates. He is language
of the Eastern nations. See Authent. Rec. Part II. also called by Josephus
the king of the Parthians, as the Greeks p. 1108.</note>
the king of the Parthians. So he was elevated with these hopes, and came
hastily to them, as having resolved, that if he had once overthrown the
Parthians, and gotten an army of his own, he would make war against Trypho,
and eject him out of Syria; and the people of that country received him
with great alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought against
Arsaces, and lost all his army, and was himself taken alive, as we have
elsewhere related.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW JONATHAN WAS SLAIN BY TREACHERY; AND HOW THEREUPON THE
JEWS MADE SIMON THEIR GENERAL AND HIGH PRIEST: WHAT COURAGEOUS ACTIONS
HE ALSO PERFORMED ESPECIALLY AGAINST TRYPHO.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="187" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Trypho knew what had befallen Demetrius, he was no longer
firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtlety to kill him, and then take
possession of his kingdom; but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was
an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus,
for which cause he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way, and
then to set about his design relating to Antiochus; but he judging it best
to take him off by deceit and treachery, came from Antioch to Bethshan,
which by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met
him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came to fight
him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted
to gain him by presents and kind treatment, and gave order to his captains
to obey him, and by these means was desirous to give assurance of his good-will,
and to take away all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make
him careless and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was unguarded.
He also advised him to dismiss his army, because there was no occasion
for bringing it with him when there was no war, but all was in peace. However,
he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with him to Ptolemais,
for that he would deliver the city up to him, and would bring all the fortresses
that were in the country under his dominion; and he told him that he came
with those very designs.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="191" unit="section" /><p>Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management,
but believed that Trypho gave him this advice out of kindness, and with
a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army, and retained no more
than three thousand of them with him, and left two thousand in Galilee;
and he himself, with one thousand, came with Trypho to Ptolemais. But when
the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it had been commanded
by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with him.
He also sent soldiers against those two thousand that were left in Galilee,
in order to destroy them; but those men having heard the report of what
had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the execution; and before those
that were sent by Trypho came, they covered themselves with their armor,
and went away out of the country. Now when those that were sent against
them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they gave them
no disturbance, but returned back to Trypho.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken, and
that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they deplored his sad
fate; and there was earnest inquiry made about him by every body, and a
great and just fear fell upon them, and made them sad, lest, now they were
deprived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations about them
should bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on account of
Jonathan they should now rise up against them, and by making war with them,
should force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed what they suspected
really befell them; for when those nations heard of the death of Jonathan,
they began to make war with the Jews as now destitute of a governor and
Trypho himself got an army together, and had intention to go up to Judea,
and make war against its inhabitants. But when Simon saw that the people
of Jerusalem were terrified at the circumstances they were in, he desired
to make a speech to them, and thereby to render them more resolute in opposing
Trypho when he should come against them. He then called the people together
into the temple, and thence began thus to encourage them: "O my countrymen,
you are not ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured
to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty;
since I have therefore such plenty of examples before me, and we of our
family have determined with ourselves to die for our laws, and our Divine
worship, there shall no terror be so great as to banish this resolution
from our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life, and a contempt
of glory. Do you therefore follow me with alacrity whithersoever I shall
lead you, as not destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and
to do the greatest things for you; for neither am I better than my brethren
that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far worse than they as
to avoid and refuse what they thought the most honorable of all things,
- I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for that worship of God which
is peculiar to you; I will therefore give such proper demonstrations as
will show that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect that
I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver you all with your
wives and children from the injuries they intend against you, and, with
God's assistance, to preserve your temple from destruction by them; for
I see that these nations have you in contempt, as being without a governor,
and that they thence are encouraged to make war against you."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="201" unit="section" /><p>By this speech of Simon he inspired the multitude with courage; and
as they had been before dispirited through fear, they were now raised to
a good hope of better things, insomuch that the whole multitude of the
people cried out all at once that Simon should be their leader; and that
instead of Judas and Jonathan his brethren, he should have the government
over them; and they promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever
he should command them. So he got together immediately all his own soldiers
that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls of the city,
and strengthening them by very high and strong towers, and sent a friend
of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him order
to eject the inhabitants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should
deliver up the city to Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="203" unit="section" /><p>But Trypho removed from Ptoeinais with a great army, and came into
Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon also met him with
his army at the city Adida, which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the
plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that Simon was by the Jews made their
governor, he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him by deceit and
trencher, and desired, if he would have his brother Jonathan released,
that he would send him a hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's
sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make Judea
revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in bonds on account
of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed it to him. But Simon
was aware of the craft of Trypho; and although he knew that if he gave
him the money he should lose it, and that Trypho would not set his brother
free and withal should deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because
he was afraid that he should have a calumny raised against him among the
multitude as the cause of his brother's death, if he neither gave the money,
nor sent Jonathan's sons, he gathered his army together, and told them
what offers Trypho had made; and added this, that the offers were ensnaring
and treacherous, and yet that it was more eligible to send the money and
Jonathan's sons, than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with
Trypho's offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother. Accordingly,
Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when Trypho had received
them, he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his
army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward to Jerusalem
by the way of Idumea, while Simon went over against him with his army,
and all along pitched his own camp over against his.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="208" unit="section" /><p>But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho, and besought
him to make haste and come to them, and to send them provisions, he prepared
his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem that very night; but so
great a quantity of snow fell in the night, that it covered the roads,
and made them so deep, that there was no passing, especially for the cavalry.
This hindered him from coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Trypho removed thence,
and came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the land of Gilead,
he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given order for his burial, he
returned himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the city Basca
to bring away his brother's bones, and buried them in their own city Modin;
and all the people made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected
a very large monument for his father and his brethren, of white and polished
stone, and raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a long way off,
and made cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone
apiece; a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover, he built seven pyramids
also for his parents and his brethren, one for each of them, which were
made very surprising, both for their largeness and beauty, and which have
been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed
so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments
for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high priest four
years <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">There is some error in the copies here, when no more than four years are
ascribed to the high priesthood of Jonathan. We know by Josephus's last
Jewish chronology, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 10., that there was an interval of
seven years between the death of Alcimus, or Jacimus, the last high priest,
and the real high priesthood of Jonathan, to whom yet those seven years
seem here to be ascribed, as a part of them were to Judas before, Antiq.
B. XII. ch. 10. sect. 6. Now since, besides these seven years interregnum
in the pontificate, we are told, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 10., that Jonathan's
real high priesthood lasted seven years more, these two seven years will
make up fourteen years, which I suppose was Josephus's own number in this
place, instead of the four in our present copies.</note>
and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances
that concerned his death.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>But Simon, who was made high priest by the multitude, on the very
first year of his high priesthood set his people free from their slavery
under the Macedonians, and permitted them to pay tribute to them no longer;
which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained after a hundred and
seventy years <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These one hundred and seventy years of the Assyrians mean no more, as
Josephus explains himself here, than from the aera of Seleucus, which, as it
is known to have begun on the 312th year of the Christian era, from its
spring in the first book of Maccabees, and from its autumn in the second
book of Maccabees, so did it not begin at Babylon till the next spring, on
the 311th year.  See Prid. at the year 312.  And it is truly observed by
Dr. Hudson on this place, that the Syrians and Assyrians are sometimes
confounded in ancient authors, according to the words of Justin, the
epitomizer of Trogus Pompeius, who says that “the Assyrians were afterwards
called Syrians.” 8.1 cb. xi. See of the War b. v. ch. ix. sect. 4. where the Philistines themselves, at
the very south limit of Syria in its utmost extent, are called Assyrians by
Josephus, as Spauheim observes.</note>
of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was after Seleucus, who was called
Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude
towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and
in their public records, they wrote, "in the first year of Simon the
benefactor and ethnarch of the Jews;" for under him they were very
happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them; for Simon overthrew
the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamhis. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem
by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more
a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief,
as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their
best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself
upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher
than it. And indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, he
persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind
what miseries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters,
and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should
obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. This speech induced
the multitude to a compliance, because he exhorted them to do nothing but
what was for their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and
leveled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without
any intermission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed,
and brought to an entire level with the plain of the rest of the city.
After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel,
as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were demolished. And these actions
were thus performed under Simon.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SIMON CONFEDERATED HIMSELF WITH ANTIOCHUS PIUS, AND MADE
WAR AGAINST TRYPHO, AND A LITTLE AFTERWARD, AGAINST CENDEBEUS, THE GENERAL
OF ANTIOCHUS'S ARMY; AS ALSO HOW SIMON WAS MURDERED BY HIS SON-IN-LAW PTOLEMY,
AND THAT BY TREACHERY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="218" unit="section" /><p><note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It must here be diligently noted, that Josephus's copy of the First Book
of Maccabees, which he had so carefully followed, and faithfully abridged,
as far as the fiftieth verse of the thirteenth chapter, seems there to
have ended. What few things there are afterward common to both, might probably
be learned by him from some other more imperfect records. However, we must
exactly observe here, what the remaining part of that book of the Maccabees
informs us of, and what Josephus would never have omitted, had his copy
contained so much, that this Simon the Great, the Maccabee, made a league
with Antiochus Soter, the son of Demetrius Soter, and brother of the other
Demetrius, who was now a captive in Parthis: that upon his coming to the
crown, about the 140th year before the Christian sets, he granted great
privileges to the Jewish nation, and to Simon their high priest and ethnarch;
which privileges Simon seems to have taken of his own accord about three
years before. In particular, he gave him leave to coin money for his country
with his own stamp; and as concerning Jerusalem and the sanctuary, that
they should be free, or, as the vulgar Latin hath it, "holy and free,"
1 Macc. 15:6, 7, which I take to be the truer reading, as being the very
words of his father's concession offered to Jonathan several years before,
ch. 10:31; and Antiq. B, XIII. ch. 2. sect. 3. Now what makes this date
and these grants greatly remarkable, is the state of the remaining genuine
shekels of the Jews with Samaritan characters, which seem to have been
(most of them at least) coined in the first four years of this Simon the
Asamonean, and having upon them these words on one side, "Jerusalem
the Holy ;" and on the reverse, "In the Year of Freedom,"
1, or 2, or 3, or 4; which shekels therefore are original monuments of
these times, and undeniable marks of the truth of the history in these
chapters, though it be in great measure omitted by Josephus. See Essay
on the Old Test. p. 157, 158. The reason why I rather suppose that his
copy of the Maccabees wanted these chapters, than that his own copies are
here imperfect, is this, that all their contents are not here omitted,
though much the greatest part be.</note>
Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho
his governor destroyed Antiochus, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">How Trypho killed this Antiochus the epitome of Livy informs us, ch. 53,
viz. that he corrupted his physicians or surgeons, who falsely pretending
to the people that he was perishing with the stone, as they cut him for
it, killed him, which exactly agrees with Josephus.</note>
the son of Alexander, who was also called <emph>The God</emph>, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That this Antiochus, the son of Alexader Balas, was called "The God,"
is evident from his coins, which Spanheim assures us bear this inscription,
"King Antiochus the God, Epiphanes the Victorious."</note>
and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he
died under the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those
that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and promised that he
would give them a great deal of money if they would make him king. He intimated
to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's
brother Atitiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of
mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the
soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the
kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained
the management of affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be wicked;
for while he was a private person, he cultivated familiarity with the multitude,
and pretended to great moderation, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever
he pleased; but when he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside any further
dissimulation, and was the true Trypho; which behavior made his enemies
superior to him; for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra,
the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children.
But as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not
admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho, Cleopatra sent to him,
and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons why
she made this invitation were these: That her friends persuaded her to
it, and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of
Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="223" unit="section" /><p>As Antlochuswas now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased every
day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he
ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him thither,
and besieged him in Dora which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither
he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high priest,
about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; who readily accepted
of the invitation, and sent to Antiochus great sums of money and provisions
for those that besieged Dora, and thereby supplied them very plentifully,
so that for a little while he was looked upon as one of his most intimate
friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken
during the siege, and put to death, when he had reigned three years.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="225" unit="section" /><p>However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded
him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition,
and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him
at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus's
breaking his league with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked
with the unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a
resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man
to act as general of his army. He also sent his sons before among the most
hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on with his army another
way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the narrow valleys between
the mountains; nor did he fail of success in any one of his attempts, but
was too hard for his enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of
his life in peace, and did also himself make a league with the Romans.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a feast
came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-law Ptolemy,
who caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept them in bonds.
He also sent some to kill John the third son, whose name was Hyrcanus;
but the young man perceiving them coming, he avoided the danger he was
in from them, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here Josephus begins to follow and to abridge the next sacred Hebrew book,
styled in the end of the First Book of Maccabees, "The Chronicle of
John [Hyrcanus's] high priesthood;" but in some of the Greek copies,"
The Fourth Book of Maccabees." A Greek version of this chronicle was
extant not very long ago in the days of Sautes Pagninus, and Sixtus Senensis,
at Lyons, though it seems to have been there burnt, and to be utterly lost.
See Sixtus Senensis's account of it, of its many Hebraisms, and its great
agreement with Josephus's abridgement, in the Authent. Rec. Part I. p.
206, 207, 208.</note>
and made haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will of
the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from his father,
and because of the hatred the same multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when
Ptolemy was endeavoring to enter the city by another gate, they drove him
away, as having already admitted Hyrcanus.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HYRCANUS RECEIVES THE HIGH PRIESTHOOD, AND EJECTS PTOLEMY
OUT OF THE COUNTRY. ANTIOCHUS MAKES WAR AGAINST HYRCANUS AND AFTERWARDS
MAKES A LEAGUE WITH HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="230" unit="section" /><p>SO Ptolemy retired to one of the fortresses that was above Jericho,
which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the high priesthood that
had been his father's before, and in the first place propitiated God by
sacrifices, he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made
his attacks upon the place, in other points he was too hard for him, but
was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for his mother
and brethren, and by that only; for Ptolemy brought them upon the wall,
and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw
them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siege. And as he
thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place,
so much favor did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing
their misery, his zeal about it was cooled. However, his mother spread
out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account,
but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his
utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his
power, and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were
dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment,
if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked
dealings to them. Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the
fortress immediately; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his
courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother
suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the siege was drawn out into
length by this means, that year on which the Jews used to rest came on;
for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh
day; so that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Hence we learn, that in the days of this excellent high priest, John Hyrcanus,
the observation of the Sabbatic year, as Josephus supposed, required a
rest from war, as did that of the weekly sabbath from work; I mean this,
unless in the case of necessity, when the Jews were attacked by their enemies,
in which case indeed, and in which alone, they then allowed defensive fighting
to be lawful, even on the sabbath day, as we see in several places of Josephus,
Antlq. B. XII. ch. 6. sect. 2; B. XIII. ch. 1. sect. 2; Of. the War, B.
I. ch. 7. sect. 3. But then it must be noted, that this rest from war no
way appears in the First Book of Maccabees, ch. 16., but the direct contrary;
though indeed the Jews, in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, did not venture
upon fighting on the Sabbath day, even in the defense of their own lives,
till the Asamoneans or Maccabees decreed so to do, 1 Macc. 2:32-41; Antiq.
B. XII. ch. 6. sect. 2.</note>
he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother; and when he had so done,
he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, who was then the tyrant of the
city Philadelphia.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="236" unit="section" /><p>But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought
upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth years' of his reign, and the first
year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second olympiad.
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus's copies, both Greek and Latin, have here a gross mistake, when
they say that this first year of John Hyrcanus, which we have just now
seen to have been a Sabbatic year, was in the 162nd olympiad, whereas it
was for certain the second year of the 161st. See the like before, B. XII.
ch. 7. sect. 6.</note>
And when he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which
he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did just nothing at the
first, because of the strength of the walls, and because of the valor of
the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they
were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting
of the Pleiades <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This heliacal setting of the Pleiades, or seven stars, was, in the days
of Hyrcanus and Josephus, early in the spring, about February, the time
of the latter rain in Judea; and this, so far as I remember, is the only
astronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the moon in the
reign of Herod, that we meet with in all Josephus; the Jews being little
accustomed to astronomical observations, any further than for the uses
of their calendar, and utterly forbidden those astrological uses which
the heathens commonly made of them.</note>
However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was
upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers
of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them; and as
he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and
confined the inhabitants within it as within a wall; but the besieged contrived
to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon
their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief;
and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease.
But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of
men in the city, while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and
yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he separated
the useless part, and excluded them out of the city, and retained that
part only which were in the flower of their age, and fit for war. However,
Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away, who therefore
wandering about between the wails, and consuming away by famine, died miserably;
but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated
their condition, and received them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to
Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of
the festival, be gave way to this piety towards God, and made that truce
accordingly. And besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls
with their horns gilded, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Hudson tells us here, that this custom of gilding the horns of those
oxen that were to be sacrificed is a known thing both in the poets and
orators.</note>
with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So those
that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought
them, and led them to the temple, Antiochus the mean while feasting his
army, which was a quite different conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who,
when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled
the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws
of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their forefathers; for
which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled
to him; but for this Antiochus, all men called him <emph>Antiochus the Pious</emph>,
for the great zeal he had about religion.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="245" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this moderation of his kindly; and when
he understood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage
to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received
from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would
have him utterly destroy the nation, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This account in Josephus, that the present Antiochus was persuaded, though
in vain, not to make peace with the Jews, but to cut them off utterly,
is fully confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, in Photiua's extracts out of his
34th Book.</note>
by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, and did
not regard what they said. But being persuaded that all they did was out
of a religious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged
would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities
which bordered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his, on these terms
he would make war against them no longer. But the Jews, although they were
content with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison,
because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them;
yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give
him hostages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down
three hundred, and sent the hostages immediately, which king Antiochus
accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he broke
down the fortifications that encompassed the city. And upon these conditions
Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="249" unit="section" /><p>But Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who excelled all other
kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also
the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign
troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made
between them; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished
him with whatsoever his army wanted in great plenty, and with great generosity,
and marched along with him when he made an expedition against the Parthians;
of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who in his history writes
thus: "When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon
his conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, he staid there two
days. It was at the desire of Lyrcanus the Jew, because it was such a festival
derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jews did
not allow them to travel." And truly he did not speak falsely in saying
so; for that festival, which we call <emph>Pentecost</emph>, did then fall out
to be the next day to the Sabbath. Nor is it lawful for us to journey,
either on the Sabbath day, or on a festival day <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The Jews were not to march or journey on the sabbath, or on such a great
festival as was equivalent to the sabbath, any farther than a sabbath day's
journey, or two thousand cubits, see the note on Antiq. B. XX. ch. 8. sect.
6.</note>
But when Antiochus joined battle with Arsaces, the king of Parthin, he
lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius
succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed
him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthin,
as we have formerly related elsewhere.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS, HYRCANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST SYRIA, AND MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE ROMANS. CONCERNING THE DEATH
OF KING DEMETRIUS AND ALEXANDER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>BUT when Hyrcanus heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made
an expedition against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute
of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. However, it was
not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the
greatest distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighboring
places; and besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the
Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was
at Jerusalem, and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his
army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua the
high priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now deserted
two hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa,
cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay
in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use
of the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous of living in the country
of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This account of the Idumeans admitting circumcision, and the entire Jewish
law, from this time, or from the days of Hyrcanus, is confirmed by their
entire history afterward. See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 1; B. XV. ch.
7. sect. 9. Of the War, B. II. ch. 3. sect. 1; B. IV. ch. 4. sect. 5. This,
in the opinion of Josephus, made them proselytes of justice, or entire
Jews, as here and elsewhere, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 1. However, Antigonus,
the enemy of Herod, though Herod were derived from such a proselyte of
justice for several generations, will allow him to be no more than a half
Jew, B. XV. ch. 15. sect. 2. .But still, take out of Dean Prideaux, at
the year <date value="129" authname="129">129</date>, the words of Ammouius, a grammarian, which fully confirm
this account of the Idumeans in Josephus: "The Jews," says he,
are such by nature, and from the beginning, whilst the Idumeans were not
Jews from the beginning, but Phoenicians and Syrians; but being afterward
subdued by the Jews, and compelled to be circumcised, and to unite into
one nation, and be subject to the same laws, they were called Jews."
Dio also says, as the Dean there quotes him, from Book XXXVI. p. 37, "That
country is called Judea, and the people Jews; and this name is given also
to as many others as embrace their religion, though of other nations."
But then upon what foundation so good a governor as Hyrcanus took upon
him to compel those Idumeans either to become Jews, or to leave the country,
deserves great consideration. I suppose it was because they had long ago
been driven out of the land of Edom, and had seized on and possessed the
tribe of Simeon, and all the southern parts of the tribe of Judah, which
was the peculiar inheritance of the worshippers of the true God without
idolatry, as the reader may learn from Reland, Palestine, Part I. p. 154,
305; and from Prideaux, at the years 140 and 165.</note>
and of the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time therefore this
befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>But Hyrcanus the high priest was desirous to renew that league of
friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly, he sent an embassage
to them; and when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league
of friendship with them, after the manner following: "Fanius, the
son of Marcus, the praetor, gathered the senate together on the eighth
day before the Ides of February, in the senate-house, when Lucius Manlius,
the son of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son
of Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion was, that
the ambassadors sent by the people of the Jews <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">In this decree of the Roman senate, it seems that these ambassadors were
sent from the "people of the Jews," as well as from their prince
or high priest, John Hyrcanus.</note>
Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and
Diodorus, the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had somewhat
to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which
subsisted between them and the Romans, and about other public affairs,
who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs [of
Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus
had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might
be restored to them; and that it might not be lawful for the king's troops
to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject
to them; and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without
the decree of the senate, might be made void; and that they would send
ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what
Antiochus had taken from them, and that they should make an estimate of
the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant
them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their
quiet return home. It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew
their league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, and
who were sent by a good and a friendly people." But as to the letters
desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter
when their own affairs would give them leave; and that they would endeavor,
for the time to come, that no like injury should be done to them; and that
their praetor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury
to bear their expenses home. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors,
and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of
the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they
should return home in safety.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="267" unit="section" /><p>And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus the high priest. But as for
king Demetrius, who had a mind to make war against Hyrcanus, there was
no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers
bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent
ambassadors to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them
one of the family at Seleueus, in order to take the kingdom, and he had
sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had
been a battle between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and fled
to Cleopatra his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him.
He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffered
much from his enemies before his death, he was slain by them. So Alexander
took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus, who yet, when he afterward
fought with Antiochus the son of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, was
also beaten in the fight, and slain.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW UPON THE QUARREL BETWEEN ANTIOCHUS GRYPUS AND ANTIOCHUS
CYZICENUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM HYRCANUS TOOKSAMARIA, AND UTTERLY DEMOLISHED
IT; AND HOW HYRCAUS JOINED HIMSELF TO THE SECT OF THE SADDUCEES, AND LEFT
THAT OF THE PHARISEES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="270" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make war against
Judea, because he heard that his brother by the same mother, who was also
called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of Cyzicum; so he
staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he
expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been
brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter,
who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus;
for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to
two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cyzicenus
coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus
lived all this while in peace; for after the death of Antlochus, he revolted
from the Macedonians, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dean Prideaux takes notice at the year <date value="130" authname="130">130</date>, that Justin, in agreement with
Josephus, says, "The power of the Jews was now grown so great, that
after this Antiochus they would not bear any Macedonian king over them;
and that they set up a government of their own, and infested Syria with
great wars."</note>
nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject
or their friend; but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing
condition in the times of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these
brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the
opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got
an immense quantity of money. How ever, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed
his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus
was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother
were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another, he
despised them both.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="275" unit="section" /><p>So he made an expedition against Samaria which was a very strong
city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall
speak at a proper time; but he made his attack against it, and besieged
it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans
for the injuries they had done to the people of Merissa, a colony of the
Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of
Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round
the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus
and Arisrobulna over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great
distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten,
and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their
assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and when he was pursued as far
as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria,
and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for
the same Antiochus a second time to help them, who procured about six thousand
men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's consent,
who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians
Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after
the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet him in the face to fight
with him, as not having an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from
this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus
to raise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into snares, and lost
many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the
prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="280" unit="section" /><p>But as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was
put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such
a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis, and other places
near it, to the Jews, but was not able to make them raise the siege of
Samaria. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, which was not done till
after a year's siege, he was not contented with doing that only, but he
demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he
dug such hollows as might let the water run under it; nay, he took away
the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. Now a very surprising
thing is related of this high priest Hyrcanus, how God came to discourse
with him; for they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought
with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high priest, offering
incense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus.
And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out
of the temple; and it accordingly proved true; and in this posture were
the affairs of Hyrcanus.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="284" unit="section" /><p>Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at
Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them that
were at Alexandria, and in Egypt and Cyprus; for Cleopatra the queen was
at variance with her son Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, and appointed
for her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built
the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem,
as we have elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army,
and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests,
when he saith thus, "Now the greater part, both those that came to
Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to
Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias's party, being Jews,
continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were
in chief favor with the queen." These are the words of Strabo.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="288" unit="section" /><p>However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy
Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The original of the Sadducees, as a considerable party among the Jews,
being contained in this and the two following sections, take Dean Prideaux's
note upon this their first public appearance, which I suppose to be true:
"Hyrcanus," says be, "went over to the party of the Sadducees;
that is, by embracing their doctrine against the traditions of the eiders,
added to the written law, and made of equal authority with it, but not
their doctrine against the resurrection and a future state; for this cannot
be supposed of so good and righteous a man as John Hyrcanus is said to
be. It is most probable, that at this time the Sadducees had gone no further
in the doctrines of that sect than to deny all their unwritten traditions,
which the Pharisees were so fond of; for Josephus mentions no other difference
at this time between them; neither doth he say that Hyrcanna went over
to the Sadducees in any other particular than in the abolishing of all
the traditionary constitutions of the Pharisees, which our Savior condemned
as well as they." [At the year.]</note>
who were one of the sects of the Jews, as we have informed you already.
These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any
thing against the king, or against the high priest, they are presently
believed. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by
them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very
kindly, when he saw them in a good humor, he began to say to them, that
they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby
he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. However,
he desired, that if they observed him offending in any point, and going
out of the right way, they would call him back and correct him. On which
occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation
he was well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose
name was Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices.
This man said," Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt
be righteous in earnest, lay down the high priesthood, and content thyself
with the civil government of the people," And when he desired to know
for what cause he ought to lay down the high priesthood, the other replied,
"We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive
under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. 
"This story was false, and Hyrcanus was provoked against him; and
all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="293" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friend of Hyrcanus's, but
of the sect of the Sadducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those
of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach
upon him, according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and
that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question,
What punishment they thought this man deserved? for that he might depend
upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation,
if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees
made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds, but that it did not seem
right to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the Pharisees, even upon
other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At this gentle
sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached
him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him,
and influenced him so far, that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees,
and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and to punish those
that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his
sons met with from the multitude: but of these matters we shall speak hereafter.
What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to
the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which
are not written in the laws of Moses; and for that reason it is that the
Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those observances
to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe
what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. And concerning
these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among
them, while the Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have
not the populace obsequious to them, but the Pharisees have the multitude
on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essens, I have
treated accurately in the second book of Jewish affairs.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="299" unit="section" /><p>But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that
lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one
years, and then died, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here ends the high priesthood, and the life of this excellent person John
Hyrcanus, and together with him the holy theocracy, or Divine government
of the Jewish nation, and its concomitant oracle by Urim. Now follows the
profane and tyrannical Jewish monarchy, first of the Asamoneans or Maccabees,
and then of Herod the Great, the Idumean, till the coming of the Messiah.
See the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9. Hear Strabo's testimony
on this occasion, B. XVI. p. 761, 762: "Those," says he, "that
succeeded Moses continued for some time in earnest, both in righteous actions
and in piety; but after a while there were others that took upon them the
high priesthood, at first superstitious and afterward tyrannical persons.
Such a prophet was Moses and those that succeeded him, beginning in a way
not to be blamed, but changing for the worse. And when it openly appeared
that the government was become tyrannical, Alexander was the first that
set up himself for a king instead of a priest; and his sons were Hyrcanus
and Aristobulus." All in agreement with Josephus, excepting this,
that Strabo omits the first king, Aristobulus, who reigning but a single
year, seems hardly to have come to his knowledge. Nor indeed does Aristobulus,
the son of Alexander, pretend that the name of king was taken before his
father Alexander took it himself, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 3. sect. 2. See also
ch. 12. sect. l, which favor Strabo also. And indeed, if we may judge from
the very different characters of the Egyptian Jews under high priests,
and of the Palestine Jews under kings, in the two next centuries, we may
well suppose that the Divine Shechinah was removed into Egypt, and that
the worshippers at the temple of Onias were better men than those at the
temple of Jerusalem.</note>
leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of three of
the greatest privileges, - the government of his nation, the dignity of
the high priesthood, and prophecy; for God was with him, and enabled him
to know futurities; and to foretell this in particular, that, as to his
two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long continue in the government
of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description,
that we may thence learn how very much they were inferior to their father's
happiness.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ARISTOBULUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT FIRST OF
ALL PUT A DIADEM ON HIS HEAD, AND WAS MOST BARBAROUSLY CRUEL TO HIS MOTHER
AND HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, AFTER HE HAD SLAIN ANTIGONUS, HE HIMSELF DIED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="301" unit="section" /><p>NOW when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus,
intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to
do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred eighty and one
years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish
slavery, and were returned to their own country again. This Aristobulus
loved his next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his equal; but the
others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into prison, because she
disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress
of all. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in
prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus by
calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have
an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in
the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly
because he loved him, and so did not give heed to what was said against
him, and partly because he thought the reproaches were derived from the
envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once returned from the army,
and that feast was then at hand when they make tabernacles to [the honor
of God,] it happened that Arlstobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus
went up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their
armor, to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put up many prayers
for the recovery of his brother, when some wicked persons, who had a great
mind to raise a difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity
of the pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of the great actions which
he had done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous
show of his at the feast, and pretended that all these circumstances were
not like those of a private person; that these actions were indications
of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong
body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and that his way of
reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing in him, while it was in his
power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favor that he was honored
with a lower dignity by his brother.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="307" unit="section" /><p>Aristobulus yielded to these imputations, but took care both that
his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the
hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain
place that was under ground, and dark; (he himself then lying sick in the
tower which was called Antonia;) and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus
came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed, they
should kill him; yet did he send to Antigonus, and desired that he would
come unarmed; but the queen, and those that joined with her in the plot
against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct contrary:
how his brother had heard that he had made himself a fine suit of armor
for war, and desired him to come to him in that armor, that he might see
how fine it was. So Antigonus suspecting no treachery, but depending on
the good-will of his brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as he used to
be, with his entire armor, in order to show it to him; but when he was
come to a place which was called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened
to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him; which death of his demonstrates
that nothing is stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more
certainly divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those
passions. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was
of the sect of the Essens, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Hence we learn that the Essens pretended to have ruled whereby men might
foretell things to come, and that this Judas the Essen taught those rules
to his scholars; but whether their pretense were of an astrological or
magical nature, which yet in such religious Jews, who were utterly forbidden
such arts, is no way probable, or to any Bath Col, spoken of by the later
Rabbins, or otherwise, I cannot tell. See Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect.
12.</note>
and who never missed the truth in his predictions; for this man, when he
saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions and friends,
who abode with him as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling
things to come?" That it was good for him to die now, since he had
spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing
by, although he had foretold he should die at the place called Strato's
Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where
he had foretold he should be slain; and still this day is a great part
of it already past, so that he was in danger of proving a false prophet."
As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that
Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also
Strato's Tower, or of the same name with that Cesarea which is seated at
the sea. This event put the prophet into a great disorder.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="314" unit="section" /><p>But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother;
on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed in
his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails
were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited blood: at which
time one of the servants that attended upon him, and was carrying his blood
away, did, by Divine Providence, as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and
shed part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus's
blood, there slain, still remaining; and when there was a cry made by the
spectators, as if the servant had on purpose shed the blood on that place,
Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the matter was; and as they did
not answer him, he was the more earnest to know what it was, it being natural
to men to suspect that what is thus concealed is very bad: so upon his
threatening, and forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told
him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears, in that disorder of mind which
arose from his consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan,
and said, "I am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed from God,
in the impious and horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment
is coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my relations. And now,
O thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul that
ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother and my mother?
Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver up my blood
drop by drop to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?" In saying
which last words he died, having reigned a year. He was called a lover
of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and
made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled
the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised,
and to live according to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a man of candor,
and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes;
who says thus: "This man was a person of candor, and very serviceable
to the Jews; for he added a country to them, and obtained a part of the
nation of the Itureans for them, and bound them to them by the bond of
the circumcision of their genitals."</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ALEXANDER WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST PTOLEMAIS, AND THEN RAISED THE SIEGE OUT OF FEAR OF PTOLEMY LATHYRUS;
AND HOW PTOLEMY MADE WAR AGAINST HIM, BECAUSE HE HAD SENT TO CLEOPATRA
TO PERSUADE HER TO MAKE WAR AGAINST PTOLEMY, AND YET PRETENDED TO BE IN
FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM, WHEN HE BEAT THE JEWS IN THE BATTLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="320" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks, was
called Alexandra, let his brethren out of prison, (for Aristobulus had
kept them in bonds, as we have said already,) and made Alexander Janneus
king, who was the superior in age and in moderation. This child happened
to be hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could never be permitted
to come into his father's sight till he died. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reason why Hyrcanus suffered not this son of his whom he did not love
to come into Judea, but ordered him to be brought up in Galilee, is suggested
by Dr. Hudson, that Galilee was not esteemed so happy and well cultivated
a country as Judea, Matthew 26:73; John 7:52; Acts 2:7, although another
obvious reason occurs also, that he was out of his sight in Galilee than
he would have been in Judea.</note>
The occasion of which hatred is thus reported: when Hyrcanus chiefly loved
the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobutus, God appeared to
him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor.
Upon God's representing to him the countenance of Alexander, he was grieved
that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought
up in Galilee However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus; for after the death
of Aristobulus, he certainly took the kingdom; and one of his brethren,
who affected the kingdom, he slew; and the other, who chose to live a private
and quiet life, he had in esteem.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="324" unit="section" /><p>When Alexander Janneus had settled the government in the manner that
he judged best, he made an expedition against Ptolemais; and having overcome
the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round about it,
and besieged it; for of the maritime cities there remained only Ptolemais
and Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower and Dora, which were held
by the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and Antiochus who
was called Cyzicenus, were making war one against another, and destroying
one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance
from them; but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed
Strato's Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occasion
of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought
some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor indeed had the kings
such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any advantage
from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding
themselves deficient in. strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put
off the fight by laziness, and by lying still as long as they can. The
only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy
Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven
from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of
Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus, and desired him to come as a confederate,
to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander.
And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that if he would pass over into
Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais;
as also they said, that Zoilus, and besides these the Sidonians, and many
others, would assist them; so he was elevated at this, and got his fleet
ready as soon as possible.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="330" unit="section" /><p>But in this interval Demenetus, one that was of abilities to persuade
men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the populace, made those
of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said to them, that it was better
to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews, than to admit of evident
slavery by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have
not only a war at present, but to expect a much greater war from Egypt;
for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself
out of the neighborhood, but would come against them with a great army
of her own, and this because she was laboring to eject her son out of Cyprus
also; that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his hopes, he can still retire
to Cyprus, but that they will be left in the greatest danger possible.
Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people
of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country
called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. This army of his, in
the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which
he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the
people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what
they had to say, he was under a very great concern.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="334" unit="section" /><p>But when Zoilus and the people of Gaza came to him, and desired his
assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander,
Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy: and when he had drawn
off his army into his own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately
inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to
desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; and promising
to give him four hundred talents of silver, he desired that, by way of
requital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant, and give his country to
the Jews. And then indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of
friendship with Alexander, and subdued Zoilus; but when he afterwards heard
that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mother, he broke the league with
him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him, and besieged
Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his generals,
with some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself
immediately with the rest to lay Judea waste; and when Alexander understood
this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also got together about fifty thousand
soldiers out of his own country; nay, as some writers have said, eighty
thousand <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">From these, and other occasional expressions, dropped by Josephus, we may
learn, that where the sacred hooks of the Jews were deficient, he had several
other histories then extant, (but now most of them lost,) which he faithfully
followed in his own history; nor indeed have we any other records of those
times, relating to Judea, that can be compared to these accounts of Josephus,
though when we do meet with authentic fragments of such original records,
they almost always confirm his history.</note>
He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon
Asochis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on the sabbath day, and
there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="338" unit="section" /><p>He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was a city not far from that
which was destroyed, but lost many of his men; yet did he then go to fight
with Alexander; which Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain
place called Saphoth, [not far from the river Jordan,] and pitched his
camp near to the enemy. He had however eight thousand in the first rank,
which he styled Hecatontomachi, having shields of brass. Those in the first
rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shields covered with brass. But Ptolemy's
soldiers in other respects were inferior to those of Alexander, and therefore
were more fearful of running hazards; but Philostephanus, the camp-master,
put great courage into them, and ordered them to pass the river, which
was between their camps. Nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage
over it; for he thought, that if the enemy had once gotten the river on
their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners, when they could
not flee out of the battle: in the beginning of which, the acts on both
sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great
slaughter was made by both the armies; but Alexander was superior, till
Philostephanus opportunely brought up the auxiliaries, to help those that
were giving way; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that
part of the Jews that gave way, it fell out that they fled, and those near
them did no assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy's soldiers
acted quite otherwise; for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till
at length those that slew them pursued after them when they had made them
all run away, and slew them so long, that their weapons of iron were blunted,
and their hands quite tired with the slaughter; for the report was, that
thirty thousand men were then slain. Timagenes says they were fifty thousand.
As for the rest, they were part of them taken captives, and the other part
ran away to their own country.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="345" unit="section" /><p>After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country; and when night
came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which when he found full
of women and children, he commanded his soldiers to strangle them, and
to cut them in pieces, and then to cast them into boiling caldrons, and
then to devour their limbs as sacrifices. This commandment was given, that
such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies
were cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might on that account be still
more terrified at them upon such a sight. And both Strabo and Nicholaus
[of Damascus] affirm, that they used these people after this manner, as
I have already related. Ptolemy also took Ptolemais by force, as we have
declared elsewhere.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ALEXANDER, UPON THE LEAGUE OF MUTUAL DEFENSE WHICH CLEOPATRA
HAD AGREED WITH HIM, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST COELESYRIA, AND UTTERLY
OVERTHREW THE CITY OF GAZA; AND HOW HE SLEW MANY TEN THOUSANDS OF JEWS
THAT REBELLED AGAINST HIM. ALSO CONCERNING ANTIOCHUS GRYPUS, SELEUCUS ANTIOCHUS
CYZICEIUS, AND ANTIOCHUS PIUS, AND OTHERS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="348" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste,
without disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she
resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates;
and she concluded, that now he was so much stronger than before, he would
be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; but she immediately
marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and
made Chelcias and Ananias the Jews generals of her whole army, while she
sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament,
to the people of Cos <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This city, or island, Cos, is not that remote island in the Aegean Sea,
famous for the birth of the great Hippocrates, but a city or island of
the same name adjoining to Egypt, mentioned both by Stephanus and Ptolemy,
as Dr. Mizon informs us. Of which Cos, and the treasures there laid up
by Cleopatra and the Jews, see Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 7, sect. 2.</note>
Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to
Phoenicia; and when that country had revolted, she came to Ptolemais; and
because the people of Ptolemais did not receive her, she besieged the city;
but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, supposing that
he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed
of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened
to die in Celesyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="352" unit="section" /><p>When Cleopatra heard of her son's attempt, and that his Egyptian
expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither
part of her army, and drove him out of that country; so when he was returned
out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra
took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city;
and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of
respect as were but proper, since under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy
he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who
persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of
the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews
subject to one man. But Ananias's counsel was contrary to theirs, who said
that she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally
of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related
to us; "for (said he) I would not have thee ignorant of this, that
what in. justice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be
thy enemies. This desire of Ananias Cleopatra complied with, and did no
injury to Alexander, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at
Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="356" unit="section" /><p>So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy,
he presently made an expedition against Coelesyria. He also took Gadara,
after a siege of ten months. He took also Areathus, a very strong fortress
belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of
Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This
Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and
seized upon Alexander's baggage. Yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander;
but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia
and Anthedon, (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed to Agrippias,)
and took even that by force. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired
from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he
grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist
them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. But as Apollodotus,
the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night,
with two thousand foreign and ten thousand of his own forces, while the
night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe
that it was Ptolemy who attacked them; but when day was come on, and that
mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they
came back again, and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a
thousand. But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield
for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were
slain, (for they would rather suffer any hardship whatever than come under
the power of their enemies,) Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then
very illustrious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised
them that he would come to their assistance; but it happened that before
he came Apollodotus was slain; for his brother Lysimachus envying him for
the great reputation he had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got
the army together, and delivered up the city to Alexander, who, when he
came in at first, lay quiet, but afterward set his army upon the inhabitants
of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and
some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they
of cowardly hearts, but opposed those that came to slay them, and slew
as many of the Jews; and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted,
burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils;
nay, some of them, with their own hands, slew their children and their
wives, having no other way but this of avoiding slavery for them; but the
senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo's temple, (for this
attack happened to be made as they were sitting,) whom Alexander slew;
and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem,
having spent a year in that siege.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="365" unit="section" /><p>About this very time Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This account of the death of Antiochus Grypus is confirmed by Appion, Syriac.
p. 132, here cited by Spanheim.</note>
His death was caused by Heracleon's treachery, when he had lived forty-five
years, and had reigned twenty-nine. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Porphyry says that this Antiochus Grypus reigned but twenty-six years,
as Dr. Hudson observes. The copies of Josephus, both Greek and Latin, have
here so grossly false a reading, Antiochus and Antoninus, or Antonius Plus,
for Antiochus Pius, that the editors are forced to correct the text from
the other historians, who all agree that this king's name was nothing more
than Antiochus Plus.</note>
His son Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made war with Antiochus,
his father's brother, who was called Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him,
and took him prisoner, and slew him. But after a while Antiochus, the son
of Cyzicenus, who was called Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on
his own head, and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out
of all Syria. But when he fled out of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia again,
and levied money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestin had indignation
at what he did, and burnt down his palace, and slew him, together with
his friends. But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria,
Antiochus, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These two brothers, Antiochus and Philippus are called twins by Porphyry;
the fourth brother was king of Damascus: both which are the observations
of Spanheim.</note>
the brother of Seleucus, made war upon him, and was overcome, and destroyed,
he and his army. After him, his brother Philip put on the diadem, and reigned
over some part of Syria; but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother
Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, from Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus.
Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died;
for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gileadites,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Laodicea was a city of Gilead beyond Jordan. However, Porphyry says
that this Antiochus Pius did not die in this battle; but, running away,
was drowned in the river Orontes. Appian says that he, was deprived of
the kingdom of Syria by Tigranes; but Porphyry makes this Laodice queen
of the Calamans; — all which is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of
the later historians, we have no reason to prefer any of them before Josephus,
who had more original ones before him. This reproach upon Alexander, that
he was sprung from a captive, seems only the repetition of the old Pharisaical
calumny upon his father, ch. 10. sect. 5.</note>
when she was making war against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously,
he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere
related.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="372" unit="section" /><p>As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at
a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and
was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him, and pelted him with citrons
[which they then had in their hands, because] the law of the Jews required
that at the feast of tabernacles every one should have branches of the
palm tree and citron tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They
also reviled him, as derived from a captive, and so unworthy of his dignity
and of sacrificing. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six
thousand. He also built a partition-wall of wood round the altar and the
temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the
priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from coming
at him. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidie and Cilicia; for as to
the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also
overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites, and made them
bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Theodorus was the son of Zeno, and was in possession of Areathus,
as we learn from sect. 3 foregoing.</note>
durst not fight with him; but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king
of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged
and difficult to be traveled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley,
by the multitude of the camels at Gadurn, a village of Gilead, and hardly
escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides
his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them
for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them. And when
he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated
him so much the more, on account of what had already happened; and when
he had asked them what he ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought
to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to
make a league of mutual defense with them.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DEMETRIUS EUCERUS OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND YET IN A LITTLE
TIME RETIRED OUT OF THE COUNTRY FOR FEAR; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER SLEW MANY
OF THE JEWS AND THEREBY GOT CLEAR OF HIS TROUBLES. CONCERNING THE DEATH
OF DEMETRIUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="377" unit="section" /><p>SO Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him,
and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which Alexander, with
his six thousand two hundred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews,
who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen,
and forty thousand footmen. Now there were great endeavors used on both
sides, - Demetrius trying to bring off the mercenaries that were with Alexander,
because they were Greeks, and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that
were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them
so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which
all Alexander's mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration
of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius's soldiers were
slain also.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="379" unit="section" /><p>Now as Alexander fled to the mountains, six thousand of the Jews
hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change
of his fortune; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the
country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten,
were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; and
when he had shut up the most powerful of them in the city Bethome, he besieged
them therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into his
power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most barbarous
actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting with his concubines,
in the sight of all the city, he ordered about eight hundred of them to
be crucified; and while they were living, he ordered the throats of their
children and wives to be cut before their eyes. This was indeed by way
of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was
of an inhuman nature, though we suppose that he had been never so much
distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by
their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of
his kingdom, while they were not satisfied by themselves only to fight
against him, but introduced foreigners also for the same purpose; nay,
at length they reduced him to that degree of necessity, that he was forced
to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which
he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join
with them in the war against him, as they had done ten thousand other things
that tended to affront and reproach him. However, this barbarity seems
to have been without any necessity, on which account he bare the name of
a Thracian among the Jews <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This name Thracida, which the Jews gave Alexander, must, by the coherence,
denote as barbarous as a Thracian, or somewhat like it; but what it properly
signifies is not known.</note>
whereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thousand
in number, ran away by night, and continued fugitives all the time that
Alexander lived; who being now freed from any further disturbance from
them, reigned the rest of his time in the utmost tranquillity.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="384" unit="section" /><p>But when Demetrius was departed out of Judea, he went to Berea, and
besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and
a thousand horsemen. However Strato, the tyrant of Berea, the confederate
of Philip, called in Zizon, the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates
Sinax, the ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a great number of forces,
and besieging Demetrius in his encampment, into which they had driven them
with their arrows, they compelled those that were with him by thirst to
deliver up themselves. So they took a great many spoils out of that country,
and Demetrius himself, whom they sent to Mithridates, who was then king
of Parthis; but as to those whom they took captives of the people of Antioch,
they restored them to the Antiochinus without any reward. Now Mithridates,
the king of Parthis, had Demetrius in great honor, till Demetrius ended
his life by sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was over, came
to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ANTIOCHUS, WHO WAS CALLED DIONYSUS, AND AFTER HIM ARETAS
MADE EXPEDITIONS INTO JUDEA; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER TOOK MANY CITIES AND
THEN RETURNED TO JERUSALEM, AND AFTER A SICKNESS OF THREE YEARS DIED; AND
WHAT COUNSEL HE GAVE TO ALEXANDRA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="387" unit="section" /><p>AFTER this, Antiochus, who was called Dionysus, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Spanheim takes notice that this Antiochus Dionysus [the brother of Philip,
and of Demetrius Eucerus, and of two otbsrs] was the fifth son of Antiochus
Grypus; and that he is styled on the coins, "Antiochus, Epiphanes,
Dionysus."</note>
and was Philip's brother, aspired to the dominion, and carne to Damascus,
and got the power into his hands, and there he reigned; but as he was making
war against the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it, and came to Damascus,
where Milesius, who had been left governor of the citadel, and the Damascens
themselves, delivered up the city to him; yet because Philip was become
ungrateful to him, and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes whereof
he had received him into the city, but had a mind to have it believed that
it was rather delivered up out of fear than by the kindness of Milesius,
and because he had not rewarded him as he ought to have done, he became
suspected by him, and so he was obliged to leave Damascus again; for Milesius
caught him marching out into the Hippodrome, and shut him up in it, and
kept Damascus for Antiochus [Eucerus], who hearing how Philip's affairs
stood, came back out of Arabia. He also came immediately, and made an expedition
against Judea, with eight thousand armed footmen, and eight hundred horsemen.
So Alexander, out of fear of his coming, dug a deep ditch, beginning at
Chabarzaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the sea of Joppa, on which
part only his army could be brought against him. He also raised a wall,
and erected wooden towers, and intermediate redoubts, for one hundred and
fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the coming of Antiochus; but
he soon burnt them all, and made his army pass by that way into Arabia.
The Arabian king [Aretas] at first retreated, but afterward appeared on
the sudden with ten thousand horsemen. Antiochus gave them the meeting,
and fought desperately; and indeed when he had gotten the victory, and
was bringing some auxiliaries to that part of his army that was in distress,
he was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled to the village Cana,
where the greatest part of them perished by famine.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="392" unit="section" /><p>After him <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who took Damascus, and reigned
there; which name became afterwards common to such Arabian kings, both
at Petra and at Damascus, as we learn from Josephus in many places; and
from St. Paul, 2 Corinthians 11:32. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI. ch.
9. sect. 4.</note>
Arems reigned over Celesyria, being called to the government by those that
held Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He
also made thence an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle,
near a place called Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions agreed on
between them, retire out of Judea.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="393" unit="section" /><p>But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it; and then
made an expedition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno's treasures,
and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken
the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; and when he had
taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called
<emph>The Valley of Antiochus</emph>, as also the fortress of Gamala. He also
accused Demetrius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, and
turned him out; and after he had spent three years in this war, he returned
to his own country, when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good
success.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="395" unit="section" /><p>Now at this time the Jews were in possession of the following cities
that had belonged to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and Phoenicians: At the
sea-side, Strato's Tower, Apollonia, Joppa, Jamhis, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon,
Raphia, and Rhinocolura; in the middle of the country, near to Idumea,
Adorn, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount
Tabor, Scythopolis, and Gadara; of the country of Gaulonitis, Seleucia
and Gabala; in the country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas,
Gelithon, Zorn, the valley of the Cilices, and Pollo; which last they utterly
destroyed, because its inhabitants would not bear to change their religious
rites for those peculiar to the Jews. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may here and elsewhere take notice, that whatever countries or cities
the Asamoneans conquered from any of the neighboring nations, or whatever
countries or cities they gained from them that had not belonged to them
before, they, after the days of Hyrcanus, compelled the inhabitants to
leave their idolatry, and entirely to receive the law of Moses, as proselytes
of justice, or else banished them into other lands. That excellent prince,
John Hyrcanus, did it to the Idumeans, as I have noted on ch. 9. sect.
1, already, who lived then in the Promised Land, and this I suppose justly;
but by what right the rest did it, even to the countries or cities that
were no part of that land, I do not at all know. This looks too like unjust
persecution for religion.</note>
The Jews also possessed others of the principal cities of Syria, which
had been destroyed.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="398" unit="section" /><p>After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by
hard drinking, and had a quartan ague, which held him three years, yet
would not leave off going out with his army, till he was quite spent with
the labors he had undergone, and died in the bounds of Ragaba, a fortress
beyond Jordan. But when his queen saw that he was ready to die, and had
no longer any hopes of surviving, she came to him weeping and lamenting,
and bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate condition they should
be left in; and said to him, "To whom dost thou thus leave me and
my children, who are destitute of all other supports, and this when thou
knowest how much ill-will thy nation bears thee?" But he gave her
the following advice: That she need but follow what he would suggest to
her, in order to retain the kingdom securely, with her children: that she
should conceal his death from the soldiers till she should have taken that
place; after this she should go in triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem,
and put some of her authority into the hands of the Pharisees; for that
they would commend her for the honor she had done them, and would reconcile
the nation to her for he told her they had great authority among the Jews,
both to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring advantages to those
to whom they were friendly disposed; for that they are then believed best
of all by the multitude when they speak any severe thing against others,
though it be only out of envy at them. And he said that it was by their
means that he had incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he
had injured. "Do thou, therefore," said he, "when thou art
come to Jerusalem, send for the leading men among them, and show them my
body, and with great appearance of sincerity, give them leave to use it
as they themselves please, whether they will dishonor the dead body by
refusing it burial, as having severely suffered by my means, or whether
in their anger they will offer any other injury to that body. Promise them
also that thou wilt do nothing without them in the affairs of the kingdom.
If thou dost but say this to them, I shall have the honor of a more glorious
Funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me; and when it is in
their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and
thou wilt rule in safety." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It seems, by this dying advice of Alexander Janneus to his wife, that he
had himself pursued the measures of his father Hyrcanus. and taken part
with the Sadducees, who kept close to the written law, against the Pharisees,
who had introduced their own traditions, ch. 16. sect. 2; and that he now
saw a political necessity of submitting to the Pharisees and their traditions
hereafter, if his widow and family minded to retain their monarchical government
or tyranny over the Jewish nation; which sect yet, thus supported, were
at last in a great measure the ruin of the religion, government, and nation
of the Jews, and brought them into so wicked a state, that the vengeance
of God came upon them to their utter excision. Just thus did Caiaphas politically
advise the Jewish sanhedrim, John 11:50, "That it was expedient for
them that one man should die for the people, and that the whole nation
perish not;" and this in consequence of their own political supposal,
ver. 48, that, "If they let Jesus alone," with his miracles,
"all men would believe on him, and the Romans would come and take
away both their place and nation." Which political crucifixion of
Jesus of Nazareth brought down the vengeance of God upon them, and occasioned
those very Romans, of whom they seemed so much afraid, that to prevent
it they put him to death, actually to "come and take away both their
place and nation" within thirty-eight years afterwards. I heartily
wish the politicians of Christendom would consider these and the like examples,
and no longer sacrifice all virtue and religion to their pernicious schemes
of government, to the bringing down the judgments of God upon themselves,
and the several nations intrusted to their care. But this is a digression.
I wish it were an unseasonable one also. Josephus himself several times
makes such digressions, and I here venture to follow him. See one of them
at the conclusion of the very next chapter.</note>
So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, after he had reigned
twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years within one.</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ALEXANDRA BY GAINING THE GOOD-WILL OF THE PHARISEES,
RETAINED THE KINGDOM NINE YEARS, AND THEN, HAVING DONE MANY GLORIOUS ACTIONS
DIED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="405" unit="section" /><p>SO Alexandra, when she had taken the fortress, acted as her husband
had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put all things into
their power, both as to the dead body, and as to the affairs of the kingdom,
and thereby pacified their anger against Alexander, and made them bear
goodwill and friendship to him; who then came among the multitude, and
made speeches to them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, and
told them that they had lost a righteous king; and by the commendation
they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness for
him, so that he had a funeral more splendid than had any of the kings before
him. Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, but
committed the kingdom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus
was indeed unable to manage public affairs, and delighted rather in a quiet
life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man; and for
this woman herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the multitude, because
she seemed displeased at the offenses her husband had been guilty of.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="408" unit="section" /><p>So she made Hyrcanus high priest, because he was the elder, but much
more because he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees
to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient.
She also restored again those practices which the Pharisees had introduced,
according to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her father-in-law,
Hyrcanus, had abrogated. So she had indeed the name of the regent, but
the Pharisees had the authority; for it was they who restored such as had
been banished, and set such as were prisoners at liberty, and, to say all
at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took
care of the affairs of the kingdom, and got together a great body of mercenary
soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became
terrible to the neighboring tyrants, and took hostages of them: and the
country was entirely at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed
the queen, and desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander
to slay the eight hundred men; after which they cut the throat of one of
them, Diogenes; and after him they did the same to several, one after another,
till the men that were the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus
with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared
openly, that if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to
go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone
through, and great things they had done, whereby they had demonstrated
the firmness of their fidelity to their master, insomuch that they had
recieved the greatest marks of favor from him; and they begged of her,
that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that
when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies,
they were to be cut off at home by their [private] enemies, like brute
beasts, without any help whatsoever. They said also, that if their adversaries
would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take
what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their
governors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored
of her a dismission from her service; for they could not bear to think
of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather
die willingly before the palace gate, in case she would not forgive them.
And that it was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that
when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her
husband's enemies; for that Aretas, the Arabian king, and the monarchs,
would give any reward, if they could get such men as foreign auxiliaries,
to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be
terrible; but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if
she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted
that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal
demon hath a constant spite against Alexander's house, they would be willing
to bear their part, and to live in a private station there.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="416" unit="section" /><p>As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander's ghost for commiseration
of those already slain, and those in danger of it, all the bystanders brake
out into tears. But Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were his sentiments,
and used. many reproachful expressions to his mother, [saying,] "Nay,
indeed, the case is this, that they have been themselves the authors of
their own calamities, who have permitted a woman who, against reason, was
mad with ambition, to reign over them, when there were sons in the flower
of their age fitter for it." So Alexandra, not knowing what to do
with any decency, committed the fortresses to them, all but Hyrcania, and
Alexandrium, and Macherus, where her principal treasures were. After a
little while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus
against Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a bad neighbor to
the city; but he did nothing considerable there, and so returned home.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="419" unit="section" /><p>About this time news was brought that Tigranes, the king of Armenia,
had made an irruption into Syria with five hundred thousand soldiers, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The number of five hundred thousand or even three hundred thousand, as
one Greek copy, with the Latin copies, have it, for Tigranes's army, that
came out of Armenia into Syria and Judea, seems much too large. We have
had already several such extravagant numbers in Josephus's present copies,
which are not to he at all ascribed to him. Accordingly, I incline to Dr.
Hudson's emendation here, which supposes them but forty thousand.</note>
and was coming against Judea. This news, as may well be supposed, terrified
the queen and the nation. Accordingly, they sent him many and very valuable
presents, as also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging Ptolemais;
for Selene the queen, the same that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then
over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude Tigranes. So the
Jewish ambassadors interceded with him, and entreated him that he would
determine nothing that was severe about their queen or nation. He commended
them for the respects they paid him at so great a distance, and gave them
good hopes of his favor. But as soon as Ptolemais was taken, news came
to Tigranes, that Lucullus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could not light
upon him, who was fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia, and besieging
its cities. Now when Tigranes knew this, he returned home.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="422" unit="section" /><p>After this, when the queen was fallen into a dangerous distemper,
Aristobulus resolved to attempt the seizing of the government; so he stole
away secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and went to the
fortresses, wherein his friends, that were such from the days of his father,
were settled; for as he had been a great while displeased at his mother's
conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole
family should be under the power of the Pharisees; for he saw the inability
of his brother, who was to succeed in the government; nor was any one conscious
of what he was doing but only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with
their children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was Galestes, one
of the potent men before mentioned, and was received by him. When it was
day, the queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for some time she
supposed that his departure was not in order to make any innovation; but
when messengers came one after another with the news that he had secured
the first place, the second place, and all the places, for as soon as one
had begun they all submitted to his disposal, then it was that the queen
and the nation were in the greatest disorder, for they were aware that
it would not be long ere Aristobulus would be able to settle himself firmly
in the government. What they were principally afraid of was this, that
he would inflict punishment upon them for the mad treatment his house had
had from them. So they resolved to take his wife and children into custody,
and keep them in the fortress that was over the temple. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This fortress, castle, citadel, or tower, whither the wife and children
of Aristobulus were new sent, and which overlooked the temple, could be
no other than what Hyrcanus I. built, (Antiq. B. XVIII ch. 4. sect. 3,)
and Herod the Great rebuilt, and called the "Tower of Antonia,"
Aatiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 5.</note>
Now there was a mighty conflux of people that came to Aristobulus from
all parts, insomuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about him; for
in a little more than fifteen days he got twenty-two strong places, which
gave him the opportunity of raising an army from Libanus and Trachonitis,
and the monarchs; for men are easily led by the greater number, and easily
submit to them. And besides this, that by affording him their assistance,
when he could not expect it, they, as well as he, should have the advantages
that would come by his being king, because they had been the occasion of
his gaining the kingdom. Now the eiders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with
them, went in unto the queen, and desired that she would give them her
sentiments about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristobulus was
in effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so many strong
holds, and that it was absurd for them to take any counsel by themselves,
how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and that the danger would
be upon them in no long time. But she bid them do what they thought proper
to be done; that they had many circumstances in their favor still remaining,
a nation in good heart, an army, and money in their several treasuries;
for that she had small concern about public affairs now, when the strength
of her body already failed her.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="430" unit="section" /><p>Now a little while after she had said this to them, she died, when
she had reigned nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three. A woman
she was who showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious
to the greatest degree in her ambition of governing; and demonstrated by
her doings at once, that her mind was fit for action, and that sometimes
men themselves show the little understanding they have by the frequent
mistakes they make in point of government; for she always preferred the
present to futurity, and preferred the power of an imperious dominion above
all things, and in comparison of that had no regard to what was good, or
what was right. However, she brought the affairs of her house to such an
unfortunate condition, that she was the occasion of the taking away that
authority from it, and that in no long time afterward, which she had obtained
by a vast number of hazards and misfortunes, and this out of a desire of
what does not belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her sentiments
with those that bare ill-will to their family, and by leaving the administration
destitute of a proper support of great men; and, indeed, her management
during her administration while she was alive, was such as filled the palace
after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this
had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace. And this
is the conclusion of the affairs of, Alexandra.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="14" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XIV</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM;
AND HOW THEY MADE ANAGREEMENT THAT ARISTOBULUS SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS
LIVE A PRIVATE LIFE; AS ALSO HOW HYRCANUS A LITTLE AFTERWARD WAS PERSUADED
BY ANTIPATER TO FLY TO ARETAS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WE have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death, in
the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and was connected
with those histories; declaring, before we proceed, that we have nothing
so much at heart as this, that we may omit no facts, either through ignorance
or laziness; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Reland takes notice here, very justly, how Josephus's declaration, that
it was his great concern not only to write "an agreeable, an accurate,"
and "a true" history, but also distinctly not to omit any thing
[of consequence], either through "ignorance or laziness," implies
that he could not, consistently with that resolution, omit the mention
of [so famous a person as] "Jesus Christ."</note>
for we are upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest
part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our times;
and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is derived
from proper words harmonically disposed, and from such ornaments of speech
also as may contribute to the pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain
the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure.
But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the rest,
is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those
that are otherwise unacquainted with such transactions, and obliged to
believe what these writers inform them of.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="4" unit="section" /><p>Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of the
hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus
Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when
presently Aristobulus began to make war against him; and as it came to
a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him, and
went over to his brother; upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where
Aristobulus's wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we
have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries that
had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So when he had
sent a message to his brother about agreeing the matters between them,
he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should
be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs,
and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon
these terms in the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths,
and the giving one an. other their right hands, and embracing one another
in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aristobulus,
to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the former house of Aristobulus.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="8" unit="section" /><p>But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called Antipater,
who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who
was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account
of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says,
that Antipater was of the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon
into Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his
son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came afterward to be king
of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter.
However, this Antipater was at first called Antipas, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That the famous Antipater's or Antipas's father was also Antipater or Antipas
(which two may justly be esteemed one and the same frame, the former with
a Greek or Gentile, the latter with a Hebrew or Jewish termination) Josephus
here assures us, though Eusebias indeed says it was Herod.</note>
and that was his father's name also; of whom they relate this: That king
Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made
a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites,
that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them
his fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of the
power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him,
because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the most powerful of the
Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said that it was unjust
to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously,
and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain
what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the same speeches
he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that his own life would be
in danger, unless he guarded himself, and got shut of Aristobulus; for
he said that the friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising
him to kill him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality.
Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition,
and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This
temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want
of spirit, occasioned him to appear to spectators to be degenerous and
unmanly; while. Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and
one of a great and generous soul.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="14" unit="section" /><p>Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to what
he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned crimes upon Aristobulus,
and to calumniate him before him, as if he had a mind to kill him; and
so, by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly
to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with
his advice, he would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus
heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas.
Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However, Hyrcanus sent
Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from
him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he
would not deliver him up to his enemies. So Antipater having received such
assurances, returned to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took
Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey,
and came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of
Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded
him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this persuasion he continued
every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents
on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover,
Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received
his kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities which
his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which were these, Medaba,
Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda,
Lussa, and Oruba.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST ARISTOBULUS
AND BESIEGED JERUSALEM; AND HOW SCAURUS THE ROMAN GENERAL RAISED THE SIEGE.
CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ONIAS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="19" unit="section" /><p>AFTER these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition
against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand horse and foot, and
beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went over to Hyrcanus
as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon
which the king of Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the
temple, and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting Hyreanus,
and assisting him in the siege, while none but the priests continued with
Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces of the Arabians and of the Jews
together, and pressed on the siege vigorously. As this happened at the
time when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the
passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into
Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man be was,
and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put
an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent
them rain. This man had hid himself, because he saw that this sedition
would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp,
and desired, that as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought,
so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of
his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made,
he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the midst
of them, and said, "O God, the King of the whole world! since those
that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are
also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the
prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against
those." Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as
he had made this prayer, stoned him to death.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="25" unit="section" /><p>But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took
vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: While
the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it happened that the feast called
the passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number
of sacrifices to God; but those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices,
and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such
sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as
they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae
for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests willingly undertook
to pay for them accordingly, and those within let down the money over the
walls, and gave it them. But when the others had received it, they did
not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as
to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards
God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. And when
the priests found they had been cheated, and that the agreements they had
made were violated, they prayed to God that he would avenge them on their
countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and
vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country,
till a modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="29" unit="section" /><p>In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself
in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to
Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus had newly taken the city,
he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors
came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would
assist them. And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus
four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobulus's
promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing
but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor, and tenacious, and made
incredible promises in hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the
same thing to take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it
was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of
Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an agreement
with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and took his money,
and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or else he should be
declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again;
and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus,
and fought them at a place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle,
and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also,
the brother of Antipater.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS CAME TO POMPEY IN ORDER TO ARGUE
WHO OUGHT TO HAVE THE KINGDOM; AND HOW UPON THE PLIGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO
THE FORTRESS ALEXANDRIUM POMPEY LED HIS ARMY AGAINST HIM AND ORDERED HIM
TO DELIVER UP THE FORTRESSES WHEREOF HE WAS POSSESSED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="34" unit="section" /><p>A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria;
at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt,
and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent him a great present, which
was a golden vine <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This "golden vine," or "garden," seen by Strabo at
Rome, has its inscription here as if it were the gift of Alexander, the
father of Aristobulus, and not of Aristobulus himself, to whom yet Josephus
ascribes it; and in order to prove the truth of that part of his history,
introduces this testimony of Strabo; so that the ordinary copies seem to
be here either erroneous or defective, and the original reading seems to
have been either Aristobulus, instead of Alexander, with one Greek copy,
or else "Aristobulus the son of Alexander," with the Latin copies;
which last seems to me the most probable. For as to Archbishop Usher's
conjectures, that Alexander made it, and dedicated it to God in the temple,
and that thence Aristobulus took it, and sent it to Pompey, they are both
very improbable, and no way agreeable to Josephus, who would hardly have
avoided the recording both these uncommon points of history, had he known
any thing of them; nor would either the Jewish nation, or even Pompey himself,
then have relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege.</note>
of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions
this present in these words: "There came also an embassage out of
Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out
of Judea there came another, whether you call it a <emph>vine</emph> or a <emph>garden</emph>;
they call the thing Terpole, <emph>the Delight</emph>. However, we ourselves
saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,
with this inscription, 'The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It
was valued at five hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus,
the governor of the Jews, sent it."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="37" unit="section" /><p>In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him, Antipater
from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused
such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, - the one three
hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made
these two his enemies, besides those he had before. And when Pompey had
ordered those that had controversies one with another to come to him in
the beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters,
and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went along he demolished
the citadel that was at Apamia, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and
took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not
less so than Dionysius of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also
his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes
for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their
wages. He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew
was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis,
and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Colesyria, he came from
Pella to Damascus; and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews,
and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference
one with another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not
desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of government they
received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of
that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained], that though these
two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the government
of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complained,
that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative
of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country
under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He
also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbors'
countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him; and
that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a
man given to violence and disorder; and there were no fewer than a thousand
Jews, of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation; which
confirmation was procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against
him, that it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that
account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government;
and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear
lest it should be transferred to others. And that as to his title [of king],
it was no other than what his father had taken [before him]. He also called
for witnesses of what he said some persons who were both young and insolent;
whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were detested
[by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they were to
plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in
a pompous procession.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="46" unit="section" /><p>When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned
Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly to them, and
sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country,
he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the
affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet;
and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt,
and hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without expecting
any further determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the
city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="48" unit="section" /><p>At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that army
which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxiliaries that came
from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions
which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as
he passed by Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first
entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he
came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a mountain
called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent
his commands to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the persuasions
of many that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when
he had disputed with his brother about the right to the government, he
went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this
he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having
the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey
in whatsoever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his
fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, and that he might
be prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he feared, that Pompey
would transfer the government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus
to deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to their
governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had been forbidden
to deliver them up upon any other commands, he submitted indeed to do so;
but still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made preparation
for war. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed
Pompey, as he was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus,
that Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW POMPEY WHEN THE CITIZENS OF JERUSALEM SHUT THEIR GATES
AGAINST HIM BESIEGED THE CITY AND TOOK IT BY FORCE; AS ALSO WHAT OTHER
THINGS HE DID IN JUDEA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="54" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the palm
tree grows, and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious,
which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distills out
thence like a juice,) <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These express testimonies of Josephus here, and Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 6.
sect. 6, and B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 2, that the only balsam gardens, and the
best palm trees, were, at least in his days, near Jericho and Kugaddi,
about the north part of the Dead Sea, (whereabout also Alexander the Great
saw the balsam drop,) show the mistake of those that understand Eusebius
and Jerom as if one of those gardens were at the south part of that sea,
at Zoar or Segor, whereas they must either mean another Zoar or Segor,
which was between Jericho and Kugaddi, agreeably to Josephus: which yet
they do not appear to do, or else they directly contradict Josephus, and
were therein greatly mistaken: I mean this, unless that balsam, and the
best palm trees, grew much more southward in Judea in the days of Eusebius
and Jerom than they did in the days of Josephus.</note>
he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of
what he was doing, and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money,
and received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off the
war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his entreaty, forgave
him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him, to receive the money and
the city: yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised,
because Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be executed.
At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into prison, and came
himself to the city, which was strong on every side, excepting the north,
which was not so well fortified, for there was a broad and deep ditch that
encompassed the city <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The particular depth and breadth of this ditch, whence the stones for the
wall about the temple were probably taken, are omitted in our copies of
Josephus, but set down by Strabo, B. XVI. p. 763; from whom we learn that
this ditch was sixty feet deep, and two hundred and fifty feet broad. However,
its depth is, in the next section, said by Josephus to be immense, which
exactly agrees to Strabo's description, and which numbers in Strabo are
a strong confirmation of the truth of Josephus's description also.</note>
and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed about with
a very strong stone wall.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="58" unit="section" /><p>Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who
did not agree what was to be done in their present circumstances, while
some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's
party exhorted them to shut the gates, because he was kept in prison. Now
these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the
bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide
a siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up both
the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso
with an army, and placed garrisons both in the city and in the palace,
to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and
all those which were more distant and without it. And in the first place,
he offered terms of accommodation to those within; but when they would
not comply with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout
with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but
Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple,
where it was most practicable; but even on that side there were great towers,
and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for
on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which
Pompey had gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by
day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down materials for
it from the places round about. And when this bank was sufficiently raised,
and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its immense depth,
he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing
them on the bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown
against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers,
to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected,
by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law
gives us leave then to defend ourselves against those that begin to fight
with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies
while they do any thing else.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="64" unit="section" /><p>Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we call
Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle
with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engines
into such forwardness, that they might do execution the next day. And any
one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the
observance of his laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from
their sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did still
twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices
on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy accident
happened by the stones that were thrown among them; for although the city
was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That is, on the 23rd of Sivan, the annual fast for the defection and idolatry
of Jeroboam, "who made Israel to sin;" or possibly some other
fast might fall into that month, before and in the days of Josephus.</note>
upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus
Tullius Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut
the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those that
offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by the fear they
were in of their own lives, nor by the number that were already slain,
as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very
altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them. And that
this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety
that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written
of the acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of Damascus];
and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman History, who
will bear witness to this thing. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical, superstitious notion,
that offensive fighting was unlawful to Jews, even under the utmost necessity,
on the Sabbath day, of which we hear nothing before the times of the Maccabees,
was the proper occasion of Jerusalem's being taken by Pompey, by Sosius,
and by Titus, as appears from the places already quoted in the note on
Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 8. sect. 1; which scrupulous superstition, as to the
observation of such a rigorous rest upon the Sabbath day, our Savior always
opposed, when the Pharisaical Jews insisted on it, as is evident in many
places in the New Testament, though he still intimated how pernicious that
superstition might prove to them in their flight from the Romans, Matthew
25:20.</note></p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="69" unit="section" /><p>But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the
towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fortifications,
so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla,
with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius
the centurion, with those that followed on the other part, while Fabius,
who was also a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body
of men after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being
slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who
threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and
burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries they were under. Of the Jews
there fell twelve thousand, but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was
at once both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive;
and no small enormities were committed about the temple itself, which,
in former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went
into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and saw all that
which it was unlawful for any other men to see but only for the high priests.
There were in that temple the golden table, the holy candlestick, and the
pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there
were among the treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did
Pompey touch nothing of all this, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero, who: says, in his oration
for Flaecus, that "Cneius Pompeius, when he was conqueror, and had
taken Jerusalem, did not touch any thing belonging to that temple."</note>
on account of his regard to religion; and in this point also he acted in
a manner that was worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those
that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings
the law required to God; and restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus,
both because he had been useful to him in other respects, and because he
hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristobulus any assistance
in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the authors
of that war; and bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that
mounted the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to
the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants
of Judea had subdued, and put them under the government of the Roman president,
and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before,
within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed, and its restoration by
Pompey, see the note on the War, B. I. ch. 7. sect. 7.</note>
which had been demolished a little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara,
who was his freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and
Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod,
and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants: these were in the inland
parts. Besides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime
cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod
rebuilt after a glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and
changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of freedom,
and joined them to the province of Syria.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="77" unit="section" /><p>Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus
and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we
lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were deprived of
that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were
compelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of
us, in a little time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority,
which was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests,
by the right of their family, became the property of private men. But of
these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed
Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two
Roman legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He
also carried bound along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he
had two daughters, and as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the
younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW SCAURUS MADE A LEAGUE OF MUTUAL ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS;
AND WHAT GABINIUS DID IN JUDEA, AFTER HE HAD CONQUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON
OF ARISTOBULUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="80" unit="section" /><p>SCAURUS made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set
on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty
of access to it. And as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished
him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this
at the command of Hyrcanus. And when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador
by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas
to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country,
and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon
these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which was done as much at Scaurus's
desire, as at the desire of Aretas.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="82" unit="section" /><p>Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made
an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria, as commander
of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particularly
made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus was not yet able to oppose his
power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which
Pompey had overthrown, although the Romans which were there restrained
him from that his design. However, Alexander went over all the country
round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten
thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium,
a fortress near to Corem, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius
therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders,
before. These armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them,
such Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and Malichus;
and they took with them also their friends that were with Antipater, and
met Alexander, while Gabinius himself followed with his legion. Hereupon
Alexander retired to the neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon
one another, and it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew
of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="86" unit="section" /><p>At which time Gabinius <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dean Prideaux well observes, "That notwithstanding the clamor against
Gabinius at Rome, Josephus gives him a able character, as if he had acquitted
himself with honor in the charge committed to him" [in Judea]. See
at the year 55.</note>
came to Alexandrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up
on certain conditions, and promised that then their former offenses should
be forgiven. But as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp
before the fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely,
and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honor.
So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order to take the place, and
he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all
the cities that he met with that had been demolished; at which time were
rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa
also, and Gaza, and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according
to Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities
were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="89" unit="section" /><p>When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to Alexandrium;
and when he urged on the siege of the place, Alexander sent an embassage
to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offenses; he also delivered
up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself
which fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who
was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children
at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he
had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed
the care of the temple to him. And when he had ordained five councils,
he distributed the nation into the same number of parts. So these councils
governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara,
the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris
in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were
governed by an aristocracy.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW GABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOBULUS AFTER HE HAD FLED FROM ROME,
AND SENT HIM BACK TO ROME AGAIN; AND NOW THE SAME GABINIUS AS HE RETURNED
OUT OF EGYPT OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND THE NABATEANS IN BATTLE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="92" unit="section" /><p>NOW Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the rebuilding
of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished. Hereupon Gabinius sent
soldiers against him, add for their commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and
Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country,
and to take him again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus,
on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of
an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem,
who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a great number of those
that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go
to Macherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed; for
they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but
he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as
the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were
beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were
overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about
five thousand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were
able, to save themselves. However, Aristobulus had with him still above
a thousand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and fortified the place;
and though he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs;
but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had
received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his
son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome. And this was the fortune
of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained
in bonds, having been both king and high priest for three years and six
months; and was indeed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However,
the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he
had promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses
to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="98" unit="section" /><p>Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians,
and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved
to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This history is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out of Livy, who says that
"A. Gabinius, the proconsul, restored Ptolemy of Pompey and Gabinius
against the Jews, while neither of them say any thing new which is not
in the other to his kingdom of Egypt, and ejected Archelaus, whom they
had set up for king," &amp;c. See Prid. at the years 61 and 65.</note>
This hath also been related elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his
army, which he sent against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money.
He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and confederates,
and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. But when
he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder, with seditions and
troubles; for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government
a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he
marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he
could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim,
whither they had retreated.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="101" unit="section" /><p>But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater,
who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious, to try whether he
could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better
mind; and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind,
and induced them to do what they ought to do; but he could not restrain
Alexander, for he had an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius,
and joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men
about Mount Tabor.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="103" unit="section" /><p>So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city Jerusalem,
as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went against the Nabateans,
and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner Mithridates
and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report
went abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had performed
great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of war, he
returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus
of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia, both describe the expeditions of
Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews, while neither of them say anything
new which is not in the other.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA, AND PILLAGED THE TEMPLE; AND
THEN MARCHED AGAINST THE PARTHIANS AND PERISHED, WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW
CASSIUS OBTAINED SYRIA, AND PUT A STOP TO THE PARTHIANS AND THEN WENT UP
TO JUDEA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="105" unit="section" /><p>Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians,
came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple, which
Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil
it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He
also took a beam, which was made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of
three hundred minae, each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was
the priest who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was
Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, for he was
a good and a righteous man; but being intrusted with the custody of the
veils belonging to the temple, which were of admirable beauty, and of very
costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when lie saw that Crassus
was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of
the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but
this not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else out
of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him,
being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now this beam was contained in
a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar
alone knew it; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition
of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, and then brake his
oath, and carried away all the gold that was in the temple.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="110" unit="section" /><p>And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our temple,
since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped
God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it,
and this from very ancient times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without
its attestation; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising
it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to
it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: "Mithridates
sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there,
as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews." Now we have
no public money but only what appertains to God; and it is evident that
the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is
not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should
send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants
of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were ill no fear of Mithridates.
And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that
at the same time that Sylla passed over into Greece, in order to fight
against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that
our nation, of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene;
where he speaks thus: "There were four classes of men among those
of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers,
and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities;
and it is hard to find a place in the habitable earth that hath not admitted
this tribe of men, and is not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass
that Egypt and Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number
of other nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies
of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with
them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also. Accordingly,
the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides
what is peculiarly allotted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large
part of that city. There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs
the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts,
and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic.
In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally
Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence,
is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land
adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or rather was
formerly under the same government." And this is what Strabo says.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="119" unit="section" /><p>So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased, he
marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army perished,
as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria,
took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who by reason
of their victory over Crassus made incursions upon it. And as he came back
to Tyre, he went up into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently
took it, and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus,
who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices, and that by the persuasion
of Antipater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that
time in great repute with the Idumeans also: out of which nation he married
a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name
was Cypros, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Hudson observes, that the name of this wife of Antipater in Josephus
was Cypros, as a Hebrew termination, but not Cypris, the Greek name for
Venus, as some critics were ready to correct it.</note>
by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was afterwards made king,
and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter, named Salome. This Antipater
cultivated also a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates,
but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children,
while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and marched
to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been
related by others.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="123" unit="section" /><p>But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and after
Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus
from his bonds, and resolved to send him into Syria, and delivered two
legions to him, that he might set matters right, as being a potent man
in that country. But Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for
from the power that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party
prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's party
buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in honey,
till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and caused him to be buried in
the royal sepulcher. But Scipio, upon Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses
he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his head; and
thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was the
ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took his brethren to him, and sent
his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to
send back with him her son Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which,
whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her,
though afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and
continued to take care of her brethren.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE JEWS BECOME CONFEDERATES WITH CESAR WHEN HE FOUGHT AGAINST
EGYPT. THE GLORIOUS ACTIONS OF ANTIPATER, AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH CAESAR.
THE HONORS WHICH THE JEWS RECEIVED FROM THE ROMANS AND ATHENIANS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="127" unit="section" /><p>NOW after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained
over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, became very useful
to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus;
for when Mithridates of Pergainus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was
not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at
Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews,
armed men. He had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should
come to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians
assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alacrity
for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the
son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities.
So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its
inhabitants would not admit him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized
himself here, and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and
so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by
this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews,
who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not let Antipater and Mithridates,
with their soldiers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come
over with their party, because he was of the same people with them, and
that chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest,
wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and to supply
his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; and
accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same sentiments,
they did as they were desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that
these Jews were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come
to them; so he came and received them also into his army.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="133" unit="section" /><p>And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is called,
he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place called the Jewish
Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when
it came to a fight, that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely
to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his
own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that
opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had
been too hard for him to flight. He also took their camp, and continued
in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted,
and was retired a great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell,
but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle
to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of this victory,
and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then,
and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings;
he happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="137" unit="section" /><p>However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and
was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and confirmed
Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege
of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes every where; and it is reported
by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and
came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this,
when he says thus, in the name of Aslnius: "After Mithridates had
invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews."
Nay, the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of
Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater,
who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and
that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with him,
and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also;
and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this expedition."
This is what Strabo says.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="140" unit="section" /><p>But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar,
and lamented his father's fate; and complained, that it was by Antipater's
means that Aristobulus was taken off by poison, and his brother was beheaded
by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity of him who had been ejected
out of that principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus
and Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering injuries
to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense as to the accusations
that were laid against him. He demonstrated that Antigonus and his party
were given to innovation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar
in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in
his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added,
that Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy
to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to them, and that
his brother had no more than he deserved from Scipio, as being seized in
committing robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him
in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="143" unit="section" /><p>When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus to
be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he himself should
choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator
of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own
city, upon his asking that favor of him, for they had been demolished by
Pompey. And this grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in
the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows: <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take Dr. Hudson's note upon this place, which I suppose to be the truth:
"Here is some mistake in Josephus; for when he had promised us a decree
for the restoration of Jerusalem he brings in a decree of far greater antiquity,
and that a league of friendship and union only. One may easily believe
that Josephus gave order for one thing, and his amanuensis performed another,
by transposing decrees that concerned the Hyrcani, and as deluded by the
sameness of their names; for that belongs to the first high priest of this
name, [John Hyrcanus,] which Josephus here ascribes to one that lived later
[Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander Janneus]. However, the decree which he
proposes to set down follows a little lower, in the collection of Raman
decrees that concerned the Jews and is that dated when Caesar was consul
the fifth time." See ch. 10. sect. 5.</note>
"Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to
the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There
were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of
Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning
the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius, the son of
Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews,
good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill
and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also brought
a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces
of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed both to
the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might
be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore
pleased [the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with
them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to accept
of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year
of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus." Hyreanus
also received honors from the people of Athens, as having been useful to
them on many occasions. And when they wrote to him, they sent him this
decree, as it here follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of
Dionysius, the son of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of
the month Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their commanders,
when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia,
was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the prutaneia,
a council of the presidents was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high
priest, and the fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people.
Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since Hyrcanus, the
son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues to
bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens
in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any
of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion
of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they
are conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies;
it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus,
and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and
that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honor
him with a crown of gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to
erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and
that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater,
in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the
Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and that the commanders
shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his
good-will to us, to return all possible honor and favor to the man for
his affection and generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how
our people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and
he may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honors
we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the
Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and desire him to accept
of the honors we do him, and to endeavor always to be doing some good to
our city." And this shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honors
that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THE CARE OF GALILEE TO HEROD, AND
THAT OF JERUSALEM TO PHASAELUS; AS ALSO HOW HEROD UPON THE JEWS' ENVY AT
ANTIPATER WAS ACCUSED BEFORE HYRCANUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="156" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away.
And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned
to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrown
down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he pacified that tumult which had
been in the country, and this by both threatening and advising them to
be quiet; for that if they would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live
happily, and lead their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment
of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what
might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should
have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant
instead of a king, and the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter enemies
instead of rulers, for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom
they had appointed to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them,
he himself settled the affairs of this country.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="158" unit="section" /><p>And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he made
Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that
were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then
a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Those who will carefully observe the several occasional numbers and chronological
characters in the life and death of this Herod, and of his children, hereafter
noted, will see that twenty-five years, and not fifteen, must for certain
have been here Josephus's own number for the age of Herod, when he was
made governor of Galilee. See ch. 23. sect. 5, and ch. 24. sect. 7; and
particularly Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1, where about forty-four years
afterwards Herod dies an old man at about seventy.</note>
But that youth of his was no impediment to him; but as he was a youth of
great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage;
for finding that there was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers,
who overran the neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them,
he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers
that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians;
for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this
nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So they sung songs in his commendation
in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace, and the secure
enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became
known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was
now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved with
emulation at his actions, and envied the fame be had thereby gotten, and
became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it. So he made
the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-will while he held
the city himself, but did neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse
his authority therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater
such respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake of
if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splendor of
his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in him that kindness
and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="163" unit="section" /><p>But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater
and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them,
and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's
own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted
a friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus
to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended,
and sent it as if it were his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus
heard of this his management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather
was very glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear,
because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous
of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater
openly, and said to him, "How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions
as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have
already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king
which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from
thee, nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself
and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of
thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are
evidently absolute lords; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah,
and those that were with him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which
hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless
he had been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is here worth our while to remark, that none could be put to death in
Judea but by the approbation of the Jewish Sanhedrim, there being an excellent
provision in the law of Moses, that even in criminal causes, and particularly
where life was concerned, an appeal should lie from the lesser councils
of seven in the other cities to the supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusalem;
and that is exactly according to our Savior's words, when he says, "It
could not be that a prophet should perish out of Jerusalem," Luke
13:33.</note>
yet hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any authority
from thee."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="168" unit="section" /><p>Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers also
of those that had been slain by Herod raised his indignation; for those
women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people
that Herod might undergo a trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done.
Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come
to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly he came; but his
father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard,
for the security of his person; and that when he had settled the affairs
of Galilee in the best manner he could for his own advantage, he should
come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security
on his journey, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as
might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not
expose him naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar,
president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod,
and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not
do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod
from suffering any harm from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own
son. But when Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about
him, he aftrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst after
that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody
knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name was Sameas,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This account, as Reland observes, is confirmed by the Talmudists, who call
this Sameas, "Simeon, the son of Shetach."</note>
a righteous man he was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and
said, "O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king,
I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any
one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial
by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he
be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim, presents himself in a submissive
manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavors to
move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning
garment: but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called
to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with
the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his armed men about him,
that if we shall condemn him by our law, he may slay us, and by overbearing
justice may himself escape death. Yet do not I make this complaint against
Herod himself; he is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the
laws; but my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him
a license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great, and that
this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake
of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also."
Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had
received the kingdom, he slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus
himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on account
of his righteousness, and because, when the city was afterward besieged
by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people to admit Herod into it; and
told them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands:
- which things will be related by us in their proper places.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="177" unit="section" /><p>But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were ready
to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to
another day, and sent privately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of
the city, for that by this means he might escape. So he retired to Damascus,
as though he fled from the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar,
and had put his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus;
that in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his trial,
he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of the Sanhedrim had
great indignation at this posture of affairs, and endeavored to persuade
Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters
he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish,
that he was able to do nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general
of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the effect of
what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came and brought an army
along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he bad
been summoned to undergo before the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater,
and his brother [Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting
Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to
do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to
proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity he had: they
also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged
to come to his trial, but to remember withal how he was dismissed without
condemnation, and how he ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and
that he was not to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful
for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is
God that turns the scales of war, there is great uncertainty in the issue
of battles, and that therefore he ought of to expect the victory when he
should fight with his king, and him that had supported him, and bestowed
many benefits upon him, and had done nothing itself very severe to him;
for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not
from himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing
really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these arguments, and believed
that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his
strength before the nation, and done no more to it - and in this state
were the affairs of Judea at this time.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">THE HONORS THAT WERE PAID THE JEWS; AND THE LEAGUES THAT
WERE MADE BY THE ROMANS AND OTHER NATIONS, WITH THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="185" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa
to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him,
and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and
mutual alliance which was between them, And it seems to me to be necessary
here to give an account of all the honors that the Romans and their emperor
paid to our nation, and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made
with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of
Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied
of our courage and fidelity; for whereas many will not believe what hath
been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, because those writings
are not every where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among
us ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no contradiction
to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the
public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven
upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of
brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were
citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what
I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by
Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="190" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator
the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth
greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the army are well.
I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which
concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of
the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that
it be openly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin.
It is as follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high
priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate. Whereas
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity
and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times,
both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and
came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That Hyreanus was himself in Egypt, along with Antipater, at this time,
to whom accordingly the bold and prudent actions of his deputy Antipater
are here ascribed, as this decree of Julius Caesar supposes, we are further
assured by the testimony of Strabo, already produced by Josephus, ch. 8.
sect. 3.</note>
with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates,
showed himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for these
reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be
ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood of the Jews for ever,
according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his sons
be our confederates; and that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned
among our particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain
whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or whatsoever
favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there
arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine
the same. And I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find
us winter quarters, or that any money should be required of them."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="196" unit="section" /><p>"The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been
granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and his children
bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places
to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be sent
to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may
discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance;
and that a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed
in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple,
engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may also be communicated
to the quaestors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends
of the Jews; and that the ambassadors may have presents made them; and
that these decrees be sent every where."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="199" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That
out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for
the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander, both he and his children, be high priests and priests of
Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and according to
the same laws, by which their progenitors have held the priesthood."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="200" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the
Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with walls; and
that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, retain it in the manner he himself pleases; and that the Jews be
allowed to deduct out of their tribute, every second year the land is let
[in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute
they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="202" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That
all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for
the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the sabbatical
year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor
do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the
second year [of that sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown:
and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons
which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president,
nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries within the bounds of
Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them for winter quarters, or under
any other pretense; but that they be free from all sorts of injuries; and
that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or
have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the
city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship
with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it. formerly did; and that Hyrcanus,
the son of Alexander, and his sons, have as tribute of that city from those
that occupy the land for the country, and for what they export every year
to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year,
the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted, whereon
they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also
the pleasure of the senate, that as to the villages which are in the great
plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus
and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly
had them also; and that the same original ordinances remain still in force
which concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they
enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the concession
of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges
in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch,
and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and villages which belonged
to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and
which they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted
to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent to us,
that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts,
they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they
desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator,
or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their
answers shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the decree
of the senate is made about their affairs."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="211" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Cqesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul
the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning
the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Hudson justly supposes that the Roman imperators, or generals of armies,
meant both here and sect. 2, who gave testimony to Hyrcanus's and the Jews'
faithfulness and goodwill to the Romans before the senate and people of
Rome, were principally Pompey, Scaurus, and Gabinius ;of all whom Josephus
had already given us the history, so far as the Jews were concerned with
them.</note>
that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus,
the high priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before
the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their
thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide
that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to
the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably
to what good-will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have bestowed
upon us."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>"Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos,
and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors,
signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use
of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. Now
it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends
and confederates, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their
own customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals,
while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius
Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the
Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet permit these Jews, and these
only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers.
Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews
to gather themselves together, according to the customs and laws of their
forefathers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you,
that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates,
to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards
us."</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="217" unit="section" /><p>Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolabella
were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's
ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league
of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they
desired. I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work
may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The
decree was this:</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="219" unit="section" /><p>"The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from
the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and
Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the
first class, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the temple of
Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius
Piso of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe,
Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius
Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavius, the son of
Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius Platins, the son of Publius, of
the Papyrian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe,
Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus
Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius.
Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made this reference
to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate,
Caius Caesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that
decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the
desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these
decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors,
that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. This was
done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the temple of Concord.
Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high priest were these: Lysimachus,
the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son
of Chereas, and Jonathan the, son of Onias."</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="223" unit="section" /><p>Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who was
then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military
services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and
to permit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received
Hyrcanus's letter, without any further deliberation, he sent an epistle
to all the Asiatics, and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the
metropolis of Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="225" unit="section" /><p>"When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month
Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and people
of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the
ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch
of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could not
go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms or to travel
on the sabbath days, nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food
which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers; -
I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former
prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathers,
in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law
requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my
will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction."</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation
when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the consul's decree
ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens
of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus,
free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are
under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when
Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus
Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe;
of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus
Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus;
of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Bracchus
the military tribune; of Publius Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of
the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentins, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine
tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor
to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.
Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into
the armies, at my intercession for them; and when I had made the same petition
some time afterward to Phanius the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the
vice-quaestor, I obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is,
that you take care that no one give them any disturbance."</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="230" unit="section" /><p>The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when
Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While
Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over
the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens,
and gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are Roman citizens,
no one is to give them any disturbance about going into the army, because
Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army,
on account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore obliged
to submit to the praetor." And the like decree was made by the Sardians
about us also.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="231" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to
the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know that the
ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have
those decrees which the senate had made about them; which decrees are here
subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these
men, according to the senate's decree, that they may be safely conveyed
home through your country."</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="233" unit="section" /><p>The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: "I have dismissed
those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me to have their religious
rites, and to observe the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the
superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of
the calends of October."</p>
<milestone n="17" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="234" unit="section" /><p>"Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-praetor,
to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting.
Those Jews that are our fellow citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated
that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their
forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own,
wherein they determined their suits and controversies with one another.
Upon their petition therefore to me, that these might be lawful for them,
I gave order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted
to do accordingly."</p>
<milestone n="18" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="235" unit="section" /><p>The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of Marcus,
the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We went to
the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida
of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would dismiss those
Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the
Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Accordingly,
he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends
of October."</p>
<milestone n="19" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="236" unit="section" /><p>"In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius Mercellus
were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus,
lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe,
Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius
Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune,
of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of Publius, of
the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a milital tribune,
of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, the son of Sextus, of the
Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe,
Titus Appius Menander, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the
son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline
tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the
presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before
the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed
to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition
they are under."</p>
<milestone n="20" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="241" unit="section" /><p>"The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son
of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador of Hyrcanus
the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets
us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the high priest
of the Jews, and brought an epistle written concerning their nation, wherein
they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and
other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that
they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates,
and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians
there present contradicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees,
yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informedst
us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore,
in obedience to the injunctions we have received from thee, have received
the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among
our public records. And as to the other things about which thou didst send
to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us."</p>
<milestone n="21" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="244" unit="section" /><p>"Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe,
the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Mileslans,
sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came
to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that
you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them
to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from
their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their
ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree,
according as your laws require: I would therefore have you know, that upon
hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should
not be prohibited to make use of their own customs."</p>
<milestone n="22" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="247" unit="section" /><p>The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis,
on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the praetors was this:
Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers
for the common safety of all mankind, and are ambitious to settle their
confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace, and since the
nation of the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors
to them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander,
and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the son of Amyntas, and
Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular
account of their affairs, the senate thereupon made a decree about what
they had desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus,
should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that
the fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he
had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful
for them to export their goods out of their own havens; and that no king
nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country
of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy,
the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that,
according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be ejected.
Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order
that we should take care that these things should be done according to
the senate's decree; and that we should take care also that their ambassadors
might return home in safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our
senate and assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the
decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews,
and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor
to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him,
we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves,
that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every
thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus
also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they would
send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to signify to
him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve
and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits
upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper requitals from us; and desiring
them to remember that our ancestors <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We have here a most remarkable and authentic attestation of the citizens
of Pergamus, that Abraham was the father of all the Hebrews; that their
own ancestors were, in the oldest times, the friends of those Hebrews;
and that the public arts of their city, then extant, confirmed the same;
which evidence is too strong to be evaded by our present ignorance of the
particular occasion of such ancient friendship and alliance between those
people. See the like full evidence of the kindred of the Lacedemonians
and the Jews; and that became they were both of the posterity of Abraham,
by a public epistle of those people to the Jews, preserved in the First
Book of the Maccabees, 12:19-23; and thence by Josephus, Antiq. B. XII.
ch. 4 sect. 10; both which authentic records are highly valuable. It is
also well worthy of observation, what Moses Chorenensis, the principal
Armenian historian, informs us of, p. 83, that Arsaces, who raised the
Parthian empire, was of the :seed of Abraham by Chetura; and that thereby
was accomplished that prediction which said, "Kings of nations shall
proceed from thee," Genesis 17:6.</note>
were friendly to the Jews even in the days of Abraham, who was the father
of all the Hebrews, as we have [also] found it set down in our public records."</p>
<milestone n="23" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="256" unit="section" /><p>The decree of those of Halicarnassus. "When Memnon, the son
of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the
* * * day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation
of Marcus Alexander, was this: Since we have ever a great regard to piety
towards God, and to holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of
the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written
to us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the Jews
and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and
assemblies may be observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men and
women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths,
and perform their holy offices, according to Jewish laws; and may make
their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers;
and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person, hindereth
them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the
uses of the city."</p>
<milestone n="24" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>The decree of the Sardians. "This decree was made by the senate
and people, upon the representation of the praetors: Whereas those Jews
who are fellow citizens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great
benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate,
and desired of the people, that upon the restitution of their law and their
liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together,
according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any
suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they
may have their congregations, with their wives and children, and may offer,
as did their forefathers, their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the
senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the
days formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that
such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and
inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose; and that
those that take care of the provision for the city, shall take care that
such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating may be imported
into the city."</p>
<milestone n="25" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="262" unit="section" /><p>The decree of the Ephesians. "When Menophilus was prytanis,
on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by the people:
Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of
the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this city have petitioned Marcus
Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed
to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs
of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath
granted their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people,
that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be
hindered from keeping the sabbath day, nor be fined for so doing, but that
they may be allowed to do all things according to their own laws."</p>
<milestone n="26" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="265" unit="section" /><p>Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of
the Romans <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">If we compare Josephus's promise in sect. 1, to produce all the public
decrees of the Romans in favor of the Jews, with his excuse here for omitting
many of them, we may observe, that when he came to transcribe all those
decrees he had collected, he found them so numerous, that he thought he
should too much tire his readers if he had attempted it, which he thought
a sufficient apology for his omitting the rest of them; yet do those by
him produced afford such a strong confirmation to his history, and give
such great light to even the Roman antiquities themselves, that I believe
the curious are not a little sorry for such his omissions.</note>
and those different from these before us, which have been made in favor
of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as also, there have been more decrees of
the cities, and rescripts of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned
our rights and privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to
what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by
the specimens which we have inserted; for since we have produced evident
marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans,
and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables
of brass in the capitol, that axe still in being, and preserved to this
day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable;
for I cannot suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship
we have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same by such
a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of
our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same
in those we have produced, And thus have we sufficiently explained that
friendship and confederacy we at those times had with the Romans.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW MARCUS, SUCCEEDED SEXTUS WHEN HE HAD BEEN SLAIN BY BASSUS'S
TREACHERY; AND HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF CAESAR, CASSIUS CAME INTO SYRIA,
AND DISTRESSED JUDEA; AS ALSO HOW MALICHUS SLEW ANTIPATER AND WAS HIMSELF
SLAIN BY HEROD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="268" unit="section" /><p>NOW it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of Syria
were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following: Cecilius Bassus,
one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Ceasar,
and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public
affairs into his own hand; so there arose a great war about Apamia, while
Ceasar's generals came against him with an army of horsemen and footmen;
to these Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling
to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that account
he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance
on the man that had murdered him. And as the war was drawn out into a great
length, Marcus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">For Marcus, this president of Syria, sent as successor to Sextus Caesar,
the Roman historians require us to read "Marcus" in Josephus,
and this perpetually, both in these Antiquities, and in his History of
the Wars, as the learned generally agree.</note>
came from Rome to take Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain
by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government
three years and six months. This fact however, is related elsewhere.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="271" unit="section" /><p>As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun, and
the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise
armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army
that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and having raised the siege, he brought
over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities,
and got together weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those
cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred
talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation
and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his
two sons to gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus,
who was ill-disposed to him, and part by others. And because Herod did
exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the
greatest favor with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate
a friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the expense
of others; whereas the curators of the other cities, with their citizens,
were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four cities into a state of slavery,
the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these,
Lydia and Thamna. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had
killed him, (for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater,
sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby pacified his anger against
him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="277" unit="section" /><p>But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares for
Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the preservation of Hyrcanus's
government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which when he
perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of
Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. However, Malichus, being one of
great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his
defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that while
Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war
in his custody, he could never have a thought of any such thing. So Antipater,
perceiving the distress that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and
made an agreement with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria;
who yet perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea,
proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the intercession
of Antipater, he saved him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="280" unit="section" /><p>However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he had
saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an
army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general
of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army
of horsemen and footmen; and promised him, that after the war was over
they would make him king of Judea; for a war was already begun between
Antony and the younger Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater,
he took him out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler
of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison.
This being done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs
of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted
with this conspiracy against their father, and had indignation at it, Malichus
denied all, and utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus
died Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice,
and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately
to revenge their father's death, and was coming upon Malichus with an army
for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather
to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to
begin a civil war in the country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense
for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand in the
violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for
him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found them in great distress,
he revived their spirits, and composed their differences.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="285" unit="section" /><p>However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival,
came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon Malichus was aftrighted,
and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyrcanus
complied; and, for a pretense of excluding him, alleged, that a rout of
strangers ought not to be admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves.
But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and
entered the city in the night time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet did he
remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Antipater, and
bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice; but Herod and his friends
though, it proper not openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to
give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion
of them.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="288" unit="section" /><p>However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder of
his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to his morals,
sent him back word that he should revenge his father's death; and also
sent privately to the commanders of his army at Tyre, with orders to assist
Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. Now when Cassius had
taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him garlands
and money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he was
there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and designed to make
some great attempt, and because his son was then a hostage at Tyre, he
went to that city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to march
thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in haste to march against Antony,
he thought to bring the country to revolt, and to procure the government
for himself. But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd
man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither beforehand
a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said
before that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the commanders
of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus, with their daggers.
So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and
there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened,
that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered
himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew
Malichus; and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius,
he commended the action; for that Malichus was a very wicked man, and one
that conspired against his own country. And this was the punishment that
was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="294" unit="section" /><p>But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in
Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden
attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; but
Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run
to his brother's assistance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized
upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had been too hard for Felix, and had
shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him.
Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a
great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies; for Malichus's
brother had made many places to revolt, and kept garrisons in them, and
particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time,
Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the
places he bad gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HEROD EJECTS ANTIGONUS, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS OUT OF JUDEA,
AND GAINS THE FRIENDSHIP OF ANTONY, WHO WAS NOW COME INTO SYRIA, BY SENDING
HIM MUCH MONEY; ON WHICH ACCOUNT HE WOULD NOT ADMIT OF THOSE THAT WOULD
HAVE ACCUSED HEROD: AND WHAT IT WAS THAT ANTONY WROTE TO THE TYRIANS IN
BEHALF .</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="297" unit="section" /><p>NOW <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">In this and the following chapters the reader will easily remark, how truly
Gronovius observes, in his notes on the Roman decrees in favor of the Jews,
that their rights and privileges were commonly purchased of the Romans
with money. Many examples of this sort, both as to the Romans and others
in authority, will occur in our Josephus, both now and hereafter, and need
not be taken particular notice of on the several occasions in these notes.
Accordingly, the chief captain confesses to St. Paul that "with a
great sum he had obtained his freedom," Acts 22:28; as had St. Paul's
ancestors, very probably, purchased the like freedom for their family by
money, as the same author justly concludes also.</note>
Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea Antigonus, the son
of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made
Fabius to be his friend, add this because he was of kin to him. Marion
also gave him assistance. He had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over
Tyre; for this Cussiris was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it
under, in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which
lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and put garrisons
into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but
the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner; nay, to some of
the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city.
When he had despatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he
joined battle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently,
when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to Jerusalem,
Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head; for he had already
contracted an affinity with the family of Hyrcanus by having espoused a
descendant of his, and for that reason Herod took the greater care of him,
as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add
the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of three
male and two female children. He had also married before this another wife,
out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom
he had his eldest son Antipater.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="301" unit="section" /><p>Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others
have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul, [Italy,] and
Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors
that met him from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither,
to accuse Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the
appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but Antony
paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defense against
his accusers, on which account his adversaries could not so much as obtain
a hearing; which favor Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still,
when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation,
sent an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and
desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those
Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their
having fought against him, and to restore them that country, which, in
the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony thought the Jews'
desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews.
He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of
which were to the same purpose.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="306" unit="section" /><p>"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it is well;
I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and
Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Theodorus, your
ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embassage which they
had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves
of the present embassage, which thou and thy nation have intrusted to them,
and have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. I am therefore satisfied,
both by your actions and your words, that you are well-disposed to us;
and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious: so
I reckon upon you as our own. But when those that were adversaries to you,
and to the Roman people, abstained neither from cities nor temples, and
did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only
on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common,
that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great
injustice towards men, and of great wickedness towards the gods; for the
sake of which we suppose it was that the sun turned away his light from
us, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This clause plainly alludes to that well-known but unusual and very long
darkness of the sun which happened upon the :murder of Julius Cesar by
Brutus and Cassius, which is greatly taken notice of by Virgil, Pliny,
and other Roman authors. See Virgil's Georgics, B. I., just before the
end; and Pliny's Nat. Hist. B. IL ch. 33.</note>
as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of
Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the
gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it is a climate peculiarly
proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused
rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together at
Philippi in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper
for their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to
the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a single gate.
This victory we gained, because the gods had condemned those men for their
wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was
shut up by us, and became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius;
and now these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy
peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We therefore
make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also,
insomuch that the body of Asia is now recovered out of that distemper it
was under by the means of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both
thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage.
I have also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any
persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the spear by
Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be set free. And I
will that you kindly make use of the favors which I and Dolabella have
granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you; and
for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them.
I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="314" unit="section" /><p>"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, the high
priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at Ephesus, and told
me that you are in possession of part of their country, which you entered
upon under the government of our adversaries. Since, therefore, we have
undertaken a war for the obtaining the government, and have taken care
to do what was agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment
those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had received,
nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that
are our confederates; as also, that what you have taken by the means of
our adversaries shall not be reckoned your own, but be returned to those
from whom you took them; for none of them took their provinces or their
armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed
them by violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings.
Since, therefore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we
desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they formerly
possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which
belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though
it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against
us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any force against him,
in order to weaken him, that he may not be able to dispose of that which
is his own; but if you have any contest with him about your respective
rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause when we come upon
the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all
the causes of our confederates."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="319" unit="section" /><p>"Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I
will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public tables, in Roman
and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places,
that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate
over the public affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in
this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not
to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates,
and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews that was in friendship with the
Roman people, as in war; and since we have overcome his madness by arms,
we now correct by our decrees and judicial determinations what he hath
laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confederates. And
as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies
or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom
they were originally in, and the possessions to their former owners. I
also will that he who shall not comply with this decree of mine shall be
punished for his disobedience; and if such a one be caught, I will take
care that the offenders suffer condign punishment."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="323" unit="section" /><p>The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians,
and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for
futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great
concern about our nation.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ANTONY MADE HEROD AND PHASAELUS TETRARCHS, AFTER THEY
HAD BEEN ACCUSED TO NO PURPOSE; AND HOW THE PARTHIANS WHEN THEY BROUGHT
ANTIGONUS INTO JUDEA TOOK HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS CAPTIVES. HEROD'S FLIGHT;
AND WHAT AFFLICTIONS HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS ENDURED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="324" unit="section" /><p>WHEN after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia,
and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came now also a hundred
of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and
set the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But Messala
contradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all this in the presence
of Hyrcanus, who was Herod's father-in-law <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may here take notice that espousals alone were of old esteemed a sufficient
foundation for affinity, Hyrcanus being here called father-in-law to Herod
because his granddaughter Mariarune was betrothed to him, although the
marriage was not completed till four years afterwards. See Matthew 1:16.</note>
already. When Antony had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus
who they were that governed the nation best. He replied, Herod and his
friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he
had made with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with Gabinius,
he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public affairs
of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen
of their adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained
their pardon.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="327" unit="section" /><p>Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but
a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there, whither the report
was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod
and his brother had given him; and so he gave order to the governor of
the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations,
and to settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to
them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore before
the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief
would befall them if they went on with their accusation. But they did not
acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew
some, and wounded more of them, and the rest fled away and went home, and
lay still in great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against
Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="330" unit="section" /><p>Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and
Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria.
Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took
his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son
of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander,
who had great interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians
a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they would take
the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill
Herod. And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did
the Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried
Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander
Barzapharnes through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus, but
the Sidontans and those of Ptolemais received him. However, Pacorus sent
a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country,
and to assist Antigonus; and sent also the king's butler, of the same name
with himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus,
and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to get some
part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi; and
when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem;
and when some more were come to them, they got together in great numbers,
and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's
and Herod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and
pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining
houses to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should support
them, were burnt, and the houses with them, by the people who rose up against
them. But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little
afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought with them,
and slew a great number of them.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="337" unit="section" /><p>But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for the coming
of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so called;
and when that day was come, many ten thousands of the people were gathered
together about the temple, some in armor, and some without. Now those that
came guarded both the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the
palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had
the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men, sallied out
upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and put
many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into
the temple, and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifications
there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was
Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted
into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if
he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining
the government. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus
persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done
fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm, complied with
his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent to what was done, because
of the perfidiousness of these barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather
to fight those that were come into the city.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="342" unit="section" /><p>So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but Pacorus
left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who were called the
<emph>freemen</emph>, and conducted the others on their journey; and when they
were in Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their arms.
Barzaphanles also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made
them presents, though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus,
with his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard
that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and
five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion
of the barbarians. Moreover, there was one who informed them that snares
were laid for them by night, while a guard came about them secretly; and
they had then been seized upon, had not they waited for the seizure of
Herod by the Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter
of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and escape
out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they were now in;
and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some persons indeed would
have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and not
stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who, above all the rest,
was earnest with him to do so; for he had heard of this treachery from
Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised
to provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them. But
he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into danger; but
he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act justly when he made
such a contrivance against them; for that if he wanted money, he would
give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that it was a horrible thing
to slay those that came to him upon the security of their oaths, and that
when they had done them no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that
there was no truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with
nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="348" unit="section" /><p>But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus
and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their
perjury; However, that butler who was sent against Herod had it in command
to get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him; but messengers
had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the
Parthians. And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went
to Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord of
the rest, who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled with him
in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out with them before the
walls, and meet those which were bringing him his letters, for that they
were not taken by his adversaries, but were coming to give him an account
of the good success Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what
they said; for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others
also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was
his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more suspicious
of the Parthians; for although other people did not give heed to her, yet
did he believe her as a woman of very great wisdom.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="352" unit="section" /><p>Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to be done;
for they did not think it proper to make an open attempt upon a person
of his character; and while they put off the determination to the next
day, Herod was under great disturbance of mind, and rather inclining to
believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians, than
to give heed to what was said on the other side, he determined, that when
the evening came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make
any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain.
He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him; and set his
wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and sister, and her whom he
was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and
all their servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and
without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could any enemy
of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted, but would have
commiserated his fortune, while the women drew along their infant children
and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in
their eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what
was of a melancholy nature.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="355" unit="section" /><p>But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state
he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his misfortunes; and
as he passed along, he bid them every one to be of good cheer, and not
to give themselves up to sorrow, because that would hinder them in their
flight, which was now the only hope of safety that they had. Accordingly,
they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted
them to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the overthrow
of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of being killed; and
this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because
he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should overtake him in the
pursuit: but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith,
those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were
too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert them, and leave
them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man
to free himself from the distresses he was in, and to overlook his friends
that were in the same distresses also. So he was compelled to let that
horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and
partly out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit
him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took all the
care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed
to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And
as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as attacked him and
pursued him, he was conqueror in them all.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="359" unit="section" /><p>Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight;
for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the city, and was
upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him, whom
he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress
and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and
had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame
the Jews it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace,
and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. And when he was come
to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph met him, and he
then held a council to take advice about all his affairs, and what was
fit to be done in his circumstances, since he had a great multitude that
followed him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and the place Masada, whither
he proposed to fly, was too small to contain so great a multitude; so he
sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and
bid them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves in
Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their journey.
But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most
intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives
and his followers, being eight hundred in number, there being in the place
a sufficient quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went
directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered
all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from nothing but Hyrcanus's
money, which was three hundred talents. A great deal of Herod's money escaped,
and principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into
Idumea beforehand; nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians,
but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the
city Marissa.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="365" unit="section" /><p>And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of the
Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his prisoners; but he
was greatly cast down because the women had escaped, whom he intended to
have given the enemy, as having promised they should have them, with the
money, for their reward: but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under
the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the
multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the high priesthood
should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law
required that this dignity should belong to none but such as had all their
members entire <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This law of Moses, that the priests were to be "without blemish,"
as to all the parts of their bodies, is in Leviticus 21:17-24</note>
But now one cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who, perceiving
that he was to be put to death, did not think death any terrible thing
at all; but to die thus by the means of his enemy, this he thought a most
pitiable and dishonorable thing; and therefore, since he had not his hands
at liberty, but the bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself
thereby, he dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took away
his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in such
a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy
to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also reported, that when he
had made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it,
and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, killed him. However,
Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his
brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death cheerfully, since
he now left behind him one who would revenge his death, and who was able
to inflict punishment on his enemies.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD GOT AWAY FROM THE KING OF ARABIA AND MADE HASTE
TO GO INTO EGYPT AND THENCE WENT AWAY IN HASTE ALSO TO ROME; AND HOW, BY
PROMISING A GREAT DEAL OF MONEY TO ANTONY HE OBTAINED OF THE SENATE AND
OF CAESAR TO BE MADE KING OF THE JEWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="370" unit="section" /><p>AS for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage him,
but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went
to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in
order to receive somewhat by way of requital, now he was in more than ordinary
want of it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way
of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received
from him; for not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste
to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three
hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also took with him
the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven years of age, for this
very reason, that he might be a hostage for the repayment of the money.
But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired
to be gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain
Herod. This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not
be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further induced
to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they might cheat him of
what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had
committed to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to
be troublesome to them by his coning thither, but that he desired only
to discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest
importance.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="374" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road
to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had
left a great many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura,
and there it was that he heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malehus
soon repented of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with
no manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and made
haste into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary ships that lay
there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains,
by whose assistance, and that out of much reverence of and great regard
to him, he was conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there
by Cleopatra; yet was she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because
he was making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he
was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and in great
disorder.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="377" unit="section" /><p>So he set sail from thence to <placeName key="tgn,7002611" authname="tgn,7002611">Pamphylia</placeName>, and falling into a violent
storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's
burden; and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus,
met with him; and as he found that city very much damaged in the war against
Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, he neglected not to do it
a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He
also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends,
for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he was come from
thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea,
and how Phasaelus his brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to
death by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive by them, and how they
had made Antigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less
than a thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the
principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off
the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he
had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also, that his own relations were
in danger of being besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through a
storm, and contemned all these terrible dangers of it, in order to come,
as soon as possible, to him, who was his hope and only succor at this time.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="381" unit="section" /><p>This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened
in Herod's condition; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time when he was first made
king at Rome, and concerning the time when he began his second reign, without
a rival, upon the conquest and slaughter of Antigonus, both principally
derived from this and the two next chapters in Josephus, see the note on
sect. 6, and ch. 15. sect. 10.</note>
and reasoning with himself that this was a common case among those that
are placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations
that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he
desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had with
Antipater because Herod offered him money to make him king, as he had formerly
given it him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to
Antigonus; for he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the
Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to
give him his assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of
war which he had himself undergone with Antipater his father in Egypt,
and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the kindness he had
always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for
Herod. So a senate was convocated; and Messala first, and then Atratinus,
introduced Herod into it, and enlarged upon the benefits they had received
from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to
the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him
an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he
had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians.
Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony informed them further, that
it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king.
This seemed good to all the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="386" unit="section" /><p>And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for Herod,
that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not expect, (for he
did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he
did not suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some
of the royal family, but intended to desire it for his wife's brother,
who was grandson by his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,)
but that he procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did
not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in all. This
young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we
shall show in its proper place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony
and Caesar went out of the senate house with Herod between them, and with
the consuls and other magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices,
and to lay up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the
first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the kingdom, having
obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius
Calvinus was consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first
time].</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="390" unit="section" /><p>All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who
had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of water <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This grievous want of water at Masada, till the place had like to have
been taken by the Parthians, (mentioned both here, and Of the War, B. I.
ch. 15. sect. 1,) is an indication that it was now summer time.</note>
insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was contriving
to run away from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabians;
for he had heard that Malchus repented of the offenses he had been guilty
of with regard to Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented
his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under
no necessity of running away on that account; but they were now of good
courage, and the more so, because the sending that plenty of water which
they had been in want of seemed a mark of Divine Providence; so they made
a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some
openly, with some privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At
the same time Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria,
to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, in
pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the whole affair was no
more than a stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitched
their camp very near to Jerusalem, and stripped Antigonus of a great deal
of money, and then he retired himself with the greater part of the army;
but, that the wickedness he had been guilty of might be found out, he left
Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus
cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause him no disturbance, and
was still in hopes that the Parthians would come again and defend him.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD SAILED OUT OF ITALY TO JUDEA, AND FOUGHT WITH ANTIGONUS
AND WHAT OTHER THINGS HAPPENED IN JUDEA ABOUT THAT TIME.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="394" unit="section" /><p>BY this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had
gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen,
and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo also, and Ventidius,
came and assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony
to assist in bringing back Herod. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in
composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means
of the Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by
Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every day, and
all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but as he was to those
that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to endeavor to save those that
were in that fortress now they were besieged, because they were his relations,)
Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that
place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong hold
might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem.
And when Silo made this a pretense for rising up from Jerusalem, and was
thereupon pursued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of
men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly
able to defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to
set free those of his family that were in Masada. Now of the people of
the country, some joined him because of the friendship they had had with
his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others
by way of requital for the benefits they had received from both of them;
but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him
afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="399" unit="section" /><p>Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid
snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for them; but
in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy. So Herod received
those of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went
on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with Silo accompanied him
all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power; and
as soon as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers
that were set to guard that part shot their arrows and threw their darts
at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight hand to
hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave orders that they should,
in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he came for
the good of the people, and for the preservation of the city, and not to
bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget
the offenses which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus,
by way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before
the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not do justly, if
they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and
an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This affirmation of Antigonus, spoken in the days of Herod, and in a manner
to his face, that he was an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, seems to me of much
greater authority than that pretense of his favorite and flatterer Nicolaus
of Damascus, that he derived his pedigree from Jews as far backward as
the Babylonish captivity, ch. 1. sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always esteems
him an Idumean, though he says his father Antipater was of the same people
with the Jews, ch. viii. sect. 1. and by birth a Jew, Antiq. B. XX. ch.
8. sect. 7; as indeed all such proselytes of justice, as the Idumeans,
were in time esteemed the very same people with the Jews.</note>
whereas they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their custom
was; for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to him, and had
resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having received it from the
Parthians, yet were there many others of his family that might by their
law take it, and these such as had no way offended the Romans; and being
of the sacerdotal family, it would be an unworthy thing to put them by.
Now while they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another
on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall
to defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great alacrity
against their enemies, easily drove them away from the towers.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="406" unit="section" /><p>And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes; for
he set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the want of provisions
they were in, and to require money to buy them food; and that it was fit
to let them go into places proper for winter quarters, since the places
near the city were a desert, by reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried
all away; so he set the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away;
but Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and
soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the senate had
sent him thither, for that he would provide them plenty of all the things
they wanted, and easily procure them a great abundance of what they required;
after which entreaty, he immediately went out into the country, and left
not the least pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected
quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who inhabited
about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all
other provisions, to Jericho, that those might be no want of a supply for
the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and
sent presently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush
for those that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders
of Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men about Jericho,
and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that brought the provisions.
However, Herod was not idle in the mean time, for he took ten bands of
soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some
mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho;
and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had
settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children,
those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered
it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king
left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army
to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him,
Judea, and Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo
for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at
Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their weapons aside,
and lived in plenty of all things.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="413" unit="section" /><p>But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother
Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred
horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his
other relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went
into Galilee, to take certain places which were held by the garrisons of
Antigonus; and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's
garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of provisions. He also
went thence, and resolved to destroy those robbers that dwelt in the caves,
and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and
three companies of armed footmen, against them. They were very near to
a village called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself
with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the
left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put
those to flight who were already conquerors, and recalled his men that
ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as
the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So he brought
over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed
money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae
apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters;
at which time Silo came to him, and his commanders with him, because Antigonus
would not give them provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no
more than one month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered
them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to the mountains,
that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so might perish
by famine. But Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his
youngest brother, and ordered him to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly,
he quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and
rebuilt Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="420" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that Antony continued some time at Athens,
and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo, and commanded
him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present war, and
then to send for their confederates for the war they were themselves engaged
in; but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that were in
the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidius, while he marched against them.
These caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their
middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves,
and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the
robbers lie concealed, with all their families about them; but the king
caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, and to be hung
down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain,
it being not possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent
of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Now these chests
were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by which
they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble them down, and
kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter
of great danger, because of the vast depth they were to be let down, although
they had their provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests
were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come
near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their
armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by which the chests
were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted
that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves;
and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those
that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to
them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down the precipices,
and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went
into their chests again, and lay still there; but, upon this, terror seized
the rest, when they heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired
of escaping. However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole
work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as delivered
themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The same method of assault
was made use of the next day; and they went further, and got out in baskets
to fight them, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire among them,
and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible
matter within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one
of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him to give
them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood
at the cave's mouth, and always slew that child of his who went out, till
he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast
their dead bodies down the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent
death rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly reproached
Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was then king. Herod
also saw what he was doing, and stretched out his hand, and offered him
all manner of security for his life; by which means all these caves were
at length subdued entirely.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="431" unit="section" /><p>And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country
as his general, he went to Samaria, with six hundred horsemen, and three
thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight Antigonus. But still this
command of the army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, but those that had
been troublesome to Galilee before attacked him, and slew him; and when
they had done this, they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible
laying waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those places.
But Herod soon returned, and punished them for what they had done; for
some of these rebels he slew, and others of them, who had fled to the strong
holds he besieged, and both slew them, and demolished their strong holds.
And when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon
the cities of a hundred talents.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="434" unit="section" /><p>In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians
were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assistance of Herod,
with two legions, and a thousand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him
to make haste. But Macheras, at the instigation of Antigonus, without the
approbation of Herod, as being corrupted by money, went about to take a
view of his affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming,
did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with throwing
stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant. But when Macheras
was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, and that he had made
a mistake himself in not hearkening to that advice, he retired to the city
Emmaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, whether they were enemies
or friends, out of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone.
The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and
resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that he
stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more mischief than they did
his enemies; and that he was able of himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras
followed him, and desired that he would not go to Antony; or if he was
resolved to go, that he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let
them fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his
earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his army, but
charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="439" unit="section" /><p>But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at the
siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops, both horsemen
and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when he came to Antioch, and
met there a great number of men gotten together that were very desirous
to go to Antony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear, because the
barbarians fell upon men on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them,
and became their conductor upon the road. Now when they were within two
days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there to disturb
those that came to Antony, and where the woods made the passes narrow,
as they led to the plains, there they laid not a few of their horsemen,
who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide
place. Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought
on the rear,) those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell
upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight,
the king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and immediately
drove back the enemy; by which means he made the minds of his own men courageous,
and imboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before now
returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also
went on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a
great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his
march; and whereas there were a great number of those in the woods that
attacked them, and were near the passage that led into the plain, he made
a sally upon these also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight,
and slew many of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that
came after; and these called Herod their savior and protector.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="445" unit="section" /><p>And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in all
their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect,
and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what attacks
the barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see
him there, as having been made acquainted with the great actions he had
performed upon the road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not
but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him,
and saluted him after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the upper
hand, as having himself lately made him a king; and in a little time Antiochus
delivered up the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end;
then Antony committed the rest to Sosius, and gave him orders to assist
Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions
before into Judea to the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with
the body of the army.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="448" unit="section" /><p>Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following:
He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him when he went to Antony;
and when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Macheras had
lent him five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in :order
to reap the corn thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but
newly raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part collected
out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places
of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the
whole army was lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus
had got possession of the dead bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although
Pheroras his brother would have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents.
After which defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took
those of Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great part
of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras fortified the place Gitta [in
Samaria].</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="451" unit="section" /><p>At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of what
had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him
of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother; which yet he expected,
from certain visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly
foreshowed his brother's death. So he hastened his march; and when he came
to Mount Libanus, he received about eight hundred of the men of that place,
having already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to
Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night with his army, and proceeded
along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and
were beaten, and shut up in the same place of strength whence they had
sallied out the day before. So he attacked the place in the morning; but
by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, he was able to do
nothing, but drew off his army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon
as the other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance, those
that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the
night time. Then did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge
himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when he had
pitched his tents, he made a feast for the principal commanders; and after
this collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired to
his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had for the king,
for the upper part of the house fell down when nobody was in it, and so
killed none, insomuch that all the people believed that Herod was beloved
of God, since he had escaped such a great and surprising danger.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="456" unit="section" /><p>But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the tops
of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them; and
the soldiers that were in light armor came near, and pelted the king's
guards that were come out with darts and stones, and one of them hit him
on the side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria,
whose name was Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy
how potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He
sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five cities,
took such as were left in them, being about two thousand, and slew them,
and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to go against Pappus,
who was encamped at a village called Isanas; and there ran in to him many
out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell
upon his men, so stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them,
but he beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for
the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them
as they ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers of Herod could
not have gotten upon the tops of these houses which were full of enemies,
in order to pull up the upper floors, and destroy them beneath, but by
ladders from the out side; which illustrates some texts in the New Testament,
by which it appears that men used to ascend thither by ladders on the outsides.
See Matthew 24:17; Mark 13:15; Luke 5:19; 17:31.</note>
and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under
his power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms
full of soldiers that were caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw
stones down upon them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed
them; nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than this,
where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one
upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the
enemy, who expected now what would come; for there appeared a mighty number
of people that came from places far distant, that were now about the village,
but then ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then
restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being
very courageous at this good success, and the whole work had been done
immediately; for Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away
and leave the city.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="462" unit="section" /><p>At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to
supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to use the
bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he was in the greatest
danger, which yet, by God's providence, he escaped; for as he was naked,
and had but one servant that followed him, to be with him while he was
bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor,
and had fled thither, out of fear, were then in the place; and as he was
bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn, and went
out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third, armed in like manner,
and were under such a consternation, that they did no hurt to the king,
and thought themselves to have come off very well ill suffering no harm
themselves in their getting out of the house. However, on the next day,
he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to
Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means,
for he was the man that slew him with his own hand.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="465" unit="section" /><p>When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army, and came
near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the city. Now this was
the third year since he had been made king at Rome; and as he removed his
camp, and came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily
assaulted, he pitched that camp before the temple, intending to make his
attacks in the same manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with
three bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands about
the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the city; and when
he had appointed proper persons to oversee the works, even while the army
lay before the city, he himself went to Samaria, to complete his marriage,
and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus;
for he had betrothed her already, as I have before related.</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD, WHEN HE HAD MARRIED MARIAMNE TOOK JERUSALEM WITH
THE ASSISTANCE OF SOSIUS BY FORCE; AND HOW THE GOVERNMENT OF HE ASAMONEANS
WAS PUT AN END TO</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="468" unit="section" /><p>AFTER the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia, having
sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He also, who was their
commander, came himself, with a great number of horsemen and footmen. The
king also came himself from Samaria, and brought with him no small army,
besides that which was there before, for they were about thirty thousand;
and they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the
north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men
on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria.
The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod
on his own account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who
was declared all enemy at Rome, and that he might himself be king, according
to the decree of the Senate.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="470" unit="section" /><p>Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city fought
against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered
together); they also gave out many prophecies about the temple, and many
things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the
dangers they were in; they had also carried off what was out of the city,
that they might not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men
or for beasts; and by private robberies they made the want of necessaries
greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest
places against their private robberies, and he sent legions of armed men
to bring its provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little
time they had great plenty of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily
erected, because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it
was summer time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their
works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they brought their
engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city, and tried all manner
of ways to get its; yet did not those within discover any fear, but they
also contrived not a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also
sallied out, and burnt not only those engines that were not yet perfected,
but those that were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were
not less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in
skill. They also erected new works when the former were ruined, and making
mines underground, they met each other, and fought there; and making use
of brutish courage rather than of prudent valor, they persisted in this
war to the very last; and this they did while a mighty army lay round about
them, and while they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries,
for this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the walls
were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius's centurions; for the first
wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some
of the cloisters that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave
out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred
of the Jews. And when the outer court of the temple and the lower city
were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into
the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them from
offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an embassage, and desired
that they would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacrifices, which
Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that they
did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to
preserve the kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and
took it by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were slain,
by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege, and by the
zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who were not willing to leave
one of their adversaries alive; so they were murdered continually in the
narrow streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to
the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or
the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the
king sent about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained
their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a company of madmen, they
fell upon persons of all ages, without distinction; and then Antigonus,
without regard to either his past or present circumstances, came down from
the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him,
in the change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and called
him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not treat him as
if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds,
and kept him in close custody.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="482" unit="section" /><p>And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to govern
those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers
rushed to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple; but the
king, thinking a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat,
if any of those things which it was not lawful to see should be seen by
them, used entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself,
to restrain them. He also prohibited the ravage that was made in the city,
and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would empty the city both
of money and men, and leave him king of a desert; and told him that he
esteemed the dominion over the whole habitable earth as by no means an
equivalent satisfaction for such a murder of his citizens'; and when he
said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the
siege they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one their
reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed what remained
of the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised him,
for he gave a noble present to every soldier, and a proportionable present
to their commanders, but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they
all went away full of money.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="487" unit="section" /><p>This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa
and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Note here, that Josephus fully and frequently assures us that there passed
above three years between Herod's first obtaining the kingdom at Rome,
and his second obtaining it upon the taking of Jerusalem and death of Antigonus.
The present history of this interval twice mentions the army going into
winter quarters, which perhaps belonged to two several winters, ch. 15.
sect. 3, 4; and though Josephus says nothing how long they lay in those
quarters, yet does he give such an account of the long and studied delays
of Ventidius, Silo, and Macheras, who were to see Herod settled in his
new kingdom, but seem not to have had sufficient forces for that purpose,
and were for certain all corrupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays
possible, and gives us such particular accounts of the many great actions
of Herod during the same interval, as fairly imply that interval, before
Herod went to Samosata, to have been very considerable. However, what is
wanting in Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses Chorenensis, the Arme nian
historian, in his history of that interval, B. II ch. 18., where he directly
assures us that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal manager
of this Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod was made king at Rome,
and yet Antony did not hear of his death, in that very neighborhood, at
Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege it; after which Herod brought
him an army, which was three hundred and forty miles' march, and through
a difficult country, full of enemies also, and joined with him in the siege
of Samosata till that city was taken; then Herod and Sosins marched back
with their large armies the same number of three hundred and forty miles;
and when, in a little time, they sat down to besiege Jerusalem, they were
not able to take it but by a siege of five months. All which put together,
fully supplies what is wanting in Josephus, and secures the entire chronology
of these times beyond contradiction.</note>
on the hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity
of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities had returned since
that which befell the Jews under Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him
on the same day, and this was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius
had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and
carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was afraid lest
Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony, and that when he was
carried to Rome by him, he might get his cause to be heard by the senate,
and might demonstrate, as he was himself of the royal blood, and Herod
but a private man, that therefore it belonged to his sons however to have
the kingdom, on account of the family they were of, in case he had himself
offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod's fear of this it
was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavored to persuade
him to have Antigonus slain, which if it were once done, he should be free
from that fear. And thus did the government of the Asamoneans cease, a
hundred twenty and six years after it was first set up. This family was
a splendid and an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their
stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the glorious
actions their ancestors had performed for our nation; but these men lost
the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod,
the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no
eminent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is
what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="15" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XV</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE
BY HEROD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING POLLIO AND SAMEAS. HEROD SLAYS THE PRINCIPAL OF
ANTIGONUS'S FRIENDS, AND SPOILS THE CITY OF ITS WEALTH. ANTONY BEHEADS
ANTIGONUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>HOW Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides that, how
they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book.
We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the government
of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the private men in
the city as had been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing
every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his enemies. But
Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him
above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens
to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited. But this Pollio,
at the time when Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold,
in way of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom
they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict punishment on them
all; which had its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he
had spoken.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="5" unit="section" /><p>At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried
off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had
gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity
of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were
about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus's
party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried
out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever
was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried
to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them;
and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince
regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year,
which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated,
since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. Now when Antony had
received Antigonus as his captive, he determined to keep him against his
triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out
of their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus,
he resolved to behead him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way
be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have
said, when he thus speaks: "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be
brought to Antioch, and there to be beheaded. And this Antony seems to
me to have been the very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he
could no other way bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom
he had made king in his stead; for by no torments could they he forced
to call him king, so great a fondness they had for their former king; so
he thought that this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had
for Antigonus's memory, and at the same time would diminish the hatred
they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HYRCANUS WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY THE PARTHIANS, AND RETURNED
TO HEROD; AND WHAT ALEXANDRA DID WHEN SHE HEARD THAT ANANELUS WAS MADE
HIGH PRIEST.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>NOW after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high
priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again,
and was set free from his captivity, in the manner following: Barzapharnes
and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyreanus, who was first
made high priest and afterward king, and Herod's brother, Phasaelus captives,
and were them away into Parthis. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach
of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any
life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="14" unit="section" /><p>But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates treated
him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an illustrious
family he was; on which account he set him free from his bonds, and gave
him a habitation at Babylon, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The city here called "Babylon" by Josephus, seems to be one which
was built by some of the Seleucidae upon the Tigris, which long after the
utter desolation of old Babylon was commonly so called, and I suppose not
far from Seleueia; just as the latter adjoining city Bagdat has been and
is often called by the same old name of Babylon till this very day.</note>
where there were Jews in great numbers. These Jews honored Hyrcanus as
their high priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as
far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to his satisfaction. But
when he was informed that Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came
upon him, as having been himself still of a kind disposition towards him,
and expecting that Herod would bear in mind what favor be had received
from him; and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that
a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he delivered him from
that danger, and from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter
with the Jew that came often to him with great affection; but they endeavored
to retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting
him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that those
honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they could pay to
either their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater motive
to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those dignities
[in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been inflicted on
him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses
which they received when they were private persons, the height of their
fortune making usually no small changes in them.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="18" unit="section" /><p>Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own advantage,
yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and persuaded
him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews that were there, that they should
not grudge him the royal authority, which he should have jointly with himself,
for that now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the
favors he had received from him, as having been brought up by him, and
saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. And as he wrote
thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates,
and many presents with him, and desired him in the most obliging way that
he would be no hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. But
this zeal of Herod's did not flow from that principle, but because he had
been made governor of that country without having any just claim to it,
he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition,
and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed
to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he compassed afterward.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="21" unit="section" /><p>Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission
of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him
with money, Herod received him with all possible respect, and gave him
the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts,
and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavored, by
all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any treacherous
design against him. He also did other things, in order to secure his government,
which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how
he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here we have an eminent example of Herod's worldly and profane politics,
when by the abuse of his unlawful and usurped power, to make whom he pleased
high priest, in the person of Ananelus, he occasioned such disturbances
in his kingdom, and in his own family, as suffered him to enjoy no lasting
peace or tranquillity ever afterward; and such is frequently the effect
of profane court politics about matters of religion in other ages and nations.
The Old Testament is full of the miseries of the people of the Jews derived
from such court politics, especially in and after the days of Jeroboam
the son of Nebat, "who made Israel to sin;" who gave the most
pernicious example of it; who brought on the grossest corruption of religion
by it; and the punishment of whose family for it was most remarkable. The
case is too well known to stand in need of particular citations.</note>
he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Ananelus,
and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="23" unit="section" /><p>However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children,
could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness,
and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to
Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra was much disturbed,
and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while be
was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high
priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician
assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her
intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her
son.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="25" unit="section" /><p>But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this wicked Dellius, see the note on the War, B. I. ch. 15. sect. 3.</note> came
into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in
admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at
Mariarune, the king's wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra,
as the mother of most beautiful children. And when she came to discourse
with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send
them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that
she should ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of
his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly,
and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some
god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures
with them, who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of
Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra
on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the
young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so
to do. When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe
for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his
life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly
not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse
him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such
pleasures as his power allowed him without control. He therefore wrote
back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would
be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change
in the government, and to have another king over them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="31" unit="section" /><p>When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he
would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably;
but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood
to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because
if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he
called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra privately conspired
against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra,
so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and
that by Antony's means this youth might have the management of public affairs
in his stead; and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would
at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would
bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal
of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; that yet, while
he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what
was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood;
and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so very
young a child. Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought
with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those
friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great
joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions
she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself;
and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned
for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to
procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts,
and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it;
and that now she would be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself
held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose
from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family;
that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this
honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely
obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family,
and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made
her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. So when they
had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions,
so far as appeared, were vanished away.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD UPON HIS MAKING ARISTOBULUS HIGH PRIEST TOOK CARE
THAT HE SHOULD BE MURDERED IN A LITTLE TIME; AND WHAT APOLOGY HE MADE TO
ANTONY ABOUT ARISTOBULUS; AS ALSO CONCERNING JOSEPH AND MARIAMNE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="39" unit="section" /><p>SO king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Ananelus,
who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews
that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few
ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt
about Babylonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one of the stock of the high
priests <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">When Josephus says here that this Ananelus, the new high priest, was "of
the stock of the high priests," and since he had been just telling
us that he was a priest of an obscure family or character, ch. 2. sect.
4, it is not at all probable that he could so soon say that he was "of
the stock of the high priests." However, Josephus here makes a remarkable
observation, that this Ananelus was the third that was ever unjustly and
wickedly turned out of the high priesthood by the civil power, no king
or governor having ventured to do so, that Josephus knew of, but that heathen
tyrant and persecutor Antiochus Epiphanes; that barbarous parricide Aristobulus,
the first that took royal authority among the Maccabees; and this tyrant
king Herod the Great, although afterward that infamous practice became
frequent, till the very destruction of Jerusalem, when the office of high
priesthood was at an end.</note>
and had been of old a particular friend of Herod; and when he was first
made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him out of it
again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family, though what he did
was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was any one that had
once been in that dignity deprived of it. It was Antiochus Epiphanes who
first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high
priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that
dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who
took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young
man, Aristobulus, in his stead.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="42" unit="section" /><p>And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family;
yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case, of people
seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra
had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that she
would go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing; so he
gave a command that she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no
public affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in
private life every day was concealed. All these hardships put her out of
patience, by little and little and she began to hate Herod; for as she
had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation
at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous rather to undergo
any thing that could befall her, than to be deprived of her liberty of
speech, and, under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state
of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long
complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her
utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her to take her son
with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased
her; and she had this contrivance for getting away: She got two coffins
made, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies and put herself into
one, and her son into the other and gave orders to such of her servants
as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the night time. Now their
road was to be thence to the sea-side and there was a ship ready to carry
them into Egypt. Now Aesop, one of her servants, happened to fall upon
Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking
he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this, (who had formerly been
an enemy of Herod, and been esteemed one of those that laid snares for
and gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he expected that this discovery
would change Herod's hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this
private stratagem of Alexandra: whereupon be suffered her to proceed to
the execution of her project, and caught her in the very fact; but still
he passed by her offense; and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst
not inflict any thing that was severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra
would not bear that he should have her accused, on account of her hatred
to him; but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul,
and his great moderation, that made him forgive them. However, he fully
proposed to himself to put this young man out of the way, by one means
or other; but he thought he might in probability be better concealed in
doing it, if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what had lately
happened.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="50" unit="section" /><p>And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is
a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and
both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the
envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what
lie was about, and provoke him to it; for when this youth Aristobulus,
who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according
to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his
high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This entirely confutes the Talmudists, who pretend that no one under twenty
years of age could officiate as high priest among the Jews.</note>
he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at
that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high family
he was sprung from, - a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among
the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus
was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of
them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They
at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their
joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude
was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they
had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done.
Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against
the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting
at Jericho <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A Hebrew chronicle, cited by Reland, says this drowning was at Jordan,
not at Jericho, and this even when he quote Josephus. I suspect the transcriber
of the Hebrew chronicle mistook the name, and wrote Jordan for Jericho.</note>
with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very pleasant with
the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same time played
with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. Now the nature of that place
was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden,
and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which
there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves [by
bathing], because it was in the midst of a hot day. At first they were
only spectators of Herod's servants and acquaintance as they were swimming;
but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into
the water among them, while such of Herod's acquaintance, as he had appointed
to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in
the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did
they desist till he was entirely suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus murdered,
having lived no more in all than eighteen years, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reading of one of Josephus's Greek MSS. seems here to be right, that
Aristobulus was "not eighteen years old" when he was drowned,
for he was not seventeen when he was made high priest, ch. 2. sect. 6,
ch. 3. sect. 3, and he continued in that office but one year, as in the
place before us.</note>
and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high priesthood Ananelus
now recovered again.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="57" unit="section" /><p>When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon changed
to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and
their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the spreading
of this news, were in very great grief, every family looking on this calamity
as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain.
But Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he had
been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was greater than that of others,
by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she was under the necessity
of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater mischief that
might otherwise follow; and she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill
herself with her own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes she
might live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus privately committed;
nay, she further resolved to endeavor to live longer, and to give no occasion
to think she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed
that she might thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity.
Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining
any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad should believe
that the child's death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose
he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears also,
and exhibited a real confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were
overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child's countenance so young
and so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security.
So far at least this grief served as to make some apology for him; and
as for his funeral, that he took care should be very magnificent, by making
great preparation for a sepulcher to lay his body in, and providing a great
quantity of spices, and burying many ornaments together with him, till
the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and
received in this way some consolation.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="62" unit="section" /><p>However, no such things could overcome Alexandra's grief; but the
remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep and obstinate.
Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra,
and how her son was murdered; but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous
to give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserating Alexandra's
misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet,
but excited him to punish the child's murder; for that it was an unworthy
thing that Herod, who had been by him made king of a kingdom that no way
belonged to him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that
were of the royal blood in reality. Antony was persuaded by these arguments;
and when he came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make
his defense, as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous
design was not well done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was now in fear,
both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra's ill-will to him, which was such
that she was ever endeavoring to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined
to obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left
his uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public affairs,
and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also
should kill Mariamne immediately; for that he had a tender affection for
this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him,
if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some other
man: but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony
had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of her
beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure
hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="68" unit="section" /><p>But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom,
and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his
business required it, and because of the respects he ought to pay to the
queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod's kindness,
and great affection towards her; and when the women, especially Alexandra,
used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous
to demonstrate the kings inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to mention
the charge he had received, and thence drew his demonstration, that Herod
was not able to live without her; and that if he should come to any ill
end, he could not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead.
Thus spake Joseph. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to
be an instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but of his severe
usage of them, that they could not escape destruction, nor a tyrannical
death, even when he was dead himself. And this saying [of Joseph] was a
foundation for the women's severe suspicions about him afterwards.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="71" unit="section" /><p>At this time a report went about the city Jerusalem among Herod's
enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report,
as is natural, disturbed those that were about the palace, but chiefly
the women; upon which Alexandra endeavored to persuade Joseph to go out
of the palace, and fly away with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion,
which then lay encamped about the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under
the command of Julius; for that by this means, if any disturbance should
happen about the palace, they should be in greater security, as having
the Romans favorable to them; and that besides, they hoped to obtain the
highest authority, if Antony did but once see Mariamne, by whose means
they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing which was reasonable
for them to hope for, because of their royal extraction.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="74" unit="section" /><p>But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters were
brought from Herod about all his affairs, and proved contrary to the report,
and of what they before expected; for when he was come to Antony, he soon
recovered his interest with him, by the presents he made him, which he
had brought with him from Jerusalem; and he soon induced him, upon discoursing
with him, to leave off his indignation at him, so that Cleopatra's persuasions
had less force than the arguments and presents he brought to regain his
friendship; for Antony said that it was not good to require an account
of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could
be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought
to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra,
that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the
king's government. Herod wrote an account of these things, and enlarged
upon the other honors which he had received from Antony; how he sat by
him at his hearing causes, and took his diet with him every day, and that
he enjoyed those favors from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra
so severely laid against him, who having a great desire of his country,
and earnestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to her,
labored with her utmost diligence to have him out of the way; but that
he still found Antony just to him, and had no longer any apprehensions
of hard treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his return, with
a firmer additional assurance of his favor to him, in his reigning and
managing public affairs; and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's
covetous temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what she
had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got clear
of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon her.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="80" unit="section" /><p>When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt
for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed
to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king
had conducted Antony on his way against the Partnians, he returned to Judea,
when both his sister Salome and his mother informed him of Alexandra's
intentions. Salome also added somewhat further against Joseph, though it
was no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal conversation
with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was this, that she for a long
time bare her ill-will; for when they had differences with one another,
Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproached the rest for the meanness
of their birth. But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very
warm, was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments
of jealousy, but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her
by the love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jealousy
together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph;
but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could
possibly say in her own defense; so that by little and little the king
was prevailed upon to drop the suspicion, and left off his anger at her;
and being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to
her for having seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned
her a great many acknowledgments of her modest behavior, and professed
the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last,
as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one
another with a most tender affection. But as the king gave more and more
assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavored to draw her to
a like confidence in him, Marianme said, Yet was not that command thou
gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion
of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?" When these
words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently
let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his own
hands, and said, that "now he had an evident demonstration that Joseph
had had criminal conversation with his wife; for that he would never have
uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless there had been such
a great familiarity and firm confidence between them. And while he was
in this passion he had like to have killed his wife; but being still overborne
by his love to her, he restrained this his passion, though not without
a lasting grief and disquietness of mind. However, he gave order to slay
Joseph, without permitting him to come into his sight; and as for Alexandra,
he bound her, and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mischief.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CLEOPATRA, WHEN SHE HAD GOTTEN FROM ANTONY SOME PARTS
OF JUDEA AND ARABIA CAME INTO JUDEA; AND HOW HEROD GAVE HER MANY PRESENTS
AND CONDUCTED HER ON HER WAY BACK TO EGYPT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>NOW at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by Cleopatra's
constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every body's dominions;
for she persuaded him to take those dominions away from their several princes,
and bestow them upon her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by reason
of his being enslaved to her by his affections. She was also by nature
very covetous, and stuck at no wickedness. She had already poisoned her
brother, because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, and this when
he was but fifteen years old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain,
by the means of Antony, when she was a supplicant at Diana's temple at
Ephesus; for if there were but any hopes of getting money, she would violate
both temples and sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed
the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had
in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the most flagitious
treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the
covetous humor of this wicked creature: yet did not all this suffice so
extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined
that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain
it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive others
of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went over Syria with
him, she contrived to get it into her possession; so he slew Lysanias,
the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those
countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and,
in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present
governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this woman, that
one would not think her conversation only could do it, but that he was
some way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would have him; yet did
the grossest parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would
not always hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities she would have
persuaded him to. That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by
doing every thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man,
he took some parts of each of those countries away from their former governors,
and gave them to her. Thus he gave her the cities that were within the
river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew
to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him
very often to bestow those on her also.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="96" unit="section" /><p>When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony
in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and
came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her,
and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her
from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is
the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place
bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their
kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavored
to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she affect secrecy
in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some
measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is most probable, she
laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation
from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him.
Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing
that she was a woman irksome to all; and at that time he thought her particularly
worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also
thought of preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were
her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called
a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill
her, now he had her in his power; for that he should thereby deliver all
those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome,
and was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very
thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would
certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity
should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity. But
when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him; and
told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great
a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and they laid
hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly, for that Antony
would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before
his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of
depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous method,
would probably set his affections more on a flame than before. Nor did
it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defense,
this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of
any of her sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be
expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this
case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence
he must take upon him in doing it: which considerations made it very plain
that in so doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both
great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still
in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to
come off honorably at the same time. So by thus affrighting Herod, and
representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this
undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly,
and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="104" unit="section" /><p>But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes,
in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present
of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that
kingdom, to Cleopatra. And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped
at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archclaus
and Nero Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that
kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="106" unit="section" /><p>But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for
that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming
it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him. As for
the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to pay her, for
some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but
he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could
hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even
them without some deductions.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD MADE WAR WITH THE KING OF ARABIA, AND AFTER THEY
HAD FOUGHT MANY BATTLES, AT LENGTH CONQUERED HIM, AND WAS CHOSEN BY THE
ARABS TO BE GOVERNOR OF THAT NATION; AS ALSO CONCERNING A GREAT EARTHQUAKE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="108" unit="section" /><p>HEREUPON Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia,
because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do
nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion
of delaying his own; for the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell
into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were
to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a
country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long time, and having
received great taxes, and raised great armies therewith, got together a
body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed
them as auxiliaries for Antony. But Antony said he had no want of his assistance;
but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both
from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was what
Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two
kings should do one another as great mischief as possible. Upon this message
from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him, in order
to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen
was ready, he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet
them, for they were not unapprized of this war that was coming upon them;
and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory. But
afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the Arabians,
at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand;
so he came marching against them with the greatest part of the forces he
had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself;
and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking
the enemy; but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews
cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians.
They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order;
and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had
been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come
to a close fight with them. And when they were so tumultuous, and showed
such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude
then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would not be behindhand
with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his
armor, all the regiments following him in their several ranks: whereupon
a consternation fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the
Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part
of them ran away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed,
had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for this man
was Cleopatra's general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity
with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle
would be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing
that was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were
beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces
he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together
for him. So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued,
and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter
of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known enemies,
and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they
were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular
received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of service,
and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better
acquainted with the places than themselves. And when the Jews had suffered
this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning
back again, slew those that were already put to flight; and indeed all
sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few
only returned into the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle,
rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough
to do them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish
camp was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success,
having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely
to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy's army: whence afterward
Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many
parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped
among the mountains, and avoided by any means to come to a pitched battle;
yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor
he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and
used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="121" unit="section" /><p>At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between Octavius
Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reader is here to take notice, that this seventh year of the reign
of Herod, and all the other years of his reign, in Josephus, are dated
from the death of Antigonus, or at the soonest from the conclusion of Antigonus,
and the taking of Jerusalem a few months before, and never from his first
obtaining the kingdom at Rome, above three years before, as some have very
weakly and injudiciously done.</note>
and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one
as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great
destruction upon the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men also
perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field,
received no damage by this sad accident. When the Arabians were informed
of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with
aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as
if their enemy's country was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly
destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them.
Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all
this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with
great alacrity against their army; but the Jews durst not withstand them,
and were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they took
no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair; for they had
no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor
obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such
great distress also. When matters were in this condition, the king persuaded
the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were
quite sunk; and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the
better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude,
which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat,
because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory
speech to the multitude, in the manner following:</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="127" unit="section" /><p>"You are not unacquainted, my fellow soldiers, that we have
had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are
about, and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above
others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances;
but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of
such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and
this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself
both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information;
both which parts of my design will tend to this point; that you may still
continue in your own proper fortitude. I will then, in the first place,
demonstrate to you that this war is a just one on our side, and that on
this account it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice
of our adversaries; for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a
real cause of alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate,
that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that
we have the greatest reason to hope for victory. I shall begin with the
first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are
not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that
degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat
that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things
wherein they have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy;
and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. And
what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure?
When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves,
and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them
from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind
disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even
these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to
undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: but when
he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on Cleopatra,
I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I
might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook myself to answer
for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for
those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject
to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of, although it was not
reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part
of their land to be taxable; but although that was to be, yet ought we
not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved;
nor is it fit that they, who have professed (and that with great integrity
and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their
principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and
this while we have been still not their enemies, but their friends. And
whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies,
but among friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed among these
men, who think gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means
whatsoever, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by
it: is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished
or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be,
and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which
is not only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations; for these
Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance
of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they
have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred
and inviolable. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Herod says here, that as ambassadors were sacred when they carried messages
to others, so did the laws of the Jews derive a sacred authority by being
delivered from God by angels, [or Divine ambassadors,] which is St. Paul's
expression about the same laws, Galatians 3:19; Hebrews 2;2.</note>
And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines,
and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name
brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile
enemies one to another. What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter
of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such
have been their actions, how is it possible they can either live securely
in common life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible;
but perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is
indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or
more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not
fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them is
God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage. But
to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first
battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but
ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we
had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without
declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or is it
not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore
of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger
hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the
level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they
gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any one should deem them
to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration
to do his utmost against them? for true valor is not shown by fighting
against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the most hardy. But
then if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the miseries that have
come by the earthquake, hath aftrighted any one, let him consider, in the
first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal
that what hath befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is
not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us;
for these men, you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous
virtue of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast
down by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall
soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this
by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the
battle; for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened
all indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such
things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of
things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must
allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with
what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us still
more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon. And as for the war we
are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should
go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people
in the country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered nothing,
but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if
you had universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it
had come to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much
hurt you. Consider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that
you have God at all times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with
a just bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their battles
perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always inferior to you in
valor."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="147" unit="section" /><p>When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds,
and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had offered the
sacrifices appointed by the law <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This piece of religion, the supplicating God with sacrifices, by Herod,
before he went to this fight with the Arabians, taken notice of also in
the first book of the War, ch. 19. sect. 5, is worth remarking, because
it is the only example of this nature, so far as I remember, that Josephus
ever mentions in all his large and particular accounts of this Herod; and
it was when he had been in mighty distress, and discouraged by a great
defeat of his former army, and by a very great earthquake in Judea, such
times of affliction making men most religious; nor was he disappointed
of his hopes here, but immediately gained a most signal victory over the
Arabians, while they who just before had been so great victors, and so
much elevated upon the earthquake in Judea as to venture to slay the Jewish
ambassadors, were now under a strange consternation, and hardly able to
fight at all.</note>
made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order
to that passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy.
He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst
of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner
produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should
by it have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had the same intentions
upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes,
after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and
some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten and
retreated. This was no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; and
when Herod observed that the enemy's army was disposed to any thing rather
than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark
itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in
order to fight them; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they
went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory;
yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than
the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition of war that they
were under a necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible
battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians
fled; and so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they
were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of their
own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great
current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so
five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude
soon ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety,
by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water. The Jews
pursued them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark,
and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any
there, that had a mind to it, from running away.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="155" unit="section" /><p>When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors
to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and after
that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever
he pleased, if he would free them from their present distress; but he would
admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate
terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which
they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by
other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver
themselves up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five days' time
the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved
to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing
rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and
ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their
trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled,
both in mind and body, and having not room to exert themselves, and thought
it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first
onset there fell about seven thousand of them, after which stroke they
let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod's
warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they yielded,
and made him ruler of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated at
so seasonable a success, and returned home, taking great authority upon
him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD SLEW HYRCANUS AND THEN HASTED AWAY TO CAESAR, AND
OBTAINED THE KINGDOM FROM HIM ALSO; AND HOW A LITTLE TIME AFTERWARD, HE
ENTERTAINED CAESAR IN A MOST HONORABLE MANNER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="161" unit="section" /><p>HEROD'S other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to
be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that
would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the
battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at that time both Herod's enemies
and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would
remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony.
So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape;
but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at his
case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change
for the better. As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal
dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his
advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for
that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he
thought it the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make
any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy
of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar,
his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king
after him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="165" unit="section" /><p>While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion
afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other
times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern
himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself
with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of
strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake
to her father not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of their
family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might; and desired
him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia,
to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went
away, and Herod's affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be,
by reason of Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons
that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal
family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude
to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but
as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and would
not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about
these matters, and about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last prevailed
with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein
his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send
to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct him to the lake
Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs:
and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a
careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions
to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he
had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony:
yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this
affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those
he had from him, he gave Herod the letter. So he took his kindness in good
part, and bid him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in
serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering
it to Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it
would be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions also. And when
Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor
returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that
should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party; that
he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey;
and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire. Now as
soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus,
and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when
he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to
death immediately.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="174" unit="section" /><p>And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries
of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose
that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an occasion for thus putting
him to death, and that by treacherously laying a snare for him; for thus
do they write: That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had
given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this
question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus?
and when he answered that he had received letters, but those of salutation
only; and when he asked further, whether he had not received any presents
from him? and when he had replied that he had received no more than four
horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod
charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order
that he should be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that
he had been guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end,
they alleged how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he
had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the
case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed
the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and
that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod's government
was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who
greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under
Herod's government; and that it was a most incredible thing that he should
enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to
his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's contrivance.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life,
after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime.
For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his
mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine years; and when,
after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three
months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then
restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed
them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was
maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence
returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod
had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation,
but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course
of his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related
already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His character appeared
to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, and suffered the
administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He
was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough
to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness
by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them
as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="183" unit="section" /><p>Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste
to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him,
on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra,
lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt,
and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; so he committed
the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother
Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family at Masada, and gave
him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he should
take care of the government. But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the
misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister's mother, which
made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium,
with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of
Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful
to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women. They
also had it in charge, that if they should hear any mischief had befallen
him, they should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve
the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="187" unit="section" /><p>When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet
Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but
remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting
him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited
a much more noble specimen of a great soul; for he did not betake himself
to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him
any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner,
gave an account of what he had done; for he spake thus to Caesar: That
he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could
that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army
with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him
both money and corn, which was but too little in comparison of what he
ought to have done for him; "for if a man owns himself to be another's
friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every
thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and
all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient.
However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that
I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; nor upon the evident
change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes from him to another,
but have preserved myself, though not as a valuable fellow soldier, yet
certainly as a faithful counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him
that the only way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all his
authority, was to slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would
be room for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make
a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of
which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution
before them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for
thee. Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity
in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room
for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that
publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put
him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors
in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience
that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the
names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not
be disapproved by thee."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness
of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous
and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the
foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar's good-will.
Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit
himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then
had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had
written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of
the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had,
beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly
settled upon him than ever by Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree
of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security,
he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond
his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself
with great magnanimity. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death
one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn
to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. And
now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever,
and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring
from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God
to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out
of Syria to invade Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais
with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and
brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar's
most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar,
and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after
a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends.
He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the
dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last
the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar
with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them
all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid
degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; by which means he
more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and
his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage to
him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also. And when
they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no way inferior
to the good offices he had formerly done them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD SLEW SOHEMUS AND MARIAMNE AND AFTERWARD ALEXANDRA
AND COSTOBARUS, AND HIS MOST INTIMATE FRIENDS, AND AT LAST THE SONS OF
BABBAS ALSO.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="202" unit="section" /><p>HOWEVER, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his house
all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very uneasy;
for as they supposed (what was easy to be supposed) that they were not
put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons,
but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no power
over any thing, either of others or of their own affairs, they were very
uneasy; and Mariamne supposing that the king's love to her was but hypocritical,
and rather pretended (as advantageous to himself) than real, she looked
upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not allow her
any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm himself. She
also recollected what commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch
that she endeavored to please her keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well
apprized how all was in his power. And at the first Sohemus was faithful
to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had given him in charge;
but when the women, by kind words and liberal presents, had gained his
affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, and at length discovered
to them all the king's injunctions, and this on that account principally,
that he did not so much as hope he would come back with the same authority
he had before; so that he thought he should both escape any danger from
him, mid supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely
not to be overlooked in the settling of the government; nay, that they
would be able to make him abundant recompense, since they must either reign
themselves, or be very near to him that should reign. He had a further
ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he could
wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in
what she desired, for he knew that the king's fondness for his wife was
inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to discover what
injunctions had been given him. So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear
that there was no end of the dangers she was under from Herod, and was
greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might obtain no favors [from Caesar],
and esteemed it almost an insupportable task to live with him any longer;
and this she afterward openly declared, without concealing her resentment.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="209" unit="section" /><p>And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good success
he had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and
told her, and her only, the good news, as preferring her before the rest,
on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy there had been between
them, and saluted her; but so it happened, that as he told her of the good
success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather
was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentments, but, depending
on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in return for his salutations,
she gave a groan, and declared evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced
at his success, and this till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording
him, not only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction.
This much troubled him, to see that this surprising hatred of his wife
to him was not concealed, but open; and he took this so ill, and yet was
so unable to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he
could not continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her,
and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion
for another, he was still in great uncertainty, and thus was he entangled
between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict punishment
on her for her insolence towards him; but being deeply in love with her
in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he
would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware,
he should, by putting her to death, bring a heavier punishment upon himself
at the same time.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>When Herod's sister and mother perceived that he was in this temper
with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an excellent opportunity
to exercise their hatred against her and provoked Herod to wrath by telling
him, such long stories and calumnies about her, as might at once excite
his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he willingly enough heard their
words, yet had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he believed
them; but still he became worse and worse disposed to her, and these ill
passions were more and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide
her disposition towards him, and he turned his love to her into wrath against
her. But when he was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he
heard the news that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and
Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt; whereupon he
made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the affairs of his family in
their present state. However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him, as he
was setting out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks
for the care he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place
in the government; upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon
him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced
to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received
very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred
Galatians who had been Cleopatra's guards, and restored that country to
him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added
to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime
cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="218" unit="section" /><p>Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted
Caesar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity
was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so much
the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family, and
chiefly in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appeared to have
been most of all fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne was no
way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account celebrated
in history, and this very justly. As for her, she was in other respects
a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough
by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough, because she saw
he was so fond of her as to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider
seasonably with herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was
at another's disposal, and accordingly would behave herself after a saucy
manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and bore
with moderation and good temper. She would also expose his mother and his
sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak
unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and
unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches
of one another than formerly, which suspicions increased, and lasted a
whole year after Herod returned from Caesar. However, these misfortunes,
which had been kept under some decency for a great while, burst out all
at once upon such an occasion as was now offered; for as the king was one
day about noon lain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne,
out of the great affection he had always for her. She came in accordingly,
but would not lie down by him; and when he was very desirous of her company,
she showed her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he
had caused her father and her brother to be slain. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Whereas Mariamne is here represented as reproaching: Herod with the murder
of her father [Alexander], as well as her brother [Aristobulus], while
it was her grandfather Hyrcanus, and not her father Alexander, whom he
caused to be slain, (as Josephus himself informs us, ch. 6. sect. 2,) we
must either take Zonaras's reading, which is here grandfather, rightly,
or else we must, as before, ch. 1. sect. 1, allow a slip of Josephus's
pen or memory in the place before us.</note>
And when he took this injury very unkindly, and was ready to use violence
to her, in a precipitate manner, the king's sister Salome, observing that
he was more than ordinarily disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer,
who had been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell
the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in preparing
a love potion for him; and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and
to ask what that love potion was, to tell him that she had the potion,
and that he was desired only to give it him; but that in case he did not
appear to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and
that if he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given
him these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech.
So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should
say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had given him presents,
and persuaded him to give him a love potion. And when this moved the king,
he said that this love potion was a composition that she had given him,
whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of his resolving to
give him this information, as the safest course he could take, both for
himself and for the king. When Herod heard what he said, and was in an
ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he ordered
that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to be brought to
torture about this potion, as well knowing it was not possible that any
thing small or great could be done without him. And when the man was under
the utmost agonies, he could say nothing concerning the thing he was tortured
about, but so far he knew, that Mariamne's hatred against him was occasioned
by somewhat that Sohemus had said to her. Now as he was saying this, Herod
cried out aloud, and said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times
most faithful to him, and to his government, would not have betrayed what
injunctions he had given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than
ordinary with Mariamne. So he gave order that Sohemus should be seized
on and slain immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and
got together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate
accusation against her for this love potion and composition, which had
been charged upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper
in what he said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about
this matter. Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he
was so resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her; but when the
sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and
by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to
death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the
kingdom: but Salome and her party labored hard to have the woman put to
death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised this out
of caution, lest the multitude should be tumultuous if she were suffered
to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="232" unit="section" /><p>When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small
hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she
changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what might have been expected
from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent manner; for out
of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid
against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter
in the hearing of all the people; and cried out that she had been an ill
woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment came justly
upon her for such her insolent behavior, for that she had not made proper
returns to him who had been their common benefactor. And when she had for
some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and been so outrageous
as to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling behavior, as was to
be expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it
was principally by the poor woman who was to suffer; for at the first she
gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only looked
at her, yet did she out of a greatness of soul discover her concern for
her mother's offense, and especially for her exposing herself in a manner
so unbecoming her; but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken
firmness of mind, and without changing the color of her face, and thereby
evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even
in the last moments of her life.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="237" unit="section" /><p>And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for
chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too
much of contention in her nature; yet had she all that can be said in the
beauty of her body, and her majestic appearance in conversation; and thence
arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable
to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might otherwise have
done; for while she was most indulgently used by the king, out of his fondness
for her, and did not expect that he could do any hard thing to her, she
took too unbounded a liberty. Moreover, that which most afflicted her was,
what he had done to her relations, and she ventured to speak of all they
had suffered by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's mother
and sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also did
the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of escaping the
last of punishments.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="240" unit="section" /><p>But when she was once dead, the king's affections for her were kindled
in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have
already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such
as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it
was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and
free conversation together brought under his power to manage; but at this
time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner,
as looked like Divine vengeance upon him for the taking away her life;
for he would frequently call for her, and frequently lament for her in
a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought him of every thing he could
make use of to divert his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts
and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would suffice; he therefore
laid aside the administration of public affairs, and was so far conquered
by his passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne,
as if she were still alive, and could still hear them. And when he was
in this way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest
part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and made
all men suspect that this was brought upon them by the anger of God, for
the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This circumstance affected
the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go into desert
places, and there, under pretense of going a hunting, bitterly afflicted
himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell
into a most dangerous distemper himself: he had an inflammation upon him,
and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with madness; and for
the remedies that were used, they did him no good at all, but proved contrary
to his case, and so at length brought him to despair. All the physicians
also that were about him, partly because the medicines they brought for
his recovery could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his
diet could be no other than what his disease inclined him to, desired him
to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes they had
of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed him to fortune.
And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="247" unit="section" /><p>Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed
what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get possession of the fortified
places that were about the city, which were two, the one belonging to the
city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and those that could get
them into their hands had the whole nation under their power, for without
the command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and
to think of leaving on those sacrifices is to every Jew plainly impossible,
who are still more ready to lose their lives than to leave off that Divine
worship which they have been wont to pay unto God. Alexandra, therefore,
discoursed with those that had the keeping of these strong holds, that
it was proper for them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons,
lest, upon his death, any other person should seize upon the government;
and that upon his recovery none could keep them more safely for him than
those of his own family. These words were not by them at all taken in good
part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved
to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because
they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod's recovery while
he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose
name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. They sent messengers therefore
to acquaint him with Alexandra's design; so he made no longer delay, but
gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and after
he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still
sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier
than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell
under his hand. He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costobarus,
and Lysimachus, and Cadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus,
and that upon the following occasion.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="253" unit="section" /><p>Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity
among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom
the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but after Hyrcanus had made
a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish
customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and
gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of
[his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related
already. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased
him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up
by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and
did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or
that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject
to them. He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans
had been always under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it
was but just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for
that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her; and this he did, not
because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra's government, but because
he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod's power, it would not be
difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans,
and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having
no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had
gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was
not a small matter that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this country
of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to
Herod, who was thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties
of his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him
entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his
attempt.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus,
she sent him a bill of divorce <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a bill of divorce to her
husband, though in the days of Josephus it was not esteemed lawful for
a woman so to do. See the like among the Parthians, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch.
9. sect. 6. However, the Christian law, when it allowed divorce for adultery,
Matthew 5:32, allowed the innocent wife to divorce her guilty husband,
as well as the innocent husband to divorce his guilty wife, as we learn
from the shepherd of Hermas, Mand. B. IV., and from: the second apology
of Justin Martyr, where a persecution was brought upon the Christians upon
such a divorce; and I think the Roman laws permitted it at that time, as
well as the laws of Christianity. Now this Babas, who was one of the race
of the Asamoneans or Maccabees, as the latter end of this section informs
us, is related by the Jews, as Dr. Hudson here remarks, to have been so
eminently religious in the Jewish way, that, except the day following the
tenth of Tisri, the great day of atonement, when he seems to have supposed
all his sins entirely forgiven, he used every day of the whole year to
offer a sacrifice for his sins of ignorance, or such as he supposed he
had been guilty of, but did not distinctly remember. See somewhat like
it of Agrippa the Great, Antiq. B. XIX. ch. 3. sect. 3, and Job 1:4, 5.</note>
and dissolved her marriage with him, though this was not according to the
Jewish laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife;
if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be married to another,
unless her former husband put her away. However, Salome chose to follow
not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced
her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out
of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater,
and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as
an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they
had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years;
which proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it,
he was greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the
relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these
sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to punishment,
as being enemies to his government; but they were now forgotten by him,
on account of the length of time [since he had ordered them to be slain].
Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while
Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem,
where the distress and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing,
that the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and already
placed their hopes on him. Now the sons of Babas were of great dignity,
and had power among the multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and
were always raising calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people
to preserve the government to that royal family which held it by inheritance.
So these men acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own
advantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government
into his hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing
out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were
guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it,
Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and
honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might
be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he
set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; and when the
thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing
of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that lay upon him; nay,
after that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for the discovery,
and had put in practice all sorts of methods for searching out this matter,
he would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at first
denied it, if the men were found, he should not escape unpunished, he was
forced to keep them secret, not only out of his good-will to them, but
out of a necessary regard to his own preservation also. But when the king
knew the thing, by his sister's information, he sent men to the places
where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them,
and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch
that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the
kingdom was entirely in Herod's own power, and there was nobody remaining
of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW TEN MEN OF THE CITIZENS [OF JERUSALEM] MADE A CONSPIRACY
AGAINST HEROD, FOR THE FOREIGN PRACTICES HE HAD INTRODUCED, WHICH WAS A
TRANSGRESSION OF THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY. CONCERNING THE BUILDING OF
SEBASTE AND CESAREA, AND OTHER EDIFICES OF HEROD.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="267" unit="section" /><p>ON this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country,
and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign
practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable;
by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those
religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now
neglected; for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated
every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem,
as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed
costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such
shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; yet did
he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid
manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called
men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those
that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every land,
both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory
of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most
eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together, for there were
very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed
their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and
were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the
most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory. He
also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot
races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He
also imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in other
nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration
of his grandeur. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Caesar, and
trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made
of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theater itself; nor was
there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were
precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also
exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of
wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other
beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely
seen. These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men
who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners
were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here
exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural
Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which
they had so great a veneration. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These grand plays, and shows, and Thymelici, or music meetings, and chariot
races, when the chariots were drawn by two, three, or four pair of horses,
etc., instituted by Herod in his theatres, were still, as we see here,
looked on by the sober Jews as heathenish sports, and tending to corrupt
the manners of the Jewish nation, and to bring them in love with paganish
idolatry, and paganish conduct of life, but to the dissolution of the law
of Moses, and accordingly were greatly and justly condemned by them, as
appears here and every where else in Josephus. Nor is the case of our modern
masquerades, plays, operas, and the like "pomps and vanities of this
wicked world," of any better tendency under Christianity.</note>
It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw
men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it
appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such
foreign exercises: but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste
to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the
armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them,
because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="277" unit="section" /><p>Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under;
and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake
to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that
superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but
they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses
they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of
bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city,
meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their
country. Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would
not easily change their resolution unless they received satisfaction in
this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought
them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what
sort of things they took these trophies to be; and when they cried out
that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped
of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked
pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became
matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always
had the ornaments of images themselves in derision.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="280" unit="section" /><p>When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had
dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest
part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be
displeased at him any longer; but still some of them continued in their
displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed
the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of
very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety
rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they
took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government,
introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never
been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that
showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; on which account ten men
that were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and sware
to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took daggers
with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod]. Now
there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn
to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what he heard
to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance
in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if
so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great
encourager of the rest of the undertakers.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="284" unit="section" /><p>When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent,
they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself
could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and
supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many
of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they
should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had
done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared
beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; but there was
one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such purposes, to
fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against
him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was
about to go into the theater. So when he reflected on the hatred which
he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances
that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to
be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those
that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names;
and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very
fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their
ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from
their resolute behavior, for they showed no shame for what they were about,
nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and
professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action;
that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence
to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country,
which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. This was
what these men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy.
So they were led away to execution by the king's guards that stood about
them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they
died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized
on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not
only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to
the dogs. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not
one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod's making a strict
scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that
were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact
were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were
destroyed for this their rash attempt; yet did not the obstinacy of the
people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the defense of their
laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still strengthened himself
after a more secure manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every
way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="292" unit="section" /><p>Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in
which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called
Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress
for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste, supposing
that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior
to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day's journey distant
from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both
the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the
whole nation; it was of old called Strato's Tower, but was by him named
Cesarea. Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them ill
the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with
Hesebonitis, in Perea. And these were the places which he particularly
built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security,
and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means
get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually
upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he
might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood,
and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent
it. And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to
bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars,
and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellow citizens
with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple,
and out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been before;
but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own
security, and a monument of his magnificence. He also changed its name,
and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which
was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they
might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. Besides
all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made
use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications stronger;
nor was the compass of the place made now so small as it had been before,
but was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for
it was twenty furlongs in circumference. Now within, and about the middle
of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and
adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple,
which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And
as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of
all sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own security,
he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest
part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care
of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and
of his beneficence, to future ages.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE FAMINE THAT HAPPENED IN JUDEA AND SYRIA; AND
HOW HEROD, AFTER HE HAD MARRIED ANOTHER WIFE, REBUILT CESAREA, AND OTHER
GRECIAN CITIES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="299" unit="section" /><p>NOW on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign
of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were
derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally
in certain periods of time <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here we have an eminent example of the language of Josephus in his writing
to Gentiles, different from that when he wrote to Jews; in his writing
to whom he still derives all such judgments from the anger of God; but
because he knew many of the Gentiles thought they might naturally come
in certain periods, he complies with them in the following sentence. See
the note on the War. B. I. ch. 33. sect. 2.</note>
for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason
the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits
that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change
of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies
of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon
the back of another; and these circumstances, that they were destitute
both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which
began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men
also after such a manner deprived those that surived of all their courage,
because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses
they were in. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and
whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation
of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected
still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had
nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had
sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on
the second year. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This famine for two years that affected Judea and Syria, the thirteenth
mid fourteenth years of Herod, which are the twenty-third and twenty-fourth
years before the Christian era, seems to have been more terrible during
this time than was that in the days of Jacob, Genesis 41., 42. And what
makes the comparison the more remarkable is this, that now, as well as
then, the relief they had was from Egypt also; then from Joseph the governor
of Egypt, under Pharaoh king of Egypt; and now from Petronius the prefect
of Egypt, under Augustus the Roman emperor. See almost the like case, Antiq.
B. XX. ch. 2. sect. 6. It is also well worth our observation here, that
these two years were a Sabbatic year, and a year of jubilee, for which
Providence, during the theocracy, used to provide a triple crop beforehand;
but became now, when the Jews had forfeited that blessing, the greatest
years of famine to them ever since the days of Ahab, 1 Kings 17., 18.</note>
This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many
things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from
this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute
he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended
what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built;
nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable
state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is
a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those
that govern.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="305" unit="section" /><p>In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure
some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their
neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had
it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. However, he
thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to
assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace,
both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels
he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers,
but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by
Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities,
and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his
subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export
corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the
same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded
them what help they had. And Herod taking care the people should understand
that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion
of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration
possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; for, in the first
place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed
to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those
many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other
infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them,
the bakers should make their bread ready for them. He also took care that
they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great
want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption
of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any
thing else to cover themselves withal. And when he had procured these things
for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries
for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly
to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most
seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful
provision of food. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching,
he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the
country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his
own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions
of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities; for there was nobody
who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by
him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any
private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that
account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received
what they stood in need of, insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation,
that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were
given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was
given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand. Now it happened
that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence
on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that
old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign,
had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his
assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all
that he had done of that nature, as it also procured him great fame among
foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land,
to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to
be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these
distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change
the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose
he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to
be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying
their necessities proved him now to be.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="317" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of
the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Aelius Gallus seems to be no other than that Aelius Lagus whom Dio
speaks of as conducting an expedition that was about this time made into
Arabia Felix, according to Betarius, who is here cited by Spanheim. See
a full account of this expedition in Prideaux, at the years 23 and 24.</note>
led to the Red Sea, and who were of great service to him there. When therefore
his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition,
he built himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very
great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold,
and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain
very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes,
and had particular names given them; for one apartment was called Caesar's,
another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and married another wife,
not suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion
of this his marriage was as follows: There was one Simon, a citizen of
Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest
of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most
beautiful woman of that time; and when the people of Jerusalem began to
speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected
with what was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with
her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority
to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should
be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he thought it best to take
the damsel to wife. And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be
allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his
inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of
the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived
Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity
on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter].</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="323" unit="section" /><p>When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that place
where he had conquered file Jews when he was driven out of his government,
and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about
threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature, and fit for such a building.
It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a further height by the hand
of man, till it was of the shape of a woman's breast. It is encompassed
with circular towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent is
composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred. Within it
are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that provided both for
security and for beauty. About the bottom there are habitations of such
a structure as are well worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also
on account of the water which is brought thither from a great way off,
and at vast expenses, for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain
that is about this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city
in largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="326" unit="section" /><p>And now, when all Herod's designs had succeeded according to his
hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in
his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they
stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments,
as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magnanimous
manner, when they were under their distresses. But still he took care to
have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects;
for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness;
and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors,
and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be
more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom
might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were
every way more and more augmented. But then this magnificent temper of
his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards
Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the
customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building
cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples, - not in Judea
indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to
pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner
of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our
bounds, and in the cities thereof <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">One may here take notice, that how tyrannical and extravagant soever Herod
were in himself, and in his Grecian cities, as to those plays, and shows,
and temples for idolatry, mentioned above, ch. 8. sect. 1, and here also;
yet durst even he introduce very few of them into the cities of the Jews,
who, as Josephus here notes, would not even then have borne them, so zealous
were they still for many of the laws of Moses, even under so tyrannical
a government as this was of Herod the Great; which tyrannical government
puts me naturally in mind of Dean Prideaux's honest reflection upon the
like ambition after such tyrannical power in Pompey and Caesar: "One
of these (says he, at the year 60) could not bear an equal, nor the other
a superior; and through this ambitions humor and thirst after more power
in these two men, the whole Roman empire being divided into two opposite
factions, there was produced hereby the most destructive war that ever
afflicted it; and the like folly too much reigns in all other places. Could
about thirty men be persuaded to live at home in peace, without enterprising
upon the rights of each other, for the vain glory of conquest, and the
enlargement of power, the whole world might be at quiet; but their ambition,
their follies, and their humor, leading them constantly to encroach upon
and quarrel with each other, they involve all that are under them in the
mischiefs thereof; and many thousands are they which yearly perish by it;
so that it may almost raise a doubt, whether the benefit which the world
receives from government be sufficient to make amends for the calamities
which it suffers from the follies, mistakes, and real-administrations of
those that manage it."</note>
The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all
was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions
of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not
the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans,
while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was
very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity;
whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and
spent such vast sums of money upon them.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="331" unit="section" /><p>Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very
proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato's Tower, he
set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many
edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He
also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing
the people; and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he
adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea.
Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards
the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship;
and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of
itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought
to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses.
This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between
Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens,
on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling
the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships
lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to
ride at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod endeavored to rectify
this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might
be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety;
and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in
length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty
fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those
dimensions. This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet
wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as
to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called
Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the other half had upon
it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus,
and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus,
the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. There were also a great number
of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay,
[or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable
walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth
of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest
of the winds of all in this place: and the basis of the whole circuit on
the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was
made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right
hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger
than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and
were joined together. Now there were edifices all along the circular haven,
made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected
a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for
that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar.
The city itself was called Cesarea, which was also itself built of fine
materials, and was of a fine structure; nay, the very subterranean vaults
and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings
above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to
the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all
the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were
together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the
tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. Herod also
built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the
port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and
conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus
finished in twelve years; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Cesarea being here said to be rebuilt and adorned in twelve years, and
soon afterwards in ten years, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 5. sect. 1, there must
be a mistake in one of the places as to the true number, but in which of
them it is hard positively to determine.</note>
during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and
to pay the charges that were necessary.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD SENT HIS SONS TO ROME; HOW ALSO HE WAS ACCUSED
BY ZENODORUS AND THE GADARENS, BUT WAS CLEARED OF WHAT THEY ACCUSED HIM
OF AND WITHAL GAINED TO HIMSELF THE GOOD-WILL OF CAESAR. CONCERNING THE
PHARISEES, THE ESSENS AND MANAHEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="342" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Herod was engaged in such matters, and when he had already re-edified
Sebaste, [Samaria,] he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus
to Rome, to enjoy the company of Caesar; who, when they came thither, lodged
at the house of Pollio, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Pollio, with whom Herod's sons lived at Rome, was not Pollio the Pharisee,
already mentioned by Josephus, ch. 1. sect. 1, and again presently after
this, ch. 10. sect. 4; but Asinine Pollo, the Roman, as Spanheim here observes.</note>
who was very fond of Herod's friendship; and they had leave to lodge in
Caesar's own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity,
and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased;
and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis,
which he gave him on the occasion following: One Zenodorus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The character of this Zenodorus is so like that of a famous robber of the
same name in Strabo, and that about this very country, and about this very
time also, that I think Dr. Hudson hardly needed to have put a overlaps
to his determination that they were the same.</note>
had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied
with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the
Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants
of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes,
while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired.
Now as the neighboring people were hereby great. sufferers, they complained
to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write
to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid
before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers,
and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries
might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; for
it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had
been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living,
because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession,
but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their
cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to
get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were
able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any
that attacked them; for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which
but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large,
and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high,
but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult
to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance
of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions.
But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors,
their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice
comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar,
and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a
stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the
neighboring people.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="349" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality
was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who
had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again
without success. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar
in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod
lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular
friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. However, some
of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound
to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who
of old bare ill-will to Herod's government, were nettled, and at that time
attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon
a more justifiable occasion; for Zenodorus, despairing already of success
as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians
a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents;
but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the
point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes
they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting
force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. Moreover, they
persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him,
out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition;
in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of
life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while
apprized of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them,
but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give
any handle for tumults.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="354" unit="section" /><p>Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into
Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored
against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical.
These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus,
who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured
that they should be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to Caesar's
province. The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against
him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up
by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no
harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost
inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in
remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. And while they accused
Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood
unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him
his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this
disturbance by the multitude; and indeed these things were alleged the
first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw
the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had
reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them,
out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats
in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and
others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves
of their own accord; which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of
the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made
no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another
happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod
at this time; for Zenodorus's belly burst, and a great quantity of blood
issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch
in Syria; so Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon
Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas,
and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of
Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation;
and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there
were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and
then Agrippa, who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to
Herod besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than
Herod besides Caesar. And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged
of Caesar a tetrarchy <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A tetrarchy properly and originally denoted the fourth part of an entire
kingdom or country, and a tetrarch one that was ruler of such a fourth
part, which always implies somewhat less extent of dominion and power than
belong to a kingdom and to a king.</note>
for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue
of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any
harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not
have dominion over him. So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and
was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest
stone, in Zenodorus's country, near the place called Panlure. This is a
very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the
earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and frill of a
still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise
the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already
a very remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple, which
he dedicated to Caesar.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="365" unit="section" /><p>At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their
taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had
had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now
wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had
introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and
of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against
him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure;
against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the
opportunities they might have to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always
at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to
walk or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were
caught, they were severely punished; and many there were who were brought
to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to
death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and in the
roads, who watched those that met together; nay, it is reported that he
did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes
himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in
the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government:
and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme
of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest
of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath
of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they
would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management
of the government; and indeed a great part of them, either to please him,
or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such
as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at
the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them.
He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Satneas, and the
greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither
submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of
the reverence he bore to Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect of
ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of
life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall
discourse more fully elsewhere. However, it is but fit to set down here
the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essens in such honor, and thought
higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account
be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion
men had of these Essens.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="373" unit="section" /><p>Now there was one of these Essens, whose name was Manahem, who had
this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent
manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also.
This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted
him as king of the Jews; but he, thinking that either he did not know him,
or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man;
but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his
hand, and said," However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin
thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember
the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change
of thy fortune. And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that
thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards
thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt
not be such a one, for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain
an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and
these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life,
when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for
them." Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem
said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when
he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in
the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long
he should reign. Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign;
wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should
reign ten years or not? He replied, "Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;"
but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied
with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from
that time he continued to honor all the Essens. We have thought it proper
to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to
declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essens have,
by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of Divine
revelations.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD REBUILT THE TEMPLE AND RAISED IT HIGHER AND MADE
IT MORE MAGNIFICENT THAN IT WAS BEFORE; AS ALSO CONCERNING THAT TOWER WHICH
HE CALLED ANTONIA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="380" unit="section" /><p>AND now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the
acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build
of himself the temple of God, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may here observe, that the fancy of the modern Jews, in calling this
temple, which was really the third of their temples, the second temple,
followed so long by later Christians, seems to be without any solid foundation.
The reason why the Christians here followed the Jews is, because of the
prophecy of Haggai, 2:6-9, which they expound of the Messiah's coning to
the second or Zorobabel's temple, of which they suppose this of Herod to
be only a continuation; which is meant, I think, of his coming to the fourth
and last temple, of that future, largest, and most glorious one, described
by Ezekiel; whence I take the former notion, how general soever, to be
a great mistake. See Lit. Accorap. of Proph. p. 2.</note>
and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude,
as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really
was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an
everlasting memorial of him; but as he knew the multitude were not ready
nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them
first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so
he called them together, and spake thus to them: "I think I need not
speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since
I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such
a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself; for I have
neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to
ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper
to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God's
assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness
which they never had before; and for the particular edifices belonging
to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that
we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and
thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless
task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but
as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and
which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly
be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. Our fathers, indeed,
when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty,
yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much
did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple; nor let any
one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for
it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus,
and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding;
and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to
them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they
had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice,
nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; but since I am now, by God's
will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained
great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all,
I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say,
are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that
imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and
the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return,
after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received
from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as
complete as I am able."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="388" unit="section" /><p>And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this
speech aftrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and
because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp
upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice,
and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding;
and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of
the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished. But while they
were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told them he would
not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building
it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did
not break his word with them, but got ready a thousand waggons, that were
to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most
skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many
of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters,
and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every
thing was well prepared for the work.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="391" unit="section" /><p>So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected
the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty
additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Some of our modern students in architecture have made a strange blunder
here, when they imagine that Josephus affirms the entire foundations of
the temple or holy house sunk down into the rocky mountain on which it
stood no less than twenty cubits, whereas he is clear that they were the
foundations of the additional twenty cubits only above the hundred (made
perhaps weak on purpose, and only for show and grandeur) that sunk or fell
down, as Dr. Hudson rightly understands him; nor is the thing itself possible
in the other sense. Agrippa's preparation for building the inner parts
of the temple twenty cubits higher (History of the War, B. V. ch. 1. sect.
5) must in all probability refer to this matter, since Josephus says here,
that this which had fallen down was designed to be raised up again under
Nero, under whom Agrippa made that preparation. But what Josephus says
presently, that Solomon was the first king of the Jews, appears by the
parallel place, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 9. sect. 7, and other places, to be meant
only the first of David's posterity, and the first builder of the temple.</note>
fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the
days of Nero. Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong,
and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight,
and their breadth about twelve; and the whole structure, as also the structure
of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower, but the middle was
much higher, till they were visible to those that dwelt in the country
for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived over against them,
and those that approached to them. The temple had doors also at the entrance,
and lintels over them, of the same height with the temple itself. They
were adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and
pillars interwoven; and over these, but under the crown-work, was spread
out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height,
the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the
spectators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great
skill the workmanship was done. He also encompassed the entire temple with
very large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto;
and he laid out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before
him, till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple
as he had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters, which wall
was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. The
hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees towards the east parts
of the city, till it came to an elevated level. This hill it was which
Solomon, who was the first of our kings, by Divine revelation, encompassed
with a wall; it was of excellent workmanship upwards, and round the top
of it. He also built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was encompassed
by a deep valley; and at the south side he laid rocks together, and bound
them one to another with lead, and included some of the inner parts, till
it proceeded to a great height, and till both the largeness of the square
edifice and its altitude were immense, and till the vastness of the stones
in the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward
parts were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints immovable
for all future times. When this work [for the foundation] was done in this
manner, and joined together as part of the hill itself to the very top
of it, he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow
places which were about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper
surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round, and in
compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle containing in length
a furlong: but within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran
another wall of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double cloister,
of the same length with the wall; in the midst of which was the temple
itself. This cloister looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been
adorned by many kings in former times; and round about the entire temple
were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had been
dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those he had taken
from the Arabians.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="403" unit="section" /><p>Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel, whose
walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel
was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests
before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the
vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the
time when he was to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod kept in
that place; and after his death they were under the power of the Romans,
until the time of Tiberius Caesar; under whose reign Vitellius, the president
of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently
received by the multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for
the kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have those
holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar,
who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments
continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa; but after that,
Cassius Longinus, who was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was
procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the
tower of Antonia, for that they ought to have them in their power, as they
formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to
intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king Agrippa, junior, being
then at Rome, asked for and obtained the power over them from the emperor,
who gave command to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give
it them accordingly. Before that time they were kept under the seal of
the high priest, and of the treasurers of the temple; which treasurers,
the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards,
and viewed their own seal, and received the vestments; and again, when
the festival was over, they brought it to the same place, and showed the
captain of the temple guards their seal, which corresponded with his seal,
and reposited them there. And that these things were so, the afflictions
that happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. But
for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it
more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified
Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the
name of the Tower of Antonia.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="410" unit="section" /><p>Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there
were four gates; the first led to the king's palace, and went to a passage
over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city;
and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into
the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent
for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and
was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; but
the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had indeed itself
gates in its middle, as also it had the royal cloisters, with three walks,
which reached in length from the east valley unto that on the west, for
it was impossible it should reach any farther: and this cloister deserves
to be mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the valley
was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked from above
into the depth, this further vastly high elevation of the cloister stood
upon that height, insomuch that if any one looked down from the top of
the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he would be giddy, while
his sight could not reach to such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars
that stood in four rows one over against the other all along, for the fourth
row was interwoven into the wall, which [also was built of stone]; and
the thickness of each pillar was such, that three men might, with their
arms extended, fathom it round, and join their hands again, while its length
was twenty-seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis; and the number
of all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and sixty-two. Their chapiters
were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement
[to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur of the whole. These four
rows of pillars included three intervals for walking in the middle of this
cloister; two of which walks were made parallel to each other, and were
contrived after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty
feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet; but the breadth
of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other, and
the height was double, for it was much higher than those on each side;
but the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, representing many
sorts of figures. The middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall
of the front was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were interwoven
into it, and that front was all of polished stone, insomuch that its fineness,
to such as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as had seen it,
was greatly amazing. Thus was the first enclosure. In the midst of which,
and not far from it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this
was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription, which
forbade any foreigner to go in under pain of death. Now this inner enclosure
had on its southern and northern quarters three gates [equally] distant
one from another; but on the east quarter, towards the sun-rising, there
was one large gate, through which such as were pure came in, together with
their wives; but the temple further inward in that gate was not allowed
to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of the] temple,
whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests alone to enter. The
temple itself was within this; and before that temple was the altar, upon
which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings to God. Into none of
these three did king Herod enter, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">"Into none Of these three did king Herod enter," i.e. 1. Not
into the court of the priests; 2. Nor into the holy house itself; 3. Nor
into the separate place belonging to the altar, as the words following
imply; for none but priests, or their attendants the Levites, might come
into any of them. See Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 4. sect. 6, when Herod goes into
the temple, and makes a speech in it to the people, but that could only
be into the court of Israel, whither the people could come to hear him.</note>
for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest. However, he took care
of the cloisters and the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight
years.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="421" unit="section" /><p>But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six
months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and presently they
returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for
the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted and celebrated this rebuilding
of the temple: and for the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God,
as did the rest every one according to his ability; the number of which
sacrifices is not possible to set down, for it cannot be that we should
truly relate it; for at the same time with this celebration for the work
about the temple fell also the day of the king's inauguration, which he
kept of an old custom as a festival, and it now coincided with the other,
which coincidence of them both made the festival most illustrious.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="424" unit="section" /><p>There was also an occult passage built for the king; it led from
Antonia to the inner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he also erected
for himself a tower, that he might have the opportunity of a subterraneous
ascent to the temple, in order to guard against any sedition which might
be made by the people against their kings. It is also reported, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This tradition which Josephus here mentions, as delivered down from fathers
to their children, of this particular remarkable circumstance relating
to the building of Herod's temple, is a demonstration that such its building
was a known thing in Judea at this time. He was born about forty-six years
after it is related to have been finished, and might himself have seen
and spoken with some of the builders themselves, and with a great number
of those that had seen it building. The doubt therefore about the truth
of this history of the pulling down and rebuilding this temple by Herod,
which some weak people have indulged, was not then much greater than it
soon may be, whether or not our St. Paul's church in London was burnt down
in the fire of London, A.D. <date value="1666" authname="1666">1666</date>, and rebuilt by Sir Christopher Wren a
little afterward.</note>
that during the time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the
daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the work was
not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible,
if any one have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed
the work of the rebuilding of the temple.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="16" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XVI</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE YEARS.
FROM THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH
OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A LAW OF HEROD'S ABOUT, THIEVES. SALOME AND PHERORAS CALUMNIATE
ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS, UPON THEIR RETURN FROM ROME FOR WHOM YET HEROD
PROVIDES WIVES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>AS king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his entire
government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts of injustice
which were done by criminals about the city and country, he made a law,
no way like our original laws, and which he enacted of himself, to expose
house-breakers to be ejected out of his kingdom; which punishment was not
only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution
of the customs of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and
such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity that
they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was an offense
against our religious settlement, rather than a punishment to such as were
found to have offended, such a punishment being avoided in our original
laws; for those laws ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold; and
that if he have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners,
nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released
after six years. But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a severe
and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence of Herod, when
he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and
without any regard to his subjects, did he venture to introduce such a
punishment. Now this penalty, thus brought into practice, was like Herod's
other actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of
the hatred he lay under.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="6" unit="section" /><p>Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous
to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and Caesar
was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him
his sons again, that he might take them home with him, as having already
completed themselves in the sciences; but as soon as the young men were
come from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they
became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune,
and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared
to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king's sister, and to such as
had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when
these came to the government, they should be punished for the wickedness
they had been guilty of against their mother; so they made this very fear
of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out
that they were not pleased with their father's company, because he had
put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear
to converse with their mother's murderer. Now, by carrying these stories;
that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only built on
probabilities as to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief,
and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he had before
borne to them; for they did not say these things to him openly, but scattered
abroad such words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when
carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural
affection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet
was the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural affection
of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay under.
So he respected them as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now
they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife
Bernice, Salome's daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD TWICE SAILED TO AGRIPPA; AND HOW UPON THE COMPLAINT
IN IONIA AGAINST THE GREEKS AGRIPPA CONFIRMED THE LAWS TO THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="12" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood that Marcus
Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him,
and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what
he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend.
This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into
Judea; whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained
him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built,
and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and
his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he had
built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium,
and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem,
where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him
with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God;
and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that
could be gotten. He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many
days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that the season
of the year made him make haste away; for as winter was coming on, he thought
it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again
to Ionia.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="16" unit="section" /><p>So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the
principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when
he had passed the winter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him
again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the
Bosptiorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos,
as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short
here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore;
so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great
many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And
when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was
overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and was very large and fine building,
so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish
a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient
to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico,
but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments.
And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to
Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean
rocks, he made all the haste possible to overtake him, and came up with
him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly,
but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were
between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest
marks of the king's kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the
king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his assistance,
and had left the government of his own dominions, and thought it more worth
his while to come to him. Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa,
in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and
in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant
companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him
in all things; ill troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity
because of the respect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those affairs
of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they
did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and
Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus,
and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed
a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they
stood in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind
treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself
out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa for
all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things so about, that
the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself
of a good disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all
such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they
were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the king was of
great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to
do good; for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom
he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar's procurators,
and discharged them of their tributes; and helped all others, according
as their several necessities required.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="27" unit="section" /><p>But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude
of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the
opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries
which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws,
but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the
judges, upon their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used
to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other
offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens
they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them
to live according to their own laws. When this clamor was made, the king
desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus,
one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when
Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and
rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded
for the Jews, as follows: <milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="31" unit="section" />"It is of necessity incumbent on such as
are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to
free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are
complainants, they approach you with great assurance; for as they have
formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to
have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will
take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken
away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have
power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater
than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are;
and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation
who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors;
and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors
not to confirm them to us. And for those that are the hinderance of the
Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both
the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom
their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors,
while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated. Now if
any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they
would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers,
their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated
in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would
choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any
of the customs of their forefathers; for a great many of them have rather
chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress
in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which
all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are
allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to
live [in peace]; and although they would not be thus treated themselves,
yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were
not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious
solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their
own towards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices.
Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government
and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing '. Is there
any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted? No one
is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers
of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away
what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own
grants made them by you may be taken from them also; which grants of yours
can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments
under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number
of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their
happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer
in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we desire, even
when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied,
for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only
in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to
preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not
in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those
that grant it to us; for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it
must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none
of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted
to the preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of
ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of
a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from
labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We may here observe the ancient practice of the Jews, of dedicating the
sabbath day, not to idleness, but to the learning their sacred rites and
religious customs, and to the meditation on the law of Moses; the like
to which we meet with elsewhere in Josephus also against Apion, B. I. sect.
22.</note>
we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing
else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one therefore examine into
our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they
are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who
have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of
that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed
them and observed them. Now our adversaries take these our privileges away
in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which
is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious
manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals
on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the
contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would
put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as
we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary,
hatred; for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing
of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to
it. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa,
that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may
not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of
our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody
to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice,
but have formerly been granted us by you. And we are able to read to you
many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are
still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident
were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which
ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto
preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost
to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped
for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And
if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on
every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end
to his discourse; but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy
of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us,
to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now
governs us, and is now one of thy assessors; and indeed in what instance
of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity
to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion
for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What
hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his
so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit not here
to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar
made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men,
and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the
management of the navy; and what need I say any thing of how great weight
those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents
they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned
the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors,
and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are demonstrations
both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that
account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason
to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of
regard to our king's disposition towards you, and your disposition towards
him. And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with
what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the
most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows,
and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable
presents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made
both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager
of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which
thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them
by the family of Herod. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence
of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but
this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away
by others from us."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="58" unit="section" /><p>When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made
to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of
justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews
any longer; nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny
what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this,
that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust
to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity
in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they
did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa perceived that they
had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of
Herod's good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever
they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves
just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple
to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman
government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what
privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed
this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own
customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had
said thus, he dissolved the assembly; upon which Herod stood up and saluted
him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa
also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced
him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined
to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave
of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days'
time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and
there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being
there out of the country also. So he came to them, and gave them a particular
account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia,
how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time
to come. He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and
how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing
which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted
to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly,
they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went
their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW GREAT DISTURBANCES AROSE IN HERODS FAMILY ON HIS PREFERRING
ANTIPATER HIS ELDEST SON BEFORE THE REST, TILL ALEXANDER TOOK THAT INJURY
VERY HEINOUSLY.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="66" unit="section" /><p>BUT now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more disorder,
and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men
[Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended as it were by inheritance
[from their mother Mariamne]; and as she had fully succeeded against their
mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to
endeavor that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have
it in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat
of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned by the
remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own
affectation of dominion. The old grudge was also renewed; and they east
reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious
designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now as for this
hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred
was different; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and
affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it
the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but
the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a
subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining
that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence to their
father; for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of
their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that might
at length exceed all bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be
avenged on their father, though it were by despatching him with their own
hands. At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their
discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the
young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them,
and what imputations she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of
their own conduct; for they who were so deeply affected with the death
of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a
miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed
was truly such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also,
because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers,
and to be partakers with them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="73" unit="section" /><p>These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence abroad
had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod
was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras
and Salome let fill words immediately as if he were in great danger, and
as if the young men openly threatened that they would not spare him any
longer, but revenge their mother's death upon him. They also added another
circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia,
that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse their
father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately disturbed; and
indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to
him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and
considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying
any comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he
loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier
and greater than those that were past, he was in great confusion of mind;
for Divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward
advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he
had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered
him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one
could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the comparison
of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good
things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have
chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family, though he had, for
a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="78" unit="section" /><p>As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these
young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him
when he was a private man; his name was Antipater; yet did he not then
indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and
let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing
the insolence of the sons of Marianme, and managing this elevation of his
so, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs
[he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the
succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity
come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined
that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after
this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting
these to be of a better disposition; but the event proved otherwise than
he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury;
and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree
of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped
for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress
his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to
keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies
he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal
against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually
more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports that were
spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as
if those discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use
of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as
might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to
the king; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship
with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the
men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus
out of their good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which
from various foundations supported one another's veracity, the young men
themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also; for they were
observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered
them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they
ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which
things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against
a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations,
increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the
family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid
upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased
the honor that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome
by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote
frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him
to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after
he had finished his ten years' government in Asia. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This interval of ten years for the duration of Marcus Agrippa's government
in Asia seems to be true, and agreeable to the Roman history. See Usher's
Annals at A.M. 3392.</note>
Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him
but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along
with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Caesar's
friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father's
favor, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes
of the kingdom.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW DURING ANTIPATER'S ABODE AT ROME, HEROD BROUGHT ALEXANDER
AND ARISTOBULUS BEFORE CAESAR AND ACCUSED THEM. ALEXANDER'S DEFENSE OF
HIMSELF BEFORE CAESAR AND RECONCILIATION TO HIS FATHER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="87" unit="section" /><p>AND now what happened during Antipater's absence augmented the honor
to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren;
for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations
of him to all his friends there; only he was grieved that he was not at
home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren;
and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain
a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in
his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from
Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father
against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation,
but in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase
a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself:
and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that
he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still
while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that
he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought
it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not
indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected
of impiety. But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such
haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was this accusation of his
sons deferred till they came to Rome, as sect. 3 assures us, and as we
are particularly informed in the History of the War, B. I. ch. 23. sect.
3; though what he here says belonged distinctly to Alexander, the elder
brother, I mean his being brought to Rome, is here justly extended to both
the brothers, and that not only in our copies, but in that of Zonaras also;
nor is there reason to doubt but they were both at this solemn hearing
by Augustus, although the defense was made by Alexander alone, who was
the eldest brother, and one that could speak very well.</note>
so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing
this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented
his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts
against him: That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were
able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own father, and
would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous
manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity,
but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him;
while these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a
disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but
deprive their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by
time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time
borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar,
and to pollute his ears with such language, while he himself wants to know
what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he hath
ever laid upon them to make them complain of him; and how they can think
it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time,
and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose
of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages,
he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter imitate
the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital
as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle
with it beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the
same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise
he cannot come at the government: that as for himself, he had hitherto
given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are
subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments
they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into
the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister's daughter,
but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest
favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority
to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought
them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity
which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who
had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand
upon a level with him in judgment: that, however, it was necessary that
all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live
in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to
see the light of the sun after what they have done, although they should
escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly
suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency
against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking,
and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves,
they knew in their own conscience they were innocent; but because they
were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that
it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty
to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force
and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent so to
do. There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak;
and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed, while they were afraid,
that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from
a consciousness of guilt, - nor had they any defense ready, by reason of
their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprized,
when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay
to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities,
but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by
those that were there in particular; and they moved their father's affections
in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="104" unit="section" /><p>But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him
and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or
at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander,
called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said,
"O father, the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, even
in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions
about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all,
for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the
guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness
to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us; for no
one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and
to the altars; yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure
to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such
a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion
upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt. And
if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in
pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in; but if this calumny
so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this
day; which why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it
is easy to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say further,
that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly
sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former; but consider
well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and
may not be said of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that
reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may
have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him;
but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now
let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any
such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made credible?
Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy
of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against
thee? though indeed there are none of those things but have sometimes been
pretended by way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family
that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou
callest a reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a
foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor
does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies
by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we have
to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not against thee,
for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing
that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but
not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that
had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know
our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already
have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we have
them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that we had killed
thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would
let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action
as that; nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole
nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government,
and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild suspicion, as we have supposed
already, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 7, that Josephus's history of Herod's
rebuilding the temple is no better than a fable, it may not be amiss to
take notice of this occasional clause in the speech of Alexander before
his father Herod, in his and his brother's vindication, which mentions
the temple as known by every body to have been built by Herod.</note>
But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer go off
unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious or
so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is
convenient for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint,
nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make
such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then
what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement
to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but
actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement
with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator
between us, If thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of
truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live, though
even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts
of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any
fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason
for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to
have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="121" unit="section" /><p>When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before believe
so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon
Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded: the persons there present
were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread
abroad made the king hated, for the very incredibility of the calumny,
and the commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which
were in the young men, pleaded for assistance, and the more so on this
account, that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence;
nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances,
which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but
now there arose in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared
not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he
having no real evidence wherewith to correct them. Indeed he wanted some
apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said,
that although the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which
they were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had
not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion
which was spread abroad concerning them. He also exhorted Herod to lay
all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it
was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his own children;
and that this repentance on both sides might still heal those breaches
that had happened between them, and might improve that their good-will
to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their
suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards
each other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition,
he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed to fall
down to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced
them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms,
till not one of those that were present, whether free-man or slave, but
was deeply affected with what they saw. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See John 2:20. See also another speech of Herod's own to the young men
that pulled down his golden eagle from the front of the temple, where he
takes notice how the building of the temple cost him a vast sum; and that
the Asamoneans, in those one hundred and twenty-five years they held the
government, were not able to perform so great a work, to the honor of God,
as this was, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 6. sect. 3.</note></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="127" unit="section" /><p>Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together; and
with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that he rejoiced
at this reconciliation. And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod
made him a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting
shows and largesses to the people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present
of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care
of the other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes;
and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which
of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it in parts
to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all. And when
Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Caesar said he
would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the
power over his kingdom, or over his sons.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="130" unit="section" /><p>After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence
no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the
commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission
again. Now as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over against
Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste,
he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as
rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against
Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made
one another such presents as it became kings to make, From thence Herod
came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning
what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about
Caesar's kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done
as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with.
At last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted
those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed
them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander
and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne: but he desired that at present they
should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all,
since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life
when he must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient
in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the kingdom
well, and to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under
him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their
life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another
happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the assembly. Which speech
was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them
all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them,
occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD CELEBRATED THE GAMES THAT WERE TO RETURN EVERY
FIFTH YEAR UPON THE BUILDING OF CESAREA; AND HOW HE BUILT AND ADORNED MANY
OTHER PLACES AFTER A MAGNIFICENT MANNER; AND DID MANY OTHER ACTIONS GLORIOUSLY</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="136" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time it was that Cesarea Sebaste, which he had built,
was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth year,
the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign,
and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad. There was accordingly
a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order
to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games
to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those
that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races
also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited
at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and
ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of
ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to
make it decent; nay, Julia, Caesar's wife, sent a great part of her most
valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing.
The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great
multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors
whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from
Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables,
and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions
of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums
of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul; for in
all his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever
had been done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and
Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the
greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom
of Syria, and that of Egypt also.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="142" unit="section" /><p>After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected
another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place,
both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and proper for the production
of what was there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and
a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it: this he named
Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot
of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great
security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros. He also
dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of
the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a
tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named
Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the city,
and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name. He
also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go
from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful
by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called
Phasaelus.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="146" unit="section" /><p>But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up,
those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in
all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred,
and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities,
and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary
to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other
revenues: but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works,
he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them
a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also
built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis,
at Actium; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Dr. Hudson here gives us the words of Suetonius concerning this Nicopolis,
when Augustus rebuilt it: "And that the memory of the victory at Actium
might be celebrated the more afterward, he built Nicopolis at Actium, and
appointed public shows to be there exhibited every fifth year." In
August, sect. 18.</note>
and for the Antiochinus, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria,
where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters
along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and
was of very great advantage to the inhabitants. And as to the olympic games,
which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues,
he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for heir maintenance,
and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other
ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared
in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="150" unit="section" /><p>Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod's nature
and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits
which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those
that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that
he had a nature vastly beneficent; but when any one looks upon the punishments
he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to
his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition
there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to
all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different,
and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another
opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was
one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome
by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared
any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present; and as his
expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to
his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many,
that they made him a very bad procurer of it; and because he was conscious
that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he
thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient
for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will
an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was
not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself
to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government,
he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and
friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness
he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored. Now
for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest
evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends;
for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors,
the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most
excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to
have the like presented to himself. But now the Jewish nation is by their
law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness
to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because
it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition with statues or
temples, or any other such performances; And this seems to me to have been
at once the occasion of Herod's crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors,
and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation
to him.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">AN EMBASSAGE IN CYRENE AND ASIA TO CAESAR, CONCERNING THE
COMPLAINTS THEY HAD TO MAKE AGAINST THE GREEKS; WITH COPIES OF THE EPISTLES
WHICH CAESAR AND AGRIPPA WROTE TO THE CITIES FOR THEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="160" unit="section" /><p>Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of
the same nation which lived ill Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the
former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but
the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away
their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions.
When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar
on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before,
and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces,
copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable
disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="162" unit="section" /><p>"Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains
thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman
people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus
the high priest, under my father <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Augustus here calls Julius Caesar his father, though by birth he was only
his uncle, on account of his adoption by him. See the same Antiq. B. XIV.
ch. 14. sect. 4.</note>
Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to
the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty
to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers,
as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty
God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem,
and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and
that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath day, nor
on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is authentic evidence that the Jews, in the days of Augustus, began
to prepare for the celebration of the sabbath at the ninth hour on Friday,
as the tradition of the elders did, it seems, then require of them.</note>
But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money,
whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed
a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury
of the Romans. And I give order that the testimonial which they have given
me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind,
and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present
decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated
to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any
part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished." This
was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="166" unit="section" /><p>"Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews,
how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient
custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely."
These were the decrees of Caesar.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="167" unit="section" /><p>Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf
of the Jews: "Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred
money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of
Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom; and that such as
steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken
thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons
are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no
one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the sabbath day."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="169" unit="section" /><p>"Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene,
sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance
of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya,
and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may
be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers,
they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under pretense
of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending them, which I command
to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them. And
if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their proper receivers,
I further enjoin, that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that
place."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="171" unit="section" /><p>"Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me
not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together
according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money
to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both
Caesar and I would have you act accordingly."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="172" unit="section" /><p>Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. "To
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.
As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews
that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted
them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits,
which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety,
and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance.
They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted
by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you
take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit
them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without
disturbance."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="174" unit="section" /><p>I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present
history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have
hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem,
and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping
any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by
them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God;
and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other
people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable
men bear to us. As for our customs <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The remaining part of this chapter is remarkable, as justly distinguishing
natural justice, religion, and morality, from positive institutions in
all countries, and evidently preferring the former before the latter, as
did the true prophets of God always under the Old Testament, and Christ
and his New; whence Josephus seems to have been at this time nearer Christianity
than were the Scribes and Pharisees of his age; who, as we know from the
New Testament, were entirely of a different opinion and practice.</note>
there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city
almost we meet with them different from one another; but natural justice
is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and
barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render
us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to
all men; on which account we have reason to expect the like return from
others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of
positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with
us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in
common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human
life. I now return to the thread of my history.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW, UPON HEROD'S GOING DOWN INTO DAVID'S SEPULCHER, THE
SEDITION IN HIS FAMILY GREATLY INCREASED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>AS for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without
and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who
had been king before him, had opened David's sepulcher, and taken out of
it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater
number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had
a great while an intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened
that sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it should
not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends
with him. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that
furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all
which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent
search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and
Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out
upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly aftrighted,
and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been
in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at
great expense also. And even Nicolaus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is here worth our observation, how careful Josephus was as to the discovery
of truth in Herod's history, since he would not follow Nicolaus of Damascus
himself, so great an historian, where there was great reason to suspect
that he flattered Herod; which impartiality in history Josephus here solemnly
pro fesses, and of which impartiality he has given more demonstrations
than almost any historian whomsoever; but as to Herod's taking great wealth
out of David's sepulcher, though I cannot prove it, yet do I strongly suspect
it from this very history.</note>
his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though
he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that
action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same
manner in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign,
and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing
but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his notorious
crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous to
put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous
actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne,
and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded
in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just actions he
had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. Indeed, a man,
as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nicolaus;
for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat
that might be subservient to the king himself. As for ourselves, who come
of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have
an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say
any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their
actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence
many of Herod's posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard
to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur
their displeasure by so doing.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="188" unit="section" /><p>And indeed Herod's troubles in his family seemed to be augmented
by reason of this attempt he made upon David's sepulcher; whether Divine
vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in order to render them
incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases
wherein the seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that
the calamities came upon him for his impiety; for the tumult was like a
civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another was like
that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. However, Antipater
used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly;
while abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently
to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make
him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by which means
he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed all that
he did was for his preservation. Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was
a great director of the affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted
with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all
in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any
other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage; but
still the sons of Marianme were in a worse and worse condition perpetually;
and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonorable rank, who
yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the dishonor. And
for the women, Glaphyra, Alexander's wife, the daughter of Archclaus, hated
Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed
to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to herself Glaphyra took
very impatiently.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="194" unit="section" /><p>Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither
did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a
particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was overcome with
the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the
king's daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind
to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved by the
dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors upon him,
and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner
with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made him a due return
for his labors, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's
unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some
time, when he thought the heat of his brother's affections was over, he
blamed him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter,
whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting
his brother, and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base
thing to be so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king's
good-will to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself
hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage,
particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put
his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the
king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth
day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no further
conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were
over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed
any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This
occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry, while the king dropped
one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king's
anger an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king
any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel
or another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to him;
for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to Mariamne's sons; nor
would she suffer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one
of those young men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her
to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings
happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by
which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured
to the young man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that
the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and
that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if
they had once got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other
wives country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given
them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an employment.
And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their mother's
clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel,
they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they
should not see the light of the sun. These stories were presently carried
by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to
make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming more
and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon
his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they made for themselves,
he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents
came upon him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="206" unit="section" /><p>For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was
the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he
had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his
passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he was all on
fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of
Herod's obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse,
which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which fell
from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed
him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder
than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame,
was much disturbed at it; and often did he lament the wickedness of his
domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they
had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, "Thou
vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree
of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me, but to speak
of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are. It is not thy only
aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to
persuade him to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who
is there, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but
would not bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself
upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him
to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his
father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his
brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach
against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch
as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words?
Begone, thou art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may
that evil conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome
my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as
they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy
of."</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the
very act of his villainy, said that "it was Salome who was the framer
of this plot, and that the words came from her." But as soon as she
heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be
believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all
earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because
of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing
the dangers that were coming upon him, and that at present there were more
plots against him than usual; for while she was the only person who persuaded
her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king's daughter,
it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, and often
tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her denial
to be believed; but the peverseness of her manners declared at the same
time her dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between
them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed
that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he
said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased,
and their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his
hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had
commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of
the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself. After such a contest
as this had fallen out among them, Salome's reputation suffered greatly,
since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and the king's
wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman,
and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different seasons:
so they perpetually said one thing or another against her; and somewhat
that now fell out made them the bolder in speaking against her.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="220" unit="section" /><p>There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man
in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was
a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This
Sylleus, upon some occasion coining to Herod, and supping with him, saw
Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a widow,
he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favor
with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very
earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared
many, and those very great, indications of their agreement together. Now
the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of
it; whereupon Herod inquired about it further of Pheroras, and desired
him to observe them at supper, how their behavior was one toward another;
who told him, that by the signals which came from their heads and their
eyes, they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian
being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards,
as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired
that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not
be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government
of which country was already in effect under his power, and more evidently
would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister
about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately
agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion,
and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any
other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he
said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did
Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more;
and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which the king
had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have
before related, because he was enamored on his former wife, Salome desired
of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus; which match he was
very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that
this young man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain
by him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his successor
in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded
him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals,
was disposal of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving
for her portion a hundred talents.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD TOOK UP ALEXANDER AND BOUND HIM; WHOM YET ARCHELAUS
KING OF CAPPADOCIA RECONCILED TO HIS FATHER HEROD AGAIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="229" unit="section" /><p>BUT still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but perpetually
more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent
occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon him.
There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their
beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted
to one of them; of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting
him to bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the
government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted
by Alexander the king's son with great sums of money. And when they were
asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they confessed
it, but said they knew of no further mischief of his against his father;
but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity,
and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack
to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate
hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live
much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his
hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was;
but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom,
which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly
have the first place in that kingdom under him, for that he was now ready
to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right, but by the preparations
he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a
great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither,
ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on that account.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="235" unit="section" /><p>When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear,
some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of
dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked,
and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against him than
he should be then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now make an
open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he
was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging
abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued
to suspect those that were guiltless; nor did he set any bounds to himself,
but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt
him, they were to him very frightful; and for those that did not use to
come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and
he thought himself safer when they were destroyed. And at last his domestics
were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves,
they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused
another was most likely to save himself; yet when any had overthrown others,
they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused
others, and they only thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they
now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were
caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to
make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their
enemies; yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same
snare which they laid for others: and the king soon repented of what he
had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he
had slain; and yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use
of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order
to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="241" unit="section" /><p>And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and
he had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to
appear before him, her come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction
was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of acting, or a greater
restraint on himself on their account; for at this time it was that he
expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends,
and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of
advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been
tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with
him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius was a companion
to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which
arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school,
and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing
enough to have done worse by them; but that he might not seem to take such
liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving
them of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="244" unit="section" /><p>Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew
what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been
a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought
he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could
oppose him was taken away. When therefore Andromachus and his friends were
driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer,
the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to
be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts against
him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter, which
made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find
out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was
very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent,
as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander],
and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers
what attempts were still concealed. Now there was a certain person among
the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had
often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a
skillful marksman, and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded
all men, these qualifications given him by nature, though good in themselves,
were not advantageous to him, because his father was grieved at them, and
envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his father, he
endeavored to depress and shorten himself, that he might not appear too
tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father
was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father
was of being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented
about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that
he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie
in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when
they had done so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them.
There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother,
wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater
a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon
these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on,
in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander
and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite
satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect
himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions,
and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain
him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom]; so he was desirous
to have some surer mark of his son's wickedness, and was very solicitous
about it, that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in prison
too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander's friends, and put
not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them
which he suspected. And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and
the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when
he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends
at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar,
and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king
of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans,
and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelori.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his
miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as
fiattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition; but as for
the poisonous potion, which he labored to find, he could find none. As
for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he
was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the
rashness of his father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he
was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies:
he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to plague him
and his whole kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent them to him,
that he did not need to torture any more persons, for he had plotted against
him; and that he had for his partners Pheroras and the most faithful of
his friends; and that Salome came in to him by night, and that she lay
with him whether he would or not; and that all men were come to be of one
mind, to make away with him as soon as they could, and so get clear of
the continual fear they were in from him. Among these were accused Ptolemy
and Sapinnius, who were the most faithful friends to the king. And what
more can be said, but that those who before were the most intimate friends,
were become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain madness had fallen
upon them, while there was no room for defense or refutation, in order
to the discovery of the truth, but all were at random doomed to destruction;
so that some lamented those that were in prison, some those that were put
to death, and others lamented that they were in expectation of the same
miseries; and a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and
quite the reverse to that happy state it was formerly in. Herod's own life
also was entirely disturbed; and because he could trust nobody, he was
sorely punished by the expectation of further misery; for he often fancied
in his imagination that his son had fallen upon him, or stood by him with
a sword in his hand; and thus was his mind night and day intent upon this
thing, and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if he were under
a distraction. And this was the sad condition Herod was now in.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="261" unit="section" /><p>But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the state that Herod
was in, and being in great distress about his daughter, and the young man
[her husband], and grieving with Herod, as with a man that was his friend,
on account of so great a disturbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem]
on purpose to compose their differences; and when he found Herod in such
a temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend
that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should thereby naturally
bring him to dispute the point with him, and by still more and more apologizing
for himself to be the more irritated: he went, therefore, another way to
work, in order to correct the former misfortunes, and appeared angry at
the young man, and said that Herod had been so very mild a man, that he
had not acted a rash part at all. He also said he would dissolve his daughter's
marriage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his own daughter, if
she were conscious of any thing, and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus
appeared to be of this temper, and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined,
and, for the main, took Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the
king abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have
acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection of a
father, and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons refuted
the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he was thrown into a passion;
but when Archclaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved into tears
and sorrow after an affectionate manner. Accordingly, he desired that he
would not dissolve his son's marriage, and became not so angry as before
for his offenses. So when Archclaus had brought him to a more moderate
temper, he transferred the calumnies upon his friends; and said it must
be owing to them that so young a man, and one unacquainted with malice,
was corrupted; and he supposed that there was more reason to suspect the
brother than the soft. Upon which Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras,
who indeed now had no one that could make a reconciliation between him
and his brother. So when he saw that Archclaus had the greatest power with
Herod, he betook himself to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one
that had all the signs upon him of an undone man. Upon this Archclaus did
not overlook the intercession he made to him, nor yet did he undertake
to change the king's disposition towards him immediately; and he said that
it was better for him to come himself to the king, and confess himself
the occasion of all; that this would make the king's anger not to be extravagant
towards him, and that then he would be present to assist him. When he had
persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both of them; and the calumnies
raised against the young man were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And
Archclaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation, went then away to
Cappadocia, having proved at this juncture of time the most acceptable
person to Herod in the world; on which account he gave him the richest
presents, as tokens of his respects to him; and being on other occasions
magnanimous, he esteemed him one of his dearest friends. He also made an
agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to
Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and
there Herod made a reconciliation between Archclaus and Titus, the president
of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE REVOLT OF THE TRACHONITES; HOW SYLLEUS ACCUSED
HEROD BEFORE CAESAR; AND HOW HEROD, WHEN CAESAR WAS ANGRY AT HIM, RESOLVED
TO SEND NICOLAUS TO ROME.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="271" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war arose
between him and the Arabians, on the occasion following: The inhabitants
of Trachonitis, after Caesar had taken the country away from Zenodorus,
and added it to Herod, had not now power to rob, but were forced to plough
the land, and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not like; and
when they did take that pains, the ground did not produce much fruit for
them. However, at the first the king would not permit them to rob, and
so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their neighbors,
which procured Herod a great reputation for his care. But when he was sailing
to Rome, it was at that time when he went to accuse his son Alexander,
and to commit Antipater to Caesar's protection, the Trachonites spread
a report as if he were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and betook
themselves again to their accustomed way of robbing their neighbors; at
which time the king's commanders subdued them during his absence; but about
forty of the principal robbers, being terrified by those that had been
taken, left the country, and retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining
them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them a place of
strength, in which they dwelt. So they overran not only Judea, but all
Celesyria also, and carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them places
of protection and quietness during their wicked practices. But when Herod
came back from Rome, he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered
by them; and since he could not reach the robbers themselves, because of
the secure retreat they had in that country, and which the Arabian government
afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the injuries they had done
him, he went all over Trachonitis, and slew their relations; whereupon
these robbers were more angry than before, it being a law among them to
be avenged on the murderers of their relations by all possible means; so
they continued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's dominion with
impunity. Then did he discourse about these robberies to Saturninus and
Volumnius, and required that they should be punished; upon which occasion
they still the more confirmed themselves in their robberies, and became
more numerous, and made very great disturbances, laying waste the countries
and villages that belonged to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men whom
they caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war,
for the robbers were now become about a thousand; - at which Herod was
sore displeased, and required the robbers, as well as the money which he
had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and since the time
of payment was now past, he desired to have it paid him; but Sylleus, who
had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers
were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there
was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents
of Syria. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These joint presidents of Syria, Saturninus and Volumnius, were not perhaps
of equal authority, but the latter like a procurator under the former,
as the very learned Noris and Pagi, and with them Dr. Hudson, determine.</note>
At last he, by their means, agreed, that within thirty days' time Herod
should be paid his money, and that each of them should deliver up the other's
subjects reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other's
subjects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any
other account, but it was proved that the Arabians had the robbers amongst
them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="282" unit="section" /><p>When this day appointed for payment of the money was past, without
Sylleus's performing any part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome,
Herod demanded the payment of the money, and that the robbers that were
in Arabia should be delivered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus
and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon those that were refractory.
He took an army that he had, and let it into Arabia, and in three days'
time marched seven mansions; and when he came to the garrison wherein the
robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and took them all, and demolished
the place, which was called Raepta, but did no harm to any others. But
as the Arabians came to their assistance, under Naceb their captain, there
ensued a battle, wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Naceb, the captain
of the Arabians, and about twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest
betook themselves to flight. So when he had brought these to punishment,
he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained
the robbers that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that
were about Phoenicia, and demonstrated that he had done nothing but what
he ought to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact
inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="286" unit="section" /><p>However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and informed
him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing. Now Sylleus
had already insinuated himself into the knowledge of Caesar, and was then
about the palace; and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed his
habit into black, and went in, and told Caesar that Arabia was afflicted
with war, and that all his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's
laying it waste with his army; and he said, with tears in his eyes, that
two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the Arabians had been
destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his familiar friend and kinsman,
was slain; and that the riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and
that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of body rendered him unfit
for war; on which account neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present.
When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously, that he would not himself
have come out of the country, unless he had believed that Caesar would
have provided that they should all have peace one with another, and that,
had he been there, he would have taken care that the war should not have
been to Herod's advantage; Caesar was provoked when this was said, and
asked no more than this one question, both of Herod's friends that were
there, and of his own friends, who were come from Syria, Whether Herod
had led an army thither? And when they were forced to confess so much,
Caesar, without staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was
done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle
was this, that whereas of old he had used him as his friend, he should
now use him as his subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of this to the
Arabians, who were so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up
the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money that was due; they
retained those pastures also which they had hired, and kept them without
paying their rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in
a low condition, by reason of Caesar's anger at him. Those of Trachonitis
also made use of this opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean garrison,
and followed the same way of robbing with the Arabians, who had pillaged
their country, and were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only
in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="293" unit="section" /><p>Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his being
quite gone with which Caesar's favor used to inspire him; for Caesar would
not admit so much as an embassage from him to 'make an apology for him;
and when they came again, he sent them away without success. So he was
cast into sadness and fear; and Sylleus's circumstances grieved him exceedingly,
who was now believed by Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes
aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was dead; and Aeneas,
whose name was afterward changed to Aretas, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Aretas was now become so established a name for the kings of Arabia,
[at Petra and Damascus,] that when the crown came to this Aeneas, he changed
his name to Aretas, as Havercamp here justly observes. See Antiq. B. XIII.
ch. 15. sect, 2.</note>
took the government, for Sylleus endeavored by calumnies to get him turned
out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with which design
he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised much money to Caesar,
who indeed was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before he took
the kingdom; yet did Aeneas send an epistle and presents to Caesar, and
a golden crown, of the weight of many talents. Now that epistle accused
Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by poison;
and that while he was alive, he had governed him as he pleased; and had
also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had borrowed money, in order
to obtain the dominion for himself: yet did not Caesar give heed to these
accusations, but sent his ambassadors back, without receiving any of his
presents. But in the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse
and worse, partly because of the anarchy they were under, and partly because,
as bad as they were, nobody had power to govern them; for of the two kings,
the one was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had not authority
sufficient to restrain the evil-doers; and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately
angry at him for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear
all the injuries that were offered him. At length, when he saw no end of
the mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send ambassadors to Rome
again, to see whether his friends had prevailed to mitigate Caesar, and
to address themselves to Caesar himself; and the ambassador he sent thither
was Nicolans of Damascus.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW EURYCLES FALSELY ACCUSED HEROD'S SONS; AND HOW THEIR
FATHER BOUND THEM, AND WROTE TO CAESAR ABOUT THEM. OF SYLLEUS AND HOW HE
WAS ACCUSED BY NICOLAUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="300" unit="section" /><p>THE disorders about Herod's family and children about this time grew
much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen before-hand,
that fortune threatened the greatest and most insupportable misfortunes
possible to his kingdom. Its progress and augmentation at this time arose
on the occasion following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, (a person of note
there, but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in his ways of voluptuousness
and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to indulge neither of them,)
came in his travels to Herod, and made him presents, but so that he received
more presents from him. He also took such proper seasons for insinuating
himself into his friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of
the king's friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had
not only access, but free conversation, with Alexander, as pretending to
him that he was in great favor with Archclaus, the king of Cappadocia;
whence he pretended much respect to Glaphyra, and in an occult manner cultivated
a friendship with them all; but always attending to what was said and done,
that he might be furnished with calumnies to please them all. In short,
he behaved himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to
be his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being any
where was for that person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander, who was
but young; and persuaded him that he might open his grievances to him with
assurance and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to him, how his
father was alienated from him. He related to him also the affairs of his
mother, and of Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper dignity,
and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this was tolerable,
since his father was already come to hate them; and he added, that he would
neither admit them to his table, nor to his conversation. Such were the
complaints, as was but natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled
him; and these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he
did not inform him of this on his own account, but that being overcome
by his kindness, the great importance of the thing obliged him to do it;
and he warned him to have a care of Alexander, for that what he said was
spoken with vehemency, and that, in consequence of what he said, he would
certainly kill him with his own hand. Whereupon Antipater, thinking him
to be his friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions,
and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So when
he related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered by the words
he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by him; and he thereby brought
the king to that pass, turning him about by his words, and irritating him,
till he increased his hatred to him and made him implacable, which he showed
at that very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty
talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archclaus, king of Cappadocia,
and commended Alexander before him, and told him that he had been many
ways of advantage to him, in making a reconciliation between him and his
father. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious
practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon,
he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice,
he was banished from his own country.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="311" unit="section" /><p>But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper he
was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had been content
with the hearing their calumnies when others told him of them; but he was
now come to that pass as to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak
against them, though they did not do it of themselves. He also observed
all that was said, and put questions, and gave ear to every one that would
but speak, if they could but say any thing against them, till at length
he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alexander; which thing
to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news imaginable.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="313" unit="section" /><p>But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while the
calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a man may say,
one would think it was every one's endeavor to lay some grievous thing
to their charge, which might appear to be for the king's preservation.
There were two guards of Herod's body, who were in great esteem for their
strength and tallness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off
by Herod, who was displeased at them; these now used to ride along with
Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great esteem
with him, and had some gold and other gifts bestowed on them. Now the king
having an immediate suspicion of those men, had them tortured, who endured
the torture courageously for a long time; but at last confessed that Alexander
would have persuaded them to kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the
wild beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run
through with his own spear, for that he had once such a misfortune formerly.
They also showed where there was money hidden in the stable under ground;
and these convicted the king's chief hunter, that he had given the young
men the royal hunting spears and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at
Alexander's command.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="317" unit="section" /><p>After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was caught
and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to receive the young
men into his fortress, and to supply them with that money of the king's
which was laid up in that fortress, yet did not he acknowledge any thing
of it himself; but his son came ill, and said it was so, and delivered
up the writing, which, so far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's hand.
Its contents were these: "When we have finished, by God's help, all
that we have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavors,
as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress." After this
writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treacherous designs
of his sons against him. But Alexander said that Diophantus the scribe
had imitated his hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater;
for Diophantus appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he
was afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death for
it.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="320" unit="section" /><p>So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude
at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers
many of the people stoned to death; and when they were going to kill Alexander
and Aristobulus likewise, the king would not permit them to do so, but
restrained the multitude, by the means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However,
the young men were put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody
might come at them; and all that they did or said was watched, and the
reproach and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those
of condemned criminals: and one of them, who was Aristobulus, was so deeply
affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-law,
to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate him who had suffered
things to come to that pass; when he said to her, "Art thou not in
danger of destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst disclosed
beforehand all our affairs to Syllcus, when thou wast in hopes of being
married to him?" But she immediately carried these words to her brother.
Upon this he was out of patience, and gave command to bind him; and enjoined
them both, now they were kept separate one from the other, to write down
the ill things they had done against their father, and bring the writings
to him, So when this was enjoined them, they wrote this, that they had
laid no treacherous designs, nor made any preparations against their father,
but that they had intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were
in, their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="325" unit="section" /><p>About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia from Archelaus,
whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal rulers under him. So
Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus's ill-will to him, called for Alexander,
as he was in his bonds, and asked him again concerning his fight, whether
and how they had resolved to retire Alexander replied, To Archclaus, who
had promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked nor
mischievous designs against their father, and that nothing of that nature
which their adversaries had charged upon them was true; and that their
desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly,
but that they had been suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put
his own friends among the multitude [for that purpose].</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="328" unit="section" /><p>When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and Melas
should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and that she should
be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of Alexander's treacherous
designs against Herod? Now as soon as they were come to her, and she saw
Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a great consternation gave
a deep and moving groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so
miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were
not able to say or to do any thing; but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered
to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions.
He replied, "How is it possible that she, whom I love better than
my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?"
Upon which she cried out that she knew of no wicked designs of his; but
that yet, if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation,
she would confess it all. Alexander replied, "There is no such wickedness
as those (who ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either I
have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only, that we had resolved
to retire to Archelaus, and from thence to Rome." Which she also confessed.
Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully
proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed
by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that
when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son's treacherous
design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome; and that, in
case they found Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Caesar was no
longer displeased at him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs
which he had ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made
his defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young men,
because it was both for their own and their father's advantage so to do,
lest some too severe procedure should be gone upon in that anger and disorder
they were in on occasion of the present suspicions; but that still he had
not promised to send them to Caesar; and that he had not promised any thing
else to the young men that could show any ill-will to him.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="335" unit="section" /><p>When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit opportunity
of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they found him reconciled
to Herod; for the circumstances of Nicolaus's embassage had been as follows:
As soon as he was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first
of all set about what he was come for only, but he thought fit also to
accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk with them,
were quarrelling one with another; and some of them left Sylleus's party,
and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed him of all the wicked things
that had been done; and produced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter
of a great number of Obodas's friends by Sylleus; for when these men left
Sylleus, they had carried off with them those letters whereby they could
convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an opportunity afforded him, he made
use of it, in order to gain his own point afterward, and endeavored immediately
to make a reconciliation between Caesar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied,
that if he should desire to make a defense for Herod directly, he should
not be allowed that liberty; but that if he desired to accuse Sylleus,
there would an occasion present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So
when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus,
while Aretas's ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that
he imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many others
of the Arabians; that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he
proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian,
but Reinan women also. And. he added, that above all the rest he had alienated
Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod
were falsities. When Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him
from going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod, and
to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand
five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor pillaged the country.
To which Nicolaus made this answer: "I shall principally demonstrate,
that either nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputations
are true, of which thou hast been informed; for had they been true, thou
mightest justly have been still more angry at Herod." At this strange
assertion Caesar was very attentive; and Nicolaus said that there was a
debt due to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was written,
that if the time appointed be lapsed, it should be lawful to make a seizure
out of any part of his country. "As for the pretended army,"
he said, "it was no army, but a party sent out to require the just
payment of the money; that this was not sent immediately, nor so soon as
the bond allowed, but that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus
and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria; and that at last he had sworn at
Berytus, by thy fortune, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This oath, by the fortune of Caesar, was put to Polycarp, a bishop of Smyrna,
by the Roman governor, to try whether he were a Christian, as they were
then esteemed who refused to swear that oath. Martyr. Polycarp, sect. 9.</note>
that he would certainly pay the money within thirty days, and deliver up
the fugitives that were under his dominion. And that when Sylleus had performed
nothing of this, Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their
permission to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out
of his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And this is all
the war which these men so tragically describe; and this is the affair
of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be called a war, when thy
presidents permitted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was not executed
till thy name, O Caesar, as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned?
And now I must speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that
dwelt in Trachonitis; at first their number was no more than forty, but
they became more afterwards, and they escaped the punishment Herod would
have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received
them, and supported them with food, that they might be mischievous to all
mankind, and gave them a country to inhabit, and himself received the gains
they made by robbery; yet did he promise that he would deliver up these
men, and that by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for
payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other persons
have at this time been taken out of Arabia besides these, and indeed not
all these neither, but only so many as could not conceal themselves. And
thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath been so odiously represented,
appear to be no better than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke
thy indignation; for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians
came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he then only defended
himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five
others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier
to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred."</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="351" unit="section" /><p>This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus full
of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he
hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants also were read
about the money he had borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria,
and the complaints of the several cities, so many as had been injured by
the robbers. The conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die,
and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what
severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that
he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying account of things,
to be guilty of ingratitude against a man that was his friend. At the last
all came to this, Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod's suit, and to
repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be punished [with death].
But still Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself
the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had determined
to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered
him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was
now become favorable to Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the
letters they were commanded by Herod to give him concerning his sons. When
Caesar had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add another
government to him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to
his sons, so he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just reproved
him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from
him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed him in his government.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM CAESAR ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE
AN ASSEMBLY OF JUDGES AT BERYTUS ; AND WHAT TERO SUFFERED FOR USING
A BOUNDLESS AND MILITARY LIBERTY OF SPEECH. CONCERNING ALSO THE DEATH OF
THE YOUNG MEN AND THEIR BURIAL AT ALEXANDRIUM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="356" unit="section" /><p>SO Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That
he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had
been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove
him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly;
but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them
an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. He also advised
him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus relates Augustus to have here said, that Berytus was a city
belonging to the Romans, is confirmed by Spanheim's notes here: "It
was," says he, "a colony placed there by Augustus. Whence Ulpian,
De Gens. bel. L. T. XV. The colony of Berytus was rendered famous by the
benefits of Caesar; and thence it is that, among the coins of Augustus,
we meet with some having this inscription: The happy colony of Augustus
at Berytua"</note>
which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of
Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought
to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were
in, and determine what should be done by their approbation. These were
the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter
was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation
to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over
his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in his adversity,
though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had he not been very rash
nor hasty in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity,
took advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had,
to exercise his hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore
sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archclaus;
for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or
he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="361" unit="section" /><p>When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were
come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon,
called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called, he might
produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly:
and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came
by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it
were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and
upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent
for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered
when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and
gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the
assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them
to be true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a father
against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein
there was no confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only
how they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches
against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came
to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they
said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath
that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At last
he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by Caesar's
grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation
of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their
hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were obliged
to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which though he were ready
to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did he wait for their determination;
and yet they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn them for such
manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons'
means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their detestation
of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any,
even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment].</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="367" unit="section" /><p>When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced
to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no
room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority. And
in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one
of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and
trouble; and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they
should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's son to
death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by their
means. After him Saturninus's sons, for he had three sons that followed
him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father.
On the contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had
been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the
rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the
young men were condemned to die. Immediately after this Herod came away
from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage
from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed
at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends
at Rome thought of that matter. His answer was, "That what they had
determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to keep them
in prison; and if thou thinkest any thing further necessary, thou mayst
indeed so punish them, that thou mayst not appear to indulge thy anger
more than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder
side, thou mayst absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered
incurable; and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends
at Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness,
and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="373" unit="section" /><p>Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of Herod's
sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation
of what would become of them; for a terrible fear seized upon all men,
lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a sad conclusion,
and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without
danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another
saying it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which
rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent yet was
there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of
the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly
to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced
to cry out often among the multitude, and said, in the most unguarded manner,
that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and
ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that
the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall
men. And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger,
by speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men
to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at
a proper time also, for which reason every one heard what he said with
pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping
silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took;
for the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force
upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="379" unit="section" /><p>This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the greatest
freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king
permitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I am not able, O king,
to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the
use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advantage,
if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is
thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary
sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions?
Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and relations?
Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations,
while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost
not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born
of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree,
and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who
hath very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,' and to relations,
whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take
notice, that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime,
and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration
on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in
this matter." These words the king heard, and for some time with good
temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior
and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went
on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech,
nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So
Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this
speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned
thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the
officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named,
and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="387" unit="section" /><p>When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber, took the
opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have persuaded
him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this
means he should be among the chief of Alexander's friends, and receive
great rewards from him. When he had said this, the king gave order that
Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done accordingly;
but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a
sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and perceiving what would be
the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would
free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he
would tell the truth. And when the king had given his word to do so, he
said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands
on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and
that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as
was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander.
This was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress
he was in; but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak
what was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure
his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="392" unit="section" /><p>As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his
sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he
had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning
better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring his purpose
to a conclusion. He also brought out three hundred of the officers that
were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that
accused them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them
all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby
slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their
father's command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the
night time carried to Alexandraum, where their uncle by the mother's side,
and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="395" unit="section" /><p><note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is entirely wanting
in the old Latin version, as Spanheim truly observes; nor is there any
other reason for it, I suppose, than the great difficulty of an exact translation.</note>
And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an inveterate
hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed further, and
overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consideration, whether it be
to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion
to their father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on
long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to use them
so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the father's charge, that
he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government,
and of other things that would tend to his glory, that tae would take no
one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done
himself might continue immovable; or, indeed, whether fortune have not
greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that
human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity,
and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her;
wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that
other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable
for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than
the philosophical determination of our ancient law. Accordingly, of the
two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young
men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that
they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father,
while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life,
but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on
both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them
to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy excuse, as to
that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured,
without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him,
and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt,
to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings
of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in
hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics
of discourse; for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander,
who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he
had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live
at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded
by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would
prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but
for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that
governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was
guilty of so great a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he
made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all
for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion
of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime,
yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation,
and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake
it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and
such as was not easily moved from that which is evil. And this temper he
showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed
to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the
justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied,
yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain
from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have occasion
to discourse more hereafter.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="17" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XVII</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOURTEEN YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS TO THE BANISHMENT
OF ARCHELAUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ANTIPATER WAS HATED BY ALL THE NATION [OF THE JEWS] FOR
THE SLAUGHTER OF HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, FOR THAT REASON HE GOT INTO PECULIAR
FAVOR WITH HIS FRIENDS AT ROME, BY GIVING THEM MANY PRESENTS; AS HE DID
ALSO WITH SATURNINUS, THE PRESIDENT OF SYRIA AND THE GOVERNORS WHO WERE
UNDER HIM; AND CONCERNING HEROD'S WIVES AND CHILDREN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his
father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies
for what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as to the
rest of his life; for although he was delivered from the fear of his brethren
being his rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing,
and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of
the nation against him on that account was become very great; and besides
this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair of the soldiery grieved
him still more, who were alienated from him, from which yet these kings
derived all the safety which they had, whenever they found the nation desirous
of innovation: and all this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction
of his brethren. However, he governed the nation jointly with his father,
being indeed no other than a king already; and he was for that very reason
trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for the which he ought himself
to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed his brethren out
of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his
ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was
the accursed state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended to
make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him
in the vile practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge,
nor any to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater
for their open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid against
his brethren were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this
time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts against
Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would now be firmly
secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he should be
in danger, upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had been the
contriver, and his father would of necessity then become his enemy. And
on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his father's friends,
and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men with
his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him. And he sent great
presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their good-will;
and above all to Saturninus, the president of Syria. He also hoped to gain
the favor of Saturninus's brother with the large presents he bestowed on
him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had
married one of Herod's chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship
to those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief,
and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate.
But he could not impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time,
and was a woman not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already
used all possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although
Antipeter's uncle by the mother's side was married to her daughter, and
this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been married
to Aristobulus, and while Salome's other daughter by that husband was married
to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew
how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred
to him could not prevent her hatred of him. Now Herod had compelled Salome,
while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had taken a fondness
for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted to at the instance
of Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself
be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends
with Salome, if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she
submitted to Julia as being Caesar's wife; and besides that, she advised
her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At this time
also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who had been
Alexander's wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her
out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about
it.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="12" unit="section" /><p>Now Herod brought up his sons' children with great care; for Alexander
had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome's
daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends were once with him, he
presented the children before them; and deploring the hard fortune of his
own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befall these who were
their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what
they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their education.
He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper
age of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter,
and Antipater's daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted
one of Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other
daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by the high priest's
daughter; for it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at
the same time. Now the king made these espousals for the children, out
of commiseration of them now they were fatherless, as endeavoring to render
Antipater kind to them by these intermarriages. But Antipater did not fail
to bear the same temper of mind to his brothers' children which he had
borne to his brothers themselves; and his father's concern about them provoked
his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they would become
greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archclaus, a king, would
support his daughter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of
one of the daughters as a wife to his son. What provoked him also was this,
that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children,
and so hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out,
since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren.
He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father's settlements, as thinking
it a terrible thing that they should be so related to him, and be so powerful
withal. So Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty;
and the determination now was, that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus's
daughter, and Antipater's son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the
espousals for the marriages were changed after this manner, even without
the king's real approbation.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="19" unit="section" /><p>Now Herod <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Those who have a mind to know all the family and descendants of Antipater
the Idumean, and of Herod the Great, his son, and have a memory to preserve
them all distinctly, may consult Josephus, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect.
4; and Of the War, B. I. ch. 28. sect. 4; in Havercamp's edition, p. 336;
and Spanheim, lb. p. 402--405; and Reland, Paleslin. Part I. p. 178, 176.</note>
the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater's mother, and
another the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name.
He had also one who was his brother's daughter, and another his sister's
daughter; which two had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan
nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias;
which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son;
but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at
Rome. Herod had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had
his sons Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas
also was one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides
these, he had for his wives Phedra and E1pis, by whom he had his daughters
Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by the same mother with Alexander
and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected to marry, he gave the one
in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son, and the other to Phasaelus,
his brother's son. And this was the posterity of Herod.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING ZAMARIS, THE BABYLONIAN JEW; CONCERNING THE PLOTS
LAID BY ANTIPATER AGAINST HIS FATHER; AND SOMEWHAT ABOUT THE PHARISEES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="23" unit="section" /><p>AND now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on
the side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a
city for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his
own country difficult to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to
make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood
that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred
horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back,
and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now
abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, who was then president,
had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha, he sent for this
man, with the multitude that followed him, and promised to give him land
in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis,
as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He also engaged
to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell
entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him
tax-free.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="26" unit="section" /><p>The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he
took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village,
and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants
against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon,
to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite
robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where
the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country became full of people,
by reason of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during
the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took
the government, he made them pay some small taxes, and that for a little
while only; and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although
they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away.
From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own
hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress
them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I shall treat
more accurately in the progress of this history. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is now wanting.</note></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="29" unit="section" /><p>At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country
for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a
good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his
valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop
of them were guards to the forementioned kings. And when Jacim was dead
in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength
in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than
any of his contemporaries; on which account there was a confidence and
firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which
he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever
lie had occasion to march.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="32" unit="section" /><p>When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have described,
all the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and his power was such,
that he could do good turns to as many as he pleased, and this by his father's
concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity to him; and this till
he ventured to use his power still further, because his wicked designs
were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every thing he
said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the power
and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand;
but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, who
received the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly
encompassed him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about
him; for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother,
and to her sister; and this notwithstanding the hatred he bare them for
the indignities they had offered to his virgin daughters. Yet did he bear
them, and nothing was to he done without the women, who had got this man
into their circle, and continued still to assist each other in all things,
insomuch that Antipater was entirely addicted to them, both by himself
and by his mother; for these four women, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Pheroras's wife, and her mother and sister, and Doris, Antipater's mother.</note>
said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater
were different in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister
[Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all
their affairs, and was apprized that this their friendship was made in
order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of
it. And since these people knew that their friendship was very disagreeable
to Herod, as tending to do him a mischief, they contrived that their meetings
should not be discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and to
abuse one another when time served, and especially when Herod was present,
or when any one was there that would tell him: but still their intimacy
was firmer than ever, when they were private. And this was the course they
took. But they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance,
when they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some
progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the
relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret assemblies
and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner, which
if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have been
open and public. But to appearance they are at variance, and speak about
one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well
together when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they
are alone by themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they will
never leave off their friendship, but will fight against those from whom
they conceal their designs. And thus did she search out these things, and
get a perfect knowledge of them, and then told her brother of them, who
understood also of himself a great deal of what she said, but still durst
not depend upon it, because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies.
For there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves
highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made
men believe they were highly favored by God, by whom this set of women
were inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pharisees,
who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were,
and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief. Accordingly,
when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar,
and to the king's government, these very men did not swear, being above
six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's wife
paid their fine for them. In order to requite which kindness of hers, since
they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by Divine
inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's government
should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the
kingdom should come to her and Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions
were not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they
had perverted some persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such
of the Pharisees as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and
one Carus, who exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that
was his catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented
to what the Pharisees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by
them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor of him
who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed king; for that
this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas to
marry, and to have children of his own body begotten.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE ENMITY BETWEEN HEROD AND PHERORAS; HOW HEROD
SENT ANTIPATER TO CAESAR; AND OF THE DEATH OF PHERORAS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="46" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of
the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends,
and accused Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to
the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the
dishonor she had brought upon them: that she had studiously introduced
a quarrel between him and his brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought
them into a state of war, both by her words and actions; that the fines
which he had laid had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped punishment
by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done had been done
without her; "for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he would
of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my entreaty, or as
following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be
the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest
thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means thou
wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me."
Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,)
that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly
relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife;
that he would rather choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife
that was so dear unto him. Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras
on these accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy
punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation
with Pheroras, and bid them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the
women; which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion
served, and both Ptieroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings.
The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras's
wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="52" unit="section" /><p>But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was afraid that
the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote to his friends
at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would immediately send
Antipater to Caesar; which when it was done, Herod sent Antipater thither,
and sent most noble presents along with him; as also his testament, wherein
Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should
die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest's daughter should
succeed. And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian,
although he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater
also accused him of the same crimes of which he had been formerly accused
by Herod. Sylleus was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent
he had slain many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly
Soemus, a man that deserved to be honored by all men; and that he had slain
Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These were the things of which Sylleus was
accused, and that on the occasion following: There was one Corinthus, belonging
to Herod, of the guards of the king's body, and one who was greatly trusted
by him. Sylleus had persuaded this man with the offer of a great sum of
money to kill Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus had been
made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he informed
the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and thereby
got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabians,
who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a tribe, and the
other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king brought to the torture,
and confessed that they were come to encourage Corinthus not to fail of
doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands
in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturninns,
upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="58" unit="section" /><p>At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so obstinate
in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy;
which he did very willingly, and sware many oaths that he would not come
again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness
of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that he might
intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath,
that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain his hatred to
Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him], which he before
had, and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but
as soon as he began to be ill, he came to him, and this without being sent
for; and when he was dead, he took care of his funeral, and had his body
brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning
for him. This [death of Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes,
although he were already sailed for Rome, God now being about to punish
him for the murder of his brethren, I will explain the history of this
matter very distinctly, that it may be for a warning to mankind, that they
take care of conducting their whole lives by the rules of virtue.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">PHERORAS'S WIFE IS ACCUSED BY HIS FREEDMEN, AS GUILTY OF
POISONING HIM; AND HOW HEROD, UPON EXAMINING; OF THE MATTER BY TORTURE
FOUND THE POISON; BUT SO THAT IT HAD BEEN PREPARED FOR HIMSELF BY HIS SON
ANTIPATER; AND UPON AN INQUIRY BY TORTURE HE DISCOVERED THE DANGEROUS DESIGNS
OF ANTIPATER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="61" unit="section" /><p>AS soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras's
freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated
him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to
examine into such an unreasonable and unhappy death. When he was moved
with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras
supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion
was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but that
when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia
by a woman, under pretense indeed as a love-potion, for that was its name,
but in reality to kill Pheroras; for that the Arabian women are skillful
in making such poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this was confessedly
a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus's mistresses; and that both the
mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at the places where she
lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this potion, and had come back
and brought it with them the day before that his supper. Hereupon the king
was provoked, and put the women slaves to the torture, and some that were
free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them
would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said
no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies
upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to
all of them. This prayer induced Herod to increase the women's tortures,
till thereby all was discovered; their merry meetings, their secret assemblies,
and the disclosing of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras's
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">His
wife, her mother, and sister.</note> women.
(Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred
talents to him not to have any conversation with Pheroras.) And what hatred
he bore to his father; and that he complained to his mother how very long
his father lived; and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that
if the kingdom should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure;
and that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers' children,
bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all
which made his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should
himself not live, Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred,
not on his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of
great barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out
of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made
him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his
own tetrarchy. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It seems to me, by this whole story put together, that Pheroras was not
himself poisoned, as is commonly supposed; for Antipater had persuaded
him to poison Herod, ch. v. sect. 1, which would fall to the ground if
he wore himself poisoned; nor could the poisoning of Pheroras serve any
design that appears now going forward; it was only the supposal of two
of his freed-men, that this love-potion, or poison, which they knew was
brought to Pheroras's wife, was made use of for poisoning him; whereas
it appears to have been brought for her husband to poison Herod withal,
as the future examinations demonstrate.</note></p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="68" unit="section" /><p>These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and tended
greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her from the suspicion
of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied himself of the
spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well as himself, bore to him,
took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents,
and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's women.
But he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one Antipater,
the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when he was tortured,
among other things, said that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and
given it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give it to his father
during his absence, and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion
cast upon him thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends,
brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Thendion,
the brother of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means
came to Pheroras's wife, her husband having given it her to keep. And when
the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to
fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did she not kill
herself, because she fell upon her feet; by which means, when the king
had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics pardon, upon
condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him, but had threatened
her with the utmost miseries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed any
thing]: so she promised, and swore that she would speak out every thing,
and tell after what manner every thing was done; and said what many took
to be entirely true, that the potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus;
and that his brother, who was a physician, had procured it; and that
when Thendion brought it us, she kept it upon Pheroras's committing it
to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee. When, therefore,
Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him,
and when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne
thereby. So he called me to him, and said to me, "O woman! Antipater hath
circumvented me in this affair of his father and my brother, by persuading
me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient
thereto; do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion, (since my brother
appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he
had formerly, and I do not expect to live long myself, and that I may not
defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,) and burn it before my
face:' that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as her husband
bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the potion; but that
a little of it was left, that if the king, after Pheroras's death, should
treat her ill, she might poison herself, and thereby get clear of her miseries."
Upon her saying thus, she brought out the potion, and the box in which
it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus,
and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed
the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought out
of Egypt]. The high priest's daughter also, who was the king's wife, was
accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal
it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his
testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after
him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon
the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was
born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="79" unit="section" /><p>While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freed-man, came
from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another potion,
to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and of Pheroras, that
if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might
carry him off. There came also letters from Herod's friends at Rome, by
the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus
and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter
of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths,
and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their father had already
recalled them,) they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed.
These letters had been procured by great rewards by Antipater's friends;
but Antipater himself wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest
things to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and
said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their youth.
But he said that he had himself been very busy in the affair relating to
Sylleus, and in getting interest among the great men; and on that account
had bought splendid ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two
hundred talents. Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many
accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this
time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which
were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater;
for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">ANTIPATER'S NAVIGATION FROM ROME TO HIS FATHER; AND HOW HE
WAS ACCUSED BY NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS AND CONDEMNED TO DIE BY HIS FATHER,
AND BY QUINTILIUS VARUS, WHO WAS THEN PRESIDENT OF SYRIA; AND HOW HE WAS
THEN BOUND TILL CAESAR SHOULD BE INFORMED OF HIS CAUSE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="83" unit="section" /><p>NOW Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all
that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly
come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and
bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his
absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about his
mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should
return. He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest
he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and
lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and,
moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter Antipater met with in
Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras's death before at Tarentum.
This last news affected him deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras,
but because he was dead without having murdered his father, which he had
promised him to do. And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began
to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved
with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that
he should tarry a while some where, in expectation of further information.
But others advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were
once come thither, he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that
nothing afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence.
He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven
called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in honor of Caesar,
and called Sebastus. And now was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition,
while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away,
with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to
hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses,
while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder
of his brethren.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="89" unit="section" /><p>Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to
succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to
Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs; and as they were
sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any thing of
the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed
received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was in great disorder,
and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going
to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer
of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told
him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day; so
he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with
the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother
and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was
king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances
which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="93" unit="section" /><p>On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and
both their friends were also called in, as also the king's relations, with
his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as
had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's mother,
who were taken up a little before Antipater's coming, and brought with
them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come
back, because all was come to his father's knowledge; and that Caesar was
the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his
father's hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his father's feet, and
besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be first heard
by his father, and that his father would keep himself unprejudiced. So
Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself
about his children, from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and
because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what
maintenance and what education he had given them; and what seasonable supplies
of wealth he had afforded them, according to their own desires; none of
which favors had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing
his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious
manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father's
wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to them; and
that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to
be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in
writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was
alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious
dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents
for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer
than thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom
he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example;
and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near
relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him,
and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his approbation, and
whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor
of the guilt of such their parricide.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not able to
say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king's
friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever
he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what remained,
and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the
facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned
himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given
of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done
him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous
concern about him; for that he had made provision for every thing that
was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice;
and whenever there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had
not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that
he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous contrivances
laid against him, should be himself in a plot against him, and so lose
all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which
succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already
appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also
at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had the
one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character,
should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was
doubtful whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example
of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against
them, at a time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay,
was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared
evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father;
and that even the contentions there were in the king's family were indications
that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his
father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto,
who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose opinions
his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it was not reasonable
to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances before
those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during
his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they
had not been able to do if he had been there. Moreover he showed the weakness
of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false, because
the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to say
many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered
himself to the torture.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="106" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they
greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable
to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that his very
enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself
was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be
taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had
begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which
arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely
cried up the king's virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance
and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby,
but still fell from one misfortune to another. Although he owned that he
was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former
sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors,
who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the righteous
dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to the government
sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly stand amazed
at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had
great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason,
yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even
those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors,
while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance
to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding.
"Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the
informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out
of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent
upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so
zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavors
to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby that thou
didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the destruction
of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest
be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power
enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions
indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because
thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield
up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it
evident to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father,
when thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain
to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and
so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition,
which thou has openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou
didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior
unworthy of thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than
they: while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father,
thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case
thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of
his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou wouldst
kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might
be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved,
thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst
devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw. For
thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy
father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor,
had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared
thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness
of authority already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy
father's determination, and the security of a written testament; but, for
certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father's
various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations;
and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent
father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words
pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but
thou filledst thy mother's head with thy devices, and raised disturbances
among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast;
while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou
sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors,
and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself
in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women, against an old
man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of itself to support
so great a hatred as thou baredst to him. And here thou appearest, after
the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been
examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow conspirators,
as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only
how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul that written law
which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice;
nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou
desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the
tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that
those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to
have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers
of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of
his kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended
kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he
is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and appears
to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for thou art sensible
that parricide is a general injury both to nature and to common life, and
that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its perpetration; and
he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="121" unit="section" /><p>Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever
she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions and the sacrifices
relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in
his cups and his amours among Pheroras's women; the examination upon torture;
and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were many,
and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden
answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing evidence. For
those men who were not acquainted with Antipater's practices, but had concealed
them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations
of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported
him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies,
who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him.
And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that
were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances,
and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled
their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and
was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so
far as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who for a long
time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally
disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were
used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained
from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given
them, produced all that they knew before the public. The demonstrations
also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many
witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were
they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any
danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought
such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment;
and indeed not so much for Herod's safety, as on account of the man's own
wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great number of
persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater,
who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not
able to say one word to the contrary. When Nicolaus had left off speaking,
and had produced the evidence, Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to
the making his defense, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear
that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he
was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner
desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent. But Antipater fell
down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of
his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals,
that he had not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual
method of all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked
undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as
if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once
they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment due
to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them
by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did;
for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the world,
when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had no other
advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the
accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God,
and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced
before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting
for his father's preservation.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="131" unit="section" /><p>So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself,
found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that
there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court,
that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was brought,
and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's command, he died
presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and went away
the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that
was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds.
But what were Varus's discourses to Herod was not known to the generality,
and upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally
supposed that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with
his approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome
to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth,
inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness. Now at this very time there was
seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he
lived there); and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain
what follows: "I have sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own
life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered.
I wish thee good success in thy affair." These were the contents of
this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for
it did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which
had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king
was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner
coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,)
he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly
proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and its contents were these:
"Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as
thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came
from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou readest, I know that
Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?" Now this pretended
letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of
Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this:
"Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is
done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a
letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a
copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage.
The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married
to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not
come into danger of my life." Now Acme had written to Antipater himself,
and informed him, that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself
written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely against
him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to
her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar's
wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been
corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious
designs against his father and his aunt.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="142" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater,
that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately, as a turbulent
person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot
not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted
Caesar's own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast,
and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that
she had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him
about this matter, and bid him contradict if he could, and not suppress
any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say,
he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would
make no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked
designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon
Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome
to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. But
he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends,
escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more
ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of
what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of
the epistles before mentioned.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE DISEASE THAT HEROD FELL INTO AND THE SEDITION
WHICH THE JEWS RAISED THEREUPON; WITH THE PUNISHMENT OF THE SEDITIOUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="146" unit="section" /><p>NOW Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed
beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them.
They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper,
and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest
son; and this out of that hatred to Archclaus and Philip, which the calumnies
of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed .a thousand talents
to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar's wife, to Caesar's children,
and friends and freed-men. He also distributed among his sons and their
sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister
very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances,
and was never so rash as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering,
for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged
the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that
he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes;
besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men
excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="149" unit="section" /><p>There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Mattbias, the son
of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most
celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the
people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were
studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men, when
they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men
that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary
to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law
will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on
account of Herod's rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden,
that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual
among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him; for
Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law,
of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected
over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value,
and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose
to live according to it, to erect images <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">That the making of images, without an intention to worship them, was not
unlawful to the Jews, see the note on Antiq. B VIII. ch. 7. sect. 5.</note>
or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded
[their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although
they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the
virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous
to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation
and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire
an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended
by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never
be forgotten to posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be
avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore
it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct,
to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the
world with praise and honor; and that this will alleviate death to a great
degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring
us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind
them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men
or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="155" unit="section" /><p>And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men
to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead,
this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions; so, in the very middle
of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut
it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the
temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was,
and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came
up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient
to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated
to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold
attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection,
as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious
of what was for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the
young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together
with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthius, who thought
it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the
king. And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had
been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, "Yes, (said
they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we
performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for
we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the
majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing
the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which
Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote
and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands. Accordingly
we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict
upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall
die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion."
And thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession,
and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And
when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and
called together the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come,
he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself
stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had
long endured on their account, and his building of the temple, and what
a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred
and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform
any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; that he had also
adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that
he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after
his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting
him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight
of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what
he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground.
They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one
consider the thing truly, they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege
against God therein.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="164" unit="section" /><p>But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and for fear
he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was
done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that
the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod,
he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias
of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made
Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest in his stead. Now
it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias,
there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day
which the Jews observed as a fast. The occasion was this: This Matthias
the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated,
seemed, in a dream, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This fact, that one Joseph was made high priest for a single day, on occasion
of the action here specified, that befell Matthias, the real high priest,
in his sleep, the night before the great day of expiation, is attested
to both in the Mishna and Talmud, as Dr. Hudson here informs us. And indeed,
from this fact, thus fully attested, we may confute that pretended rule
in the Talmud here mentioned, and endeavored to be excused lay Reland,
that the high priest was not suffered to sleep the night before that great
day of expiation; which watching would surely rather unfit him for the
many important duties he was to perform on that solemn day, than dispose
him duly to perform them. Nor do such Talmudical rules, when unsupported
by better evidence, much less when contradicted there by, seem to me of
weight enough to deserve that so great a man as Reland should spend his
time in endeavors at their vindication.</note>
to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate
himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted
him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high
priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition,
with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of
the moon. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This eclipse of the moon (which is the only eclipse of either of the luminaries
mentioned by our Josephus in any of his writings) is of the greatest consequence
for the determination of the time for the death of Herod and Antipater,
and for the birth and entire chronology of Jesus Christ. It happened March
13th, in the year of the Julian period 4710, and the 4th year before the
Christian era. See its calculation by the rules of astronomy, at the end
of the Astronomical Lectures, edit. Lat. p. 451, 452.</note></p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="168" unit="section" /><p>But now Herod's distemper greatly increased upon him after a severe
manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins; for a fire glowed
in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch outwardly, as
it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a vehement appetite
to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or
other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his
pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled
itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of
his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms;
and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very
loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of
its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased
his strength to an insufferable degree. It was said by those who pretended
to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that
God inflicted this punishment on the king on account of his great impiety;
yet was he still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed
greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not
refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond
the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe,
which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which
water runs into the lake called Asphaltiris. And when the physicians once
thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed
that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics,
he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave
order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and he also gave
a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to
Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things
like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following
wicked designs. He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish
nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they
were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and
all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should
despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was
in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had
afforded ground for accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them
to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A place for the horse-races.</note>
and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus
to them: "I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which
death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but
what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented,
and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king's death." For
that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death
would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because
during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the
donations he had dedicated to God that it therefore was their business
to resolve to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this
occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires,
he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any
king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very
soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. He desired
therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall
place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is
dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this
is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody
shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that
he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying,
they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges
them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at
his funeral. So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and
obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by
the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder
him of this honorable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not
to transgress his commands.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="180" unit="section" /><p>Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind, which
not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his relations,
out of the love of life, but by those commands of his which savored of
no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out of this life,
that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate
of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family
should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that
was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is
usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred
at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HEROD HAS THOUGHTS OF KILLING HIMSELF WITH HIS OWN HAND;
AND A LITTLE AFTERWARDS HE ORDERS ANTIPATER TO BE SLAIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="182" unit="section" /><p>AS he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters
from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when
they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar,
out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater's wicked practices;
and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became
a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life,
which he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was some-what better, out of
the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was elevated
at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given him over his son;
but as his pains were become very great, he was now ready to faint for
want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife; for it
was his custom formerly to pare the apple himself, and soon afterwards
to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked about, and
had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first
cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly.
Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great tumult
was made, as if the king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed
his father was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately
and entirely released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his
hands without any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting
him go, and in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter,
as if that were the only thing now in question. But the jailer did not
only refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king
of his intentions, and how many solicitations he had had from him [of that
nature]. Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will towards
his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he cried out,
and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and raised himself
upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and commanded them to
kill Antipater without tiny further delay, and to do it presently, and
to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING HEROD'S DEATH, AND TESTAMENT, AND BURIAL.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="188" unit="section" /><p>AND now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind;
for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be
tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archclaus. He
also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his
son, but own brother to Archclaus <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">When it is here said that Philip the tetrarch, and Archelaus the king,
or ethnarch, were own brother, or genuine brothers, if those words mean
own brothers, or born of the same father and mother, there must be here
some mistake; because they had indeed the same father, Herod, but different
mothers; the former Cleopatra, and Archclaus Malthace. They were indeed
brought up together privately at Rome like when he went to have his kingdom
confirmed to him at Rome, ch. 9. sect. 5; and Of the War, B. II. ch. 2.
sect. 1; which intimacy is perhaps all that Josephus intended by the words
before us.</note>
by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis
to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that
was coined. He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by
giving them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in
a wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drachmae]
of coined money, besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments
exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's wife; and to certain others, five
millions. When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he
had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured
Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared
king by the Romans, thirty-seven. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These numbers of years for Herod's reign, 34 and 37, are the very same
with those, Of the War, B. I. ch. 33. sect. 8, and are among the principal
chronological characters belonging to the reign or death of Herod. See
Harm. p. 150--155.</note>
A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to
his passion; but above the consideration of what was right; yet was he
favored by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man
he became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers,
he got clear of them all, and continued his life till a very old age. But
then, as to the affairs of his family and children, in which indeed, according
to his own opinion, he was also very fortunate, because he was able to
conquer his enemies, yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="193" unit="section" /><p>But then Salome and Alexas, before the king's death was made known,
dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that
the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of their
own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit. And now
the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery
together in the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first thing they did was,
they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them for their
fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afford his son Archelaus,
whom he had appointed for their king, like fidelity and good-will. After
which Ptolemy, who had the king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's
testament, which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand
when Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made
to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders
with them, and promised the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve
him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant
to him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="196" unit="section" /><p>After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus's
care that the procession to his father's sepulcher should be very sumptuous.
Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the
funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very
precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple,
as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it
a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand. About the bier
were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery,
distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and
they were put into the following order: First of all went his guards, then
the band of Thracians, and after them the Germans; and next the band of
Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched
the whole army in the same manner as they used to go out to war, and as
they used to be put in array by their muster-masters and centurions; these
were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they
went eight furlongs <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">At eight stadia or furlongs a-day, as here, Herod's funeral, conducted
to Herodium, which lay at the distance from Jericho, where he died, of
200 stadia or furlongs, Of the War, B. 1. ch. 33. sect. 9, must have taken
up no less than twenty-five days.</note>
to Herodium; for there by his own command he was to be buried. And thus
did Herod end his life.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="200" unit="section" /><p>Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning
till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law
of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left
off his motoring, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations
and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with
the rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he ascended
a high elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold,
and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received
their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they showed to him;
and returned them thanks that they did not remember the injuries his father
had done them to his disadvantage; and promised them he would endeavor
not to be behindhand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service,
after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain at present from the
name of king, and that he should have the honor of that dignity, if Caesar
should confirm and settle that testament which his father had made; and
that it was on this account, that when the army would have put the diadem
on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honor, which is usually
so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally
concerned in bestowing it would give it him; although, by his acceptance
of the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness
to him and that it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they
were concerned, to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon
the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of
those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those
that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and
civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made
application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamor
that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired
him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were many,
and had been put there at several times; others of them required that he
would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was
publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since
he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude
to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation
of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then
betook himself to feast with his friends.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE PEOPLE RAISED A SEDITION AGAINST ARCHELAUS, AND HOW
HE SAILED TO ROME.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="206" unit="section" /><p>AT this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of
a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain
with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourning,
out of the fear men were in of that man; they were those who had been condemned
for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation
hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as if that
tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The people assembled
together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account,
he would inflict punishment on those who had been honored by Herod; and
that, in the first and principal place, he would deprive that high priest
whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and
of greater purity, to officiate as high priest. This was granted by Archelaus,
although he was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed
to himself to go to Rome immediately to look after Caesar's determination
about him. However, he sent the general of his forces to use persuasions,
and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their friends was
according to the law; and to represent to them that their petitions about
these things were carried to a great height of injury to him; that the
time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their unanimity
until such time as he should be established in the government by the consent
of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then
consult with them in common concerning the purport of their petitions;
but that they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious
persons.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="210" unit="section" /><p>So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his general
in what he was to say, be sent him away to the people; but they made a
clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and put him in danger of
his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon saying openly
any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent their going
on in their present courses, because they had more concern to have all
their own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors; thinking
it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was alive, they should
lose those that were most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they
could not get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs
after a violent manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended
to please them, and being unskillful in foreseeing what dangers they incurred;
and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure
they took in the punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigh
all such considerations; and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them,
yet they treated them not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that
came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one
of them speak. The sedition also was made by such as were in a great passion;
and it was evident that they were proceeding further in seditious practices,
by the multitude running so fast upon them.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="213" unit="section" /><p>Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread, which the
law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which feast
is called the Passover <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This passover, when the sedition here mentioned was moved against Archelaus,
was not one, but thirteen months after the eclipse of the moon already
mentioned.</note>
and is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices
with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices
in number than at any other festival; and when an innumerable multitude
came thither out of the country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order
to worship God, the seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers
of the laws, and kept together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because
these seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was
afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men's
madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a
thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious before the whole
multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them this
charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others,
and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him. But
those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law, irritated
the people by the noise and clamors they used to encourage the people in
their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to
them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away
wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they
returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus
thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by cutting
off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army
upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents
without the temple from assisting those that were within the temple, and
to kill such as ran away from the footmen when they thought themselves
out of danger; which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went
to the neighboring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to
be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes; so they
went away, and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would
follow, although they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction.
So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus
and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother
as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the public.
There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister who took with her,
her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers
went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but
in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he
had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs,
as he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod's effects, met with
Archclaus at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time,
and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for
by Archceaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus,
did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor
did he seal up the treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them,
until Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this
his promise, he tarried still at Cesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed
for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem,
and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons,
and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects, and declared
publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had;
and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who
kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but
continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them;
and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar,</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="224" unit="section" /><p>At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail
to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with
promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester
and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod had, in his
former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king, which ought
to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought
with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had
been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas; but
it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for
sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all
encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that
when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and
who had been declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit
so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him;
not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus;
though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty,
and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition
made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined
with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters,
accused Archelaus to Caesar.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="228" unit="section" /><p>Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded
his right to. the kingdom, and his father's testament, with the accounts
of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal, he so expected
the event; but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's
letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes
of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay
claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions,
and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom
he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired
such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them.
Now Antipater, Salome's son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to
Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus
to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken
already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him;
and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the
Jewish festival; and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the
punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of the
country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man
that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping
that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but if he owned
himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who was
putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that power
granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself].
He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders
in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and his determination
of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed
also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account,
and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if
he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed
to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and
many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were
believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because
they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such
as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also
charged him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and
with having merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it
was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus
could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon
him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears
for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making
mirth for having gotten the government, he would appear to be the same
Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he
hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though
an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his
funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor
to him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came
now before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before
acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled
all, had fixed him firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated
in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety
of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices
themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country,
till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by
an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that
he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to,
and which is hated by all men. On which account his father never so much
as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a
sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more
authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but
that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in
a dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when
he was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him
capable of managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like notion
of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient
specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived
Caesar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath,
and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens
in the temple, while lie was but a private person.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="240" unit="section" /><p>So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he
had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations,
he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for
Archelaus, and said, "That what had been done at the temple was rather
to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the
authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things
are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing
sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is evident that what
these did in way of opposition was done under pretense, indeed, against
Archelaus, but in reality against Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious
manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came
only to put a stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or
to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether
it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred
of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first
set about such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that
punish them to betake themselves to arms even against their will. So that
Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who
were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of injustice
has been done but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are those
things evil in themselves, but so represented only in order to do harm
to Archelaus. Such is these men's inclination to do an injury to a man
that is of their kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiarity acquainted
with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for that,
as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a sound mind,
and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that
for this reason, because Caesar is therein left to be the judge and disposer
of all therein contained; and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all
imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, who, during Herod's whole
life, had on all occasions been joint partakers of power with him, and
yet do zealously endeavor to injure his determination, while they have
not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus had].
Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely
supported, of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to
him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition,
which is known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate
the wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having
lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son
of his, and to one who flies to Caesar's upright determination for refuge.
Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor,
while he showed so much prudence as to submit all to Caesar's determination."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="248" unit="section" /><p>Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Caesar, he ended his
plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him
up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that he well deserved
the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved in his
favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed,
and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this
encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination
about him; and when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself
whether he should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should
part it among all Herod's posterity; and this because they all stood in
need of much assistance to support them.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A SEDITION AGAINST SABINUS; AND HOW VARUS BROUGHT THE AUTHORS
OF IT TO PUNISHMENT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="250" unit="section" /><p>BUT before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace,
Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters
came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Caesar of the revolt
of the Jews; for after Archlaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult.
So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance
to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this
sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antiocli, leaving
one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now
very fond of innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to
that their sedition; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar's procurator,
staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that
were left there that they would by their multitude protect him; for he
made use of them, and armed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing the
Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled;
for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the
search after the king's money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account
of his love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so
called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of
men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but
out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries
he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and
many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan,
and inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to all
the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an assault on
Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him; so they parted themselves into
three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following: - some of
them seized on the hippodrome and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves
from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter;
but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king's
palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose
them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men's number, and of
their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous
not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome
their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used
to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to
his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger,
and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces;
while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus,
which had been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called
so when the Parthians had brought him to his death. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 10; and Of the War; B. II. ch. 12. sect.
9.</note>
So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although
he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and
thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first
to die on account of his avarice. However, the Romans ventured to make
a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though
it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted
in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter
that was made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those cloisters
which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was
still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their
hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises. All
the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because
they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others,
and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they
tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could
not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies.
And this sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who
were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so
privately, that those that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This
fire <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These great devastations made about the temple here, and Of the War, B.
II. ch. 3. sect. 3, seem not to have been full re-edified in the days of
Nero; till whose time there were eighteen thousand workmen continually
employed in rebuilding and repairing that temple, as Josephus informs us,
Antiq. B. XX. ch. 9. sect. 7. See the note on that place.</note>
being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately
on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was full of pitch and
wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently,
and those vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were
destroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished
at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled
down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed
them. There was a great number more, who, out of despair of saving their
lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did
either cast themselves into the fire, or threw themselves upon their swords,
and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the
same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed
by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their
wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were destitute
of armor, insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not
one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them
room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited;
a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly
four hundred talents.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="265" unit="section" /><p>But this calamity of the Jews' friends, who fell in this battle,
grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God
in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best together,
and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set
fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them
to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would
not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of
the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three
thousand of the most warlike of Herod's army with them, who were men of
active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen
under the command of Ruffis, which itself went over to the Romans also.
However, the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace
walls, and besought those that were gone over to the other side not to
be their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery
of their country's ancient liberty; and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous
of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with
the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he
took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should
not comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming,
he still bore the siege.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="269" unit="section" /><p>Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea,
which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a warlike
posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to
the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had
been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought against
the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them;
but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the
military skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were
there, and saved what he could.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="271" unit="section" /><p>There was also Judas, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Unless this Judas, the son of Ezekias, be the same with that Theudas, mentioned
Acts 5:36, Josephus must have omitted him; for that other Thoualas, whom
he afterward mentions, under Fadus the Roman governor, B. XX. ch. 5. sect.
1, is much too late to correspond to him that is mentioned in the Acts.
The names Theudas, Thaddeus, and Judas differ but little. See Archbishop
Usher's Annals at A.M. 4001. However, since Josephus does not pretend to
reckon up the heads of all those ten thousand disorders in Judea, which
he tells us were then abroad, see sect. 4 and 8, the Theudas of the Acts
might be at the head of one of those seditions, though not particularly
named by him. Thus he informs us here, sect. 6, and Of the War, B. II.
ch. 4. Sect. 2, that certain of the seditious came and burnt the royal
palace at Amsthus, or Betharamphta, upon the river Jordan. Perhaps their
leader, who is not named by Josephus, might be this Theudas.</note>
the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias
was a very strong man, and had with great dificulty been caught by Herod.
This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character
about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and
seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed
every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was
left there; and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those
that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of
an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as
the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in
doing injuries.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="273" unit="section" /><p>There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but
in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one
that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things
committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of
things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain
number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a
king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else.
He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left
in it. He also set fire to many other of the king's houses in several places
of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were
with him to take what was left in them for a prey; and he would have done
greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately;
for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the
forces he had with him, and met Simon, and after a great and a long fight,
no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body
of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed;
and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley,
yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. The royal palace also at
Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were
got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and
wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep
the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce
the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame,
because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management
of their affairs.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="278" unit="section" /><p>But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of
his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one
that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any
body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength
of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it
so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although
he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great
a design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and
were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands,
and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength
of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled
over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were
very numerous. They were every one of them also commanders; but when they
came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while
he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about
what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure.
And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king,
and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well
as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king's
forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king's
forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been
allowed under Herod's government; and they fell upon the Romans, because
of the injuries they had so lately received from them. But in process of
time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape
from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes
of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked
a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the
army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and
shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers; but the rest of them were
aftrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved
themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king's troops that
were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the
war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans;
but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief. Yet were they afterwards
subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus
also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected
at the other's misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left
to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors,
that he also delivered himself up to Archclaus, upon his promise and oath
to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while
afterward.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="285" unit="section" /><p>And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several companies
of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king
immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They were in some small
measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans; but the murders
they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="286" unit="section" /><p>As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus's
writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took
the two other legions, (for there were three legions in all belonging to
Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces
which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made
what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. He
also gave order that all that were sent out for this expedition, should
make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen
hundred auxiliaries as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king
of Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase
the favor of the Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen
and horsemen; and when he had now collected all his forces together, he
committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them
upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais;
who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris,
and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself
pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle
with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious;
but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose
name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod,
and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to
another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and
burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this
march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter.
Emmaus was also burnt by Varus's order, after its inhabitants had deserted
it, that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed. From thence
he now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there,
and who had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army,
left the siege imperfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached
them bitterly for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the accusation,
and alleged that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast;
that the war was not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of
the strangers, while they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged
together with them, rather than having any inclination to besiege them.
There also came beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of
king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along
with them, together with those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus
did not come into Varus's presence, but stole out of the city privately,
and went to the sea-side.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="295" unit="section" /><p>Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek
out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered,
he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dismissed:
now the number of those that were crucified on this account were two thousand.
After which he disbanded his army, which he found no way useful to him
in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very disorderly,
and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do, and this out
of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did. As for
himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together,
he made haste to catch them; but they did not proceed so far as to fight
him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered
themselves up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to
the multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of whom
Caesar dismissed; but for the several relations of Herod who had been among
these men in this war, they were the only persons whom he punished, who,
without the least regard to justice, fought against their own kindred.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">AN EMBASSAGE TO CAESAR; AND HOW CAESAR CONFIRMED HEROD'S
TESTAMENT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="299" unit="section" /><p>SO when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former
legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus,
he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following:
for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the
nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by
their own laws. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See Of the War, B. II. ch. 2. sect. 3.</note>
Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the
nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews
that were at Rome already. Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and the
chief men among the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See the note, Of the War, B. II. ch. 6. sect. 1.</note>
which he had built at a vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and
a multitude of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did
also Archelaus and his friends; but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus
had, they would not join themselves with him, out of their hatred to him;
and yet they thought it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors
[against him], as supposing it would be a disgrace to them in Caesar's
opinion to think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred.
Philip <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">He was tetrarch afterward.</note>
also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with this
principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus]; for Varus was his
great friend: but still so, that if there should any change happen in the
form of government, (which Varus suspected there would,) and if any distribution
should be made on account of the number that desired the liberty of living
by their own laws, that he might not be disappointed, but might have his
share in it.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="304" unit="section" /><p>Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to
speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook
themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared that he
was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable
authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use
of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain
from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations;
and that whereas there were a great many who perished by that destruction
he brought upon them, so many indeed as no other history relates, they
that survived were far more miserable than those that suffered under him;
not only by the anxiety they were in from his looks and disposition towards
them, but from the danger their estates were in of being taken away by
him. That he did never leave off adorning these cities that lay in their
neighborhood, but were inhabited by foreigners; but so that the cities
belonging to his own government were ruined, and utterly destroyed that
whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary flourishing
condition, he had filled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty;
and when, upon unjust pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took
away their estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned
them to the forfeiture of what they possessed. And besides the annual impositions
which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents
to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as
were vouchsafed the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was
no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust violence without giving either
gold or silver for it. That they would say nothing of the corruption of
the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their wives for
incontinency, and those things acted after an insolent and inhuman manner;
because it was not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have such things
concealed, than it would have been not to have suffered them. That Herod
had put such abuses upon them as a wild beast would not have put on them,
if he had power given him to rule over us; and that although their nation
had passed through many subversions and alterations of government, their
history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been under, that
could be compared with this which Herod had brought upon their nation;
that it was for this reason that they thought they might justly and gladly
salute Archelaus as king, upon this supposition, that whosoever should
be set over their kingdom, he would appear more mild to them than Herod
had been; and that they had joined with him in the mourning for his father,
in order to gratify him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also,
if they could meet with any degree of moderation from him; but that he
seemed to be afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod's own son; and so,
without any delay, he immediately let the nation understand his meaning,
and this before his dominion was well established, since the power of disposing
of it belonged to Caesar, who could either give it to him or not, as he
pleased. That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his subjects,
and with what kind of moderation and good administration he would govern
them, by that his first action, which concerned them, his own citizens,
and God himself also, when he made the slaughter of three thousand of his
own countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid the just hatred
of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this as one of our
crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him in the exercise of his
authority? Now the main thing they desired was this: That they might be
delivered from kingly and the like forms of government, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">If any one compare that Divine prediction concerning the tyrannical power
which Jewish kings would exercise over them, if they would be so foolish
as to prefer it before their ancient theocracy or aristocracy, 1 Samuel
8:1-22; Antiq. B. VI. ch. 4. sect. 4, he will soon find that it was superabundantly
fulfilled in the days of Herod, and that to such a degree, that the nation
now at last seem sorely to repent of such their ancient choice, in opposition
to God's better choice for them, and had much rather be subject to even
a pagan Roman government, and their deputies, than to be any longer under
the oppression of the family of Herod; which request of theirs Augustus
did not now grant them, but did it for the one half of that nation in a
few years afterward, upon fresh complaints made by the Jews against Archelaus,
who, under the more humble name of an ethnarch, which Augustus only would
now allow him, soon took upon him the insolence and tyranny of his father
king Herod, as the remaining part of this book will inform us, and particularly
ch. 13. sect. 2.</note>
and might be added to Syria, and be put under the authority of such presidents
of theirs as should be sent to them; for that it would thereby be made
evident, whether they be really a seditious people, and generally fond
of innovations, or whether they would live in an orderly manner, if they
might have governors of any sort of moderation set over them.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="315" unit="section" /><p>Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings from
those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since he had never been
thus accused all the time of his life, it was not fit for those that might
have accused him of lesser crimes than those now mentioned, and might have
procured him to be punished during his lifetime, to bring an accusation
against him now he is dead. He also attributed the actions of Archlaus
to the Jews' injuries to him, who, affecting to govern contrary to the
laws, and going about to kill those that would have hindered them from
acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had done,
made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their attempts
for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by reason of
their not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws, but still
desiring to be superior in all things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus
said.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="317" unit="section" /><p>When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly;
but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king
of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been
subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter,
if he governed his part virtuously. But as for the other half, he divided
it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip
and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole
kingdom. Now to him it was that Peres and Galilee paid their tribute, which
amounted annually to two hundred talents, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is not true. See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 3, 4; and ch. 12. sect.
2; and ch. 13. sect. 1, 2. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect. 5; and ch. 10. sect.
2, 3. Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 9. sect. 3. Since Josephus here informs us that
Archelaus had one half of the kingdom of Herod, and presently informs us
further that Archelaus's annual income, after an abatement of one quarter
for the present, was 600 talents, we may therefore ga ther pretty nearly
what was Herod the Great's yearly income, I mean about <date value="1600" authname="1600">1600</date> talents, which,
at the known value of 3000 shekels to a talent, and about 2s. 10d. to a
shekel, in the days of Josephus, see the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8.
sect. 2, amounts to 680,000 sterling per annum; which income, though great
in itself, bearing no proportion to his vast expenses every where visible
in Josephus, and to the vast sums he left behind him in his will, ch. 8.
sect. 1, and ch. 12. sect. 1, the rest must have arisen either from his
confiscation of those great men's estates whom he put to death, or made
to pay fine for the saving of their lives, or from some other heavy methods
of oppression which such savage tyrants usually exercise upon their miserable
subjects; or rather from these several methods not together, all which
yet seem very much too small for his expenses, being drawn from no larger
a nation than that of the Jews, which was very populous, but without the
advantage of trade to bring them riches; so that I cannot but strongly
suspect that no small part of this his wealth arose from another source;
I mean from some vast sums he took out of David's sepulcher, but concealed
from the people. See the note on Antiq. B. VII. ch. 15. sect. 3.</note>
while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part
of what was called the <emph>House of Zenodorus</emph>, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Take here a very useful note of Grotias, on Luke 3:1, here quoted by Dr.
Hudson: "When Josephus says that some part of the house (or possession)
of Zenodorus (i.e. Abilene) was allotted to Philip, he thereby declares
that the larger part of it belonged to another. This other was Lysanias,
whom Luke mentions, of the posterity of that Lysanias who was possessed
of the same country called Abilene, from the city Abila, and by others
Chalcidene, from the city Chaleis, when the government of the East was
under Antonius, and this after Ptolemy, the son of Menneus; from which
Lysanias this country came to be commonly called the Country of Lysanias;
and as, after the death of the former Lyanias, it was called the tetrarchy
of Zenodorus, so, after the death of Zenodorus, or when the time for which
he hired it was ended. when another Lysanias, of the same name with the
former, was possessed of the same country, it began to be called the Tetrarchy
of Lysanias." However, since Josephus elsewhere (Antiq. B. XX. ch.
7. sect. 1) clearly distinguishes Abilene from Cilalcidcue, Groius must
be here so far mistaken.</note>
paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea,
and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth
part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them
that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest
of the multitude. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute
to Archelaus: Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for
as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar
separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria.
Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own dominions
amounted to six hundred talents.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="321" unit="section" /><p>And so much came to Herod's sons from their father's inheritance.
But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were
Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae]
of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelo;
in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house
was within Archelaus's government. The rest also of the king's relations
received what his testament allotted them. Moreover, Caesar made a present
to each of Herod's two virgin daughters, besides what their father left
them, of two hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of silver, and married
them to Pheroras's sons: he also granted all that was bequeathed to himself
to the king's sons, which was one thousand five hundred talents, excepting
a few of the vessels, which he reserved for himself; and they were acceptable
to him, not so much for the great value they were of, as because they were
memorials of the king to him.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING A SPURIOUS ALEXANDER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="324" unit="section" /><p>WHEN these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain young
man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city Sidon,
ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his
countenance, which those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander,
the son of Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an incitement to him
to endeavor to obtain the government; so he took to him as an assistant
a man of his own country, (one that was well acquainted with the affairs
of the palace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose nature
made him capable of causing great disturbances to the public, and one that
became a teacher of such a mischievous contrivance to the other,) and declared
himself to be Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away. by one
of those that were sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in
order to deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus.
Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him;
and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse
with him believe him [to be Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money
which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he
got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that
he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father's
principality, and reward his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome, and
was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also
so fortunate, as, upon his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that
were there into the same delusion; and not only other people, but also
all those that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined
themselves to this man as to their king. The cause of it was this, that
men were glad of his pretenses, which were seconded by the likeness of
his countenance, which made those that had been acquainted with Alexander
strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same person, which
they also confirmed to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went
about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that
were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that
he has so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his
mother's family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter
through the streets; and all the ornaments about him were such as kings
are adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained
him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations
to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such
as had been so unexpectedly preserved.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="332" unit="section" /><p>When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it, because Herod
was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great concern
to him; yet, having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one Celadus,
a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves,
and bade him bring Alexander into his presence; so he brought him, being
no more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the multitude. Yet
did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was a resemblance between
him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to impose on such as were
prudent in discerning; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough,
by the labors he had been put to and instead of that softness of body which
the other had, and this as derived from his delicate and generous education,
this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore,
Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and
in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what
became of him who (it seems) was stolen away together with him, and for
what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavor to
recover that dominion which was due to his high birth also. And when he
said that he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers
of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity
of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive,
and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them; and when
he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed
in supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to him,
"If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward,
that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then, who thou art, and
who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this. For
this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villainy to be undertaken
by one of thy age." Accordingly, because he had no other way to take,
he told Caesar the contrivance, and after what manner and by whom it was
laid together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be a
strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break
his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners,
but slew him that induced him to do what he had done; for as for the people
of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away
so much of their money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious
conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander.</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ARCHELAUS UPON A SECOND ACCUSATION, WAS BANISHED TO VIENNA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="339" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea,
he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and
took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in
his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been
at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the village of Neara
used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain, to water those
palm trees which he had there planted: he also built a village, and put
his own name upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover, he transgressed
the law of our fathers <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was forbidden the Jews to marry
their brother's wife when she had children by her first husband, and that
Zonaras (cites, or) interprets the clause before us accordingly.</note>
and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife
of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while
it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's wife. Nor
did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie,
being put in his room while he was still living.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="342" unit="section" /><p>But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his brethren,
and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his
barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and
that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar,
which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them. Whereupon
Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus's steward,
who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also;
and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away
as soon as possible, and bring him to us: so the man made haste in his
voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his
friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him
away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain
accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished
him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation,
and took his money away from him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="345" unit="section" /><p>Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he related
this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full
of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured
by oxen. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared
to beof great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study
was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opinion, and some
of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man
of the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and
said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and
that not for the better; that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains
in his labors, denoted afflictions, and indeed denoted, further, a change
of affairs, because that land which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in
its former state; and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like
number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the
time of Archelaus's government was over. And thus did this man expound
the dream. Now on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus,
the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away,
came hither also.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="349" unit="section" /><p>The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter
of king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married, while she was a
virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and brother of Archelaus; but since
it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his father, she was married
to Juba, the king of Lybia; and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood
in Cappadocia with her father, Archclaus divorced his former wife Mariamne,
and married her, so great was his affection for this Glphyra; who, during
her marriage to him, saw the following dream: She thought she saw Alexander
standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and embraced him with great affection;
but that he complained o her, and said, O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying
to be true, which assures us that women are not to be trusted. Didst not
thou pledge thy faith to me? and wast not thou married to me when thou
wast a virgin? and had we not children between us? Yet hast thou forgotten
the affection I bare to thee, out of a desire of a second husband. Nor
hast thou been satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast
been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by thee, and in
an indecent and imprudent manner hast entered into my house, and hast been
married to Archelaus, thy husband and my brother. However, I will not forget
thy former kind affection for me, but will set thee free from every such
reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wast.
When she had related this to her female companions, in a few days' time
she departed this life.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="354" unit="section" /><p>Now I did not think these histories improper for the present discourse,
both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and otherwise also on
account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well for the confirmation
of the immortality of the soul, as of the providence of God over human
affairs, I thought them fit to be set down; but if any one does not believe
such relations, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder
another that would thereby encourage himself in virtue. So Archelaus's
country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been
consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people's effects in Syria,
and to sell the house of Archelaus.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="18" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XVIII</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELUS TO THE DEPARTURE FROM BABYLON.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CYRENIUS WAS SENT BY CAESAR TO MAKE A TAXATION OF SYRIA
AND JUDEA; AND HOW COPONIUS WAS SENT TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; CONCERNING
JUDAS OF GALILEE AND CONCERNING THE SECTS THAT WERE AMONG THE JEWS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>NOW Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other
magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and
one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into
Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to he a judge of that nation,
and to take an account of their substance. Coponius also, a man of the
equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power
over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now
added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance,
and to dispose of Archelaus's money; but the Jews, although at the beginning
they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any
further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son
of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-pesuaded by Joazar's words,
gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it. Yet was
there one Judas, a Gaulonite, 
of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, 
a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that
this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted
the nation to assert their liberty; as if they could procure them happiness
and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still
greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby
acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be
assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils
as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially,
if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing
the same; so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt
proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from
these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible
degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends
which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies
and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the
public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence
arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on
those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another,
while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and
sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to
the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities;
nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God
was burnt down by their enemies' fire. Such were the consequences of this,
that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made,
as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these
men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc,
who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers
therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid
the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which
we were before unacquainted withal, concerning which I will discourse a
little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among
the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar
to themselves; the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees, and
the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which
sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish
War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="12" unit="section" /><p>Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies
in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes
to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to
strive to observe reason's dictates for practice. They also pay a respect
to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in
any thing which they have introduced; and when they determine that all
things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of
acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God
to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will
of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have
an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards
or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in
this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison,
but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; on account
of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people;
and whatsoever they do about Divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they
perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give
great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct,
both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="16" unit="section" /><p>But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the
bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the
law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with
those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: but this doctrine is received
but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are
able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates,
as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict
themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would
not otherwise bear them.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="18" unit="section" /><p>The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best ascribed
to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards
of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; and when they send what
they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices
 because
they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are
excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices
themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men;
and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also deserves our
admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to
virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as
it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians,
no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them.
This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer
any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich
man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There
are about four thousand men that live in this way, and neither marry wives,
nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to
be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as
they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint
certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits
of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn
and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of
the Essens in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae
who are called Polistae 
[dwellers in cities].</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="23" unit="section" /><p>But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was
the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions;
but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is
to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds
of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends,
nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. And since this immovable
resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further
about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should
be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution
they show when they undergo pain. And it was in Gessius Florus's time that
the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator,
and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority,
and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish
philosophy.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">NOW HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT SEVERAL CITIES IN HONOR OF CAESAR.
CONCERNING THE SUCCESSION OF PRIESTS AND PROCURATORS; AS ALSO WHAT BEFELL
PHRAATES AND THE PARTHIANS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="26" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus's money, and when the
taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh
year of Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the
high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude,
and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high priest; while Herod
and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the
affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the
security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He
also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and
called it Julias, from the name of the emperor's wife. When Philip also
had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Cesarea.
He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth,
unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained,
and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name
with Caesar's daughter.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="29" unit="section" /><p>As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising
his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents
happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which
we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates
just after midnight. When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some
of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men's
bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded
them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals;
and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than
they had formerly done. A little after which accident Coponius returned
to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government;
under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia, [Caesar's
wife,] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais,
where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent
in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second
emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years,
besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together
with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven
years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded.
He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator
of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the
high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest.
He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of
Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office,
when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high
priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and when he had possessed that
dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor.
When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried
in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="36" unit="section" /><p>And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius,
built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built
it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm
baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers
came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans
also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country
belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some
of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as
those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of
them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made
them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by
building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them
land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was
to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to
be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias 
whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven
days. </p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="39" unit="section" /><p>About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery
of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: When Phraates had had
legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose
name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar,
among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great
admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name
was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect
for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said,
and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but
still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive
how to remove Phraates's legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;] so she persuaded
him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they
were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict
her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed
in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government
by his father's donation [as his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous
design against his father, by his mother's assistance, with whom, as the
report went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both
these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother
to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition,
expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died. But as
the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they
should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice
to choose one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any
others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already
by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue,] they sent
ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the crown]; for the multitude would
not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great
cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still
he was one of the family of Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy against
him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their
sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords
with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they
had drawn him out a hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired
they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king.
Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for
he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms
under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one). However, the
barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable
disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their
governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that
had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor
could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable,
because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by
right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently invited Artabanus,
king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces.
Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with
an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians
stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten,
and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a
great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones
fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia
[upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after
he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians
were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and
so he now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Armenia;
and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government
of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose].
But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and
because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to
denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to
take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the
Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,) he delivered
up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his
education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes,
one of his own sons.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="53" unit="section" /><p>At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the
multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to [Rome];
for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might
be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous
to be under kings, as their fathers had been. So the senate made a decree
that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune
hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when
he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken
away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.
</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">SEDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST PONTIUS PILATE. CONCERNING CHRIST,
AND WHAT BEFELL PAULINA AND THE JEWS AT ROME,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="55" unit="section" /><p>BUT now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Cesarea
to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish
the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar's effigies, which were upon the
ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the
very making of images; on which account the former procurators were wont
to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments.
Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them
up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it
was done in the night time; but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes
to Cesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the
images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend
to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on
the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately,
while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared
in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready
to oppress them; and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal
to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment
should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing
him, and go their ways home. But they threw themselves upon the ground,
and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly,
rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which
Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws
inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from
Jerusalem to Cesarea.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and
did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from
the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews 
were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten
thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and
insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches,
and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. So he habited
a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under
their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them.
So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches
upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed
on; who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them,
and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not;
nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed,
and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a
great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded.
And thus an end was put to this sedition.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="63" unit="section" /><p>Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful
to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of
the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate,
at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to
the cross, 
those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared
to them alive again the third day; 
as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful
things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him,
are not extinct at this day.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="65" unit="section" /><p>About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder,
and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was
at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple
of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs. There was
at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity
of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a
great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful
countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay,
yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus,
one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character. Decius
Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian
order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and
had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance,
he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised
to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night's lodging;
and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this
misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself
to death for want of food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal; and he
determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with
his purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made
free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief.
This woman was very much grieved at the young man's resolution to kill
himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from
others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made
him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night's
lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she
said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping
of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much
money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken
before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted
by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of
the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: She went to some
of Isis's priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment],
she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five
thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect;
and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all
means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise so
to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest
of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired
to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that
he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined
her to come to him. Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued
herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband
that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so
he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity
of his wife. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped
there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of
the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out.
Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail
of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing
he was the god; and when he was gone away, which was before those priests
who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to
her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among
her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor,
who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and
partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when
they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person. But now, on
the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, "Nay,
Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou
sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at
my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast
laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the
pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis."
When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the
sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and
told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed
him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact
to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly
by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as
well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived
the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished
the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into
the river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him,
because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the
passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple
of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the
relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly
told you I would.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="81" unit="section" /><p>There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his
own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws,
and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects
a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the
wisdom of the laws of Moses. He procured also three other men, entirely
of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded
Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish
religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when
they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent
the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required
it of her. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus,
the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered
all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; at which time the consuls listed
four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but
punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers,
on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. 
Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four
men.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE SAMARITANS MADE A TUMULT AND PILATE DESTROYED MANY
OF THEM; HOW PILATE WAS ACCUSED AND WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY VITELLIUS
RELATING TO THE JEWS AND THE PARTHIANS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="85" unit="section" /><p>BUT the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults.
The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little
consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might
be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is
by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them,
that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels
which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there 
So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable;
and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they
got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great
multitude together; but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon
file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those
that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action,
some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took
a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of
those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="88" unit="section" /><p>But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy
to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of
Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for
that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but
to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend
of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go
to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So
Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and
this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict;
but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="90" unit="section" /><p>But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at
the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there
magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from
all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them
leave to have the care of the high priest's vestments, with all their ornaments,
and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which
power they used to have formerly, although at this time they were laid
up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion
following: There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus; and as
there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built
a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in
it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone
to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into
the city, and took his ordinary garments; the same things were continued
to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came
to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated,
in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called
it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there,
he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them
in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him. The like
to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after
him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession
of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber,
under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain
of the guard lighting a lamp there every day; and seven days before a festival

they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high
priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in
the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very
next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly
festivals, and on the fast day; but Vitellius put those garments into our
own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of
the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when
they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige
the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also
called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son
of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took
his journey back to Antioch.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="96" unit="section" /><p>Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him
to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for
while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia
away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no
otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his
son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer
of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the
king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although
they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage
through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought
them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and
the country of Parthis was filled with war, and the principal of their
men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king's
son also himself fell in these wars, together with. many ten thousands
of his army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus's
father's kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain
by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived
that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid
by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would
certainly take effect, — when he had estimated the number of those that
were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted,
but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely,
upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper
provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and
Sacre, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="101" unit="section" /><p>When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league
of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation,
he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates,
and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their
guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And
when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected
a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there. Artabanus
also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many
presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by
birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant.
After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod
[the tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information that
they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately
described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius
to inform him of. But when Vitellius's letters were sent, and Caesar had
let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod
had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled
at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he
really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could
be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="106" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that Philip, Herod's ' brother, departed this
life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, 
after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation
of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person
of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government;
he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to
make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which
he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met
him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set
down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it,
and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted
to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. He died
at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already
erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality
Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province
of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be
collected, and laid up in his tetrachy.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HEROD THE TETRARCH MAKES WAR WITH ARETAS, THE KING OF ARABIA,
AND IS BEATEN BY HIM AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST.
HOW VITELLIUS WENT UP TO JERUSALEM; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF AGRIPPA
AND OF THE POSTERITY OF HEROD THE GREAT.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="109" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had
a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the
daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was
once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, 
who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod
was the son of the high priest Sireoh's daughter. However, he fell in love
with Herodias, this last Herod's wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus
their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to
talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted,
an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him
as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also
was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter. So Antipus, when he
had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the
business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered
the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he
had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send
her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas
and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions. Accordingly
Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing;
now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to
her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready
for her by the general of Aretas's army; and by that means she soon came
into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her
from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and
told him of Herod's intentions. So Aretas made this the first occasion
of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him
about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on
both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead
of themselves; and when they had joined battle, all Herod's army was destroyed
by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy
of Philip, joined with Aretas's army.. So Herod wrote about these affairs
to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote
to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring
him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the
charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="116" unit="section" /><p>Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's army
came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against
John, that was called the Baptist: for Herod slew him, who was a good man,
and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards
one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that
the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of
it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only],
but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was
thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. Now when [many] others
came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased]
by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had
over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a
rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought
it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause,
and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make
him repent of it when it would be too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner,
out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned,
and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction
of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God's displeasure
to him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="120" unit="section" /><p>So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two
legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature,
and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those
kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came
to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army
through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not
thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would
not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of
which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was persuaded by
what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before
taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along
the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends,
went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of
the Jews being then just approaching; and when he had been there, and been
honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there
for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood,
and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the fourth day letters
came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the
multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army,
and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there,
since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like
authority of making this war which he had before. It was also reported,
that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said,
upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army
of Vitellius's could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die,
either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the
other's desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against
whom this army is prepared. So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but
Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death
of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he
might be permitted so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod and his
family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history
to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration
of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no
advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts
upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God; for it happened,
that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod,
which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed.

One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence
how unhappy they were: it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who,
as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private
man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great
power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall
now also speak accurately about them.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="130" unit="section" /><p>Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter
of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first
cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's brother, her father
making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to
her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister. Phasaelus
had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two
daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus,
married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note,
but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters,
which daughters were named Bernice, Mariarune, and Drusius; but the names
of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came
to the years of puberty; but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with
his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons
of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter
of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these
infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander,
as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty,
this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias,
who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph,
who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but
Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter
of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose
name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male
line. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son
of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the
high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took
upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from
her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her
husband's brother by the father's side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; but
her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch
of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod,
the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa,
and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio.
But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias,
the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and
Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless.
As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father,
he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome,
and died childless; Alexander had ason of the same name with his brother
Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by
Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, 
the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king
of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after
their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the
Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened
that they died childless. And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have
enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took
the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that
I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got
clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">OF THE NAVIGATION OF KING AGRIPPA TO ROME, TO TIBERIUS CAESAR;
AND NOW UPON HIS BEING ACCUSED BY HIS OWN FREED-MAN, HE WAS BOUND; HOW
ALSO HE, WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY CAIUS, AFTER TIBERIUS'S DEATH AND WAS MADE
KING OF THE TETRARCHY OF PHILIP.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="143" unit="section" /><p>A LITTLE before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome,
and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius's
son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great,
who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing
her son. Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents
he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not
appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance;
but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent
a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal
in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar's freed-men,
in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time,
reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also
forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because
on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would
thereby be revived.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="147" unit="section" /><p>For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but
in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which
he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who
were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon
he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired
to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing
himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts
of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter
to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and
let her know Agrippa's present design, and what necessity it was which
drove him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him
her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she
alleviated these her husband's troubles all she could, although she had
not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted
him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money
for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of
honor to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting
him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they
were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon
one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit
him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food
to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a
very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="151" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus
had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa's brother,
but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder
the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated
by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa,
till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion
of bringing on which estrangement was this: The Damascens were at difference
with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear
the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence
upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that
favor promised him a great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting
the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence
of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same;
and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly
so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was
reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he
knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but
as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas,
who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as
he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other.
So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa's
mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to
lend so much upon Agrippa's own bond and security; but he accused Agrippa
of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas,
when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five
hundred drachma as 
less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could
not help it. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon,
and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who
was the procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him
three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar's
treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then pretended
that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables,
and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the
alabarch 
to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend
it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at
her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;
so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents
at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia
[Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would
soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to
go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed
for Judea.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="161" unit="section" /><p>And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to
Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come
so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that
he would give him leave to come over to Caprein: so Tiberius made no difficulty,
but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told
him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae;
and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had
promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter to Caesar
from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred
thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was
demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his
government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar
had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa
should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon
which he was no way daunted at Caesar's anger, but entreated Antonia, the
mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself,
to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be
deprived of Tiberius's friendship; so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice
his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,)
and out of regard to his and Claudius's education together, she lent him
the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder
Tiberius's friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to
him his grandson, 
and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But
upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects
to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of
the good-will they bare his father. Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man
of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid
Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his
court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="168" unit="section" /><p>Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great
height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were
in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for
they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage,
and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy
of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his chariot,
heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; but when Agrippa
accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,)
he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso,
who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, be
replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security
and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius,
according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer
of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; for
he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched
away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly
sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in
hearing the causes of prisoners; insomuch that when he was asked by his
friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he
delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors
should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble
upon himself in their public reception and dismission: that he permitted
those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there
a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for
that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and
that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that
at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry
themselves on to fleece the people; but that if their government be long
continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having
gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging;
but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed
to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall
not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled
themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because
they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions]. He
gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came
about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of
the standers-by pitied the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not able
to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him;
but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked
him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief
from his present misery; to which he answered, "If thou drivest these
flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my
blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are
somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and
find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction. For this cause,
therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors
perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed
by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and
so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement
to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which
they take in it." And, as a further attestation to what I say of the
dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for
although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators
to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government,
Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in
another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them,
that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays,
because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be
an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have
not deserved any such favor; "but I do it, that, by being harassed
with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing,
but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came
from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome.
Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus,
let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now Antonia
was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her
relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus's wife, and from her eminent
chastity; 
for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood,
and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be
married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation
free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius,
when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man
who had been her husband's friend, and wire had the greatest authority,
because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate
and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted,
and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained
his point, had not Antonia's boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus's
malice; for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote
him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most
faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when
he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius,
who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater
respect, and depended upon her in all things. So when Tiberius was desired
by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus
hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient
punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination,
the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of
desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment
upon himself." Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still
much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia,
upon Agrippa's lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the
following opportunity: As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan,
and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before
him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus,
and have him examined; to which he replied, "O Antonia! the gods are
my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own
inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers." When he
had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus
to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked
him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon
which he said, "O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were
once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses
that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when
this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable
earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but
would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy
also." Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa's words, and bearing
a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his
respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had
not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred
all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro, "Bind this man." But
Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind,
and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he
forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. But
when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: "For
certain," said he, "Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;"
and when he still asked, "Which of these is to be bound?" he
said "Agrippa." Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication
for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up,
and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose;
for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. It was also very
hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was
very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of
him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius's slaves, whose name was
Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let
him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily,
and said, "O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy
advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure
thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now
I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and
dignity." Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made
him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come
to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his
liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when
he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to
minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable
post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="195" unit="section" /><p>Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned
on a certain tree for grief, with many others,. who were in bonds also;
and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans
call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German
by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; and
when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation
a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the
soldier to whom he was bound, 
to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind
to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; which liberty,
when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by
an interpreter: "This sudden change of thy condition, O young man!
is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity;
nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this
misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide
for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well
as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that
all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor
nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause;
for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and
in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing.
However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare
to thee the prediction of the gods. It cannot be that thou shouldst long
continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and
wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied
by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till
thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt
have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou
wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought to pass
by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And
I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning
thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee,
thou mayst not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness
shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but
endeavor to deliver me." So when the German had said this, he made
Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration.
But now Antonia took Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however, to speak to
Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed
quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she procure of
Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and
that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be
of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself
every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that
other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend
Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought
him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of
him; they ,also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and
when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted
them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's
condition for six months' time, and in this case were his affairs.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="205" unit="section" /><p>But for Tiberius, upon his return to Caprein, he fell sick. At first
his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him,
he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that
freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children 
to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at
present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was
dead; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name
was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was
the son 
of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education,
and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people,
on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had
attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his
virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing
with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his
familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; by which behavior
he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every
one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were
affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception
by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the
others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation
made by all men; not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to
their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real;
while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was
near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that
it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others,
the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it
an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain
to the government.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="211" unit="section" /><p>But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children
to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show
him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government;
being very desirous to leave it to his son's son, but still depending upon
what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion
and inclination; so he made this to be the omen, that the government should
be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus
resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson's tutor, and ordered him
to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would
permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation;
for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at
all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready.
So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet
come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what
his lord intended; so he said to Caius, "Thy father calls thee,"
and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before,
he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the
government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he
was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented
that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from
him, and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire
by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would
now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think
it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so
his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and
bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being
next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving
to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at
the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology,

and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem
of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it
was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his
most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have
the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this Tiberius was more addicted
to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because
he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs. And indeed
he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him,
and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son's son, which he
foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such
a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died
without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented
by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him,
and must die under that torment. Now although he was disordered at this
unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend
it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination:
"O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art,
I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do
give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; and I desire thee never to
be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who
set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius. But as thou
knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so
great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for
my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of
his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while
Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and
as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to
thy own misfortunes; for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs
is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly
done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off
unpunished." This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not
persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when
he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted
by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward,
slain by a secret plot laid against him.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="224" unit="section" /><p>So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor,
he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government
twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor.
But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at
the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were
unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money
that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed
their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known,
and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone. For this Tiberius
had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans,
since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such
a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same,
although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by
nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty
for the lightest offenses; insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor
about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that
pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if
their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa's freed-man, as soon
as he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the news;
and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in
the Hebrew tongue, "The lion 
is dead;" who, understanding his meaning, and being ovejoyed at the
news, "Nay," said he, "but all sorts of thanks and happiness
attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may
prove true." Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he
saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he
said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of
affairs, and he asked them about what was said. They at first diverted
the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado,
told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in
that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate
to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups
went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and
would return to the city ill a few days. At which news the centurion was
exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life,
to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death
of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said,
"Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment?
and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine
head?" When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again,
(for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than
formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next
day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius
was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk
about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters
also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of
the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; another
to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also
gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that
house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out
of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet
it was now with ease to his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was come
to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him, and had made a
sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was
much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered
him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency
in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death
of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately.
However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house,
and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put
a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of
Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, 
and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent
Marullus to be procurator of Judea.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="238" unit="section" /><p>Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired
leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government;
and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as
it ought to be put. So, upon the emperor's permission, he came into his
own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as asking, and thereby
demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared
his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him
a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much
changed with him for the better.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HEROD THE TETRARCH WAS BANISHED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="240" unit="section" /><p>BUT Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod
who was tetrarch of Galilee and Peres, took this authority of her brother
in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity
bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because
he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, he was in a
way of dignity, and of great good fortune. She was therefore grieved and
much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when
she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal
authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason
of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired
him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his; for she said
that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that
Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her
husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced
to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his
creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son
of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called
upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with
a privater life. "But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not
concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast
derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman
hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired
thy riches should he in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty
to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor
do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who,
the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us go to Rome, and let us
spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot
be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="245" unit="section" /><p>But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love
of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome;
so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back,
the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned
in order to be king; and at last she left not off till she engaged him,
whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise
avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a
manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and
took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of
their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and
as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men,
to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and
to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have
any opportunity. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous
a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius,
he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia,
and found Caius at Bairn, which is itself a little city of Campania, at
the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that
place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring
to outdo his predecessor's magnificence; the place ,also affords warm baths,
that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage
for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides,
they minister to men's luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first
met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him,
and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him,
that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius's and that
he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition
to the government of Caius; as a demonstration of which he alleged, that
he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius
was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about
the armor was true; and when he confessed there was such armor there, for
he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius
took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended
to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of
addition to Agrippa's kingdom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and,
by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed
Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when he was informed
that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a present of what money
was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being
put under the same calamity with her husband. But she made this reply:
"Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as
becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have
for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for
it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity,
should forsake him in his misfortunes." Hereupon Caius was angry at
her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa.
And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod
also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed
public affairs with great magnanimity during the first and second year
of his reign, and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained
the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But,
in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit
of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself
a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the
Deity itself.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THE EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO CAIUS; (28) AND HOW
CAIUS SENT PETRONIUS INTO SYRIA TO MAKE WAR AGAINST THE JEWS, UNLESS THEY
WOULD RECEIVE HIS STATUE.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="257" unit="section" /><p>THERE was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants
and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that
were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from
the people of Alexandria was Apion, 
who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things
that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged
to Caesar; for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built
altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received
him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable
thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by
his name. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped
to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo,
the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother
to Alexander the alabarch, 
and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make
his defense against those accusations; but Caius prohibited him, and bid
him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was
about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted,
went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be
of good courage, since Caius's words indeed showed anger at them, but in
reality had already set God against himself.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="261" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised
by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor
in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion
into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his
statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate,
to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petronius took
the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar's epistle. He got
together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took
with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there
wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote
word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity,
and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would
not obey his commands. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to
Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would
not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers;
"but if," said they, "thou art entirely resolved to bring
this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou
hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as
are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by
our forefathers' determination that such prohibitions are instances of
virtue." But Petronius was angry at them, and said, "If indeed
I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination,
and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken
to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being
subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon
me inevitable destruction." Then the Jews replied, "Since, therefore,
thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius's epistles,
neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon
the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued
hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any
means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out
of the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage;
and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve
our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good
hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of
regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns
of fortune. But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached
for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our
law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself
being judge, is superior to Caius."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="269" unit="section" /><p>When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard
to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient
to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great
deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about
him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs
of the Jews were; and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again,
when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard
if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression
of the law was of much greater consequence, and made supplication to him,
that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their
city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, "Will
you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations
for war, and your own weakness?" They replied, "We will not by
any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws
transgressed." So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and
stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain; and
this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the
tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required
them to sow it. 
Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves
to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="273" unit="section" /><p>When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's brother,
and Heleias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with
them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, that since he saw the resolution
of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them
to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable
aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him,
and left of the tillage off their ground: that they were not willing to
go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready
to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed:
and how, upon the land's continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on
the inability they would be under of paying their tributes; and that Caius
might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be
done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues
inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then
set about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him,
supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, 
partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest
with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired,
and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, — partly on
account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw,
while he thought it a terrible thing for him to be such a slave to the
madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of
their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life
in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better
to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to
bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in
obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that
if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them;
nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit
for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of
men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="279" unit="section" /><p>He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands
in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them;
but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor,
and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such
as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately;
and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his
grant, not to contradict him in any thing: — "yet," said he, "I
do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor,
as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in
number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which
as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it
worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme
assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple
to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority. I will, therefore,
send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist
your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on
account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may
God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance
and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient
laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed
honors. But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon
me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may
come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while
you are acting in so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore, every one of
you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation
of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve
you in all things, both by myself and by my friends."</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="284" unit="section" /><p>When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed rite assembly of
the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry,
and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope
of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful
again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him
that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design; for he had
no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down
great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; 
for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the
sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought,
and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they
saw the heavens overcast with clouds; insomuch that when such a great quantity
of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation
of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition
for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived
that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of
his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest
much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it. This
was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all
tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so
many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay,
(for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship
to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be
publicly cursed by them for all future ages. Moreover, that God, who was
their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and
that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was
the business that Petronius was now engaged in.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="289" unit="section" /><p>But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the
favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful
to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might
contribute most to his pleasure; nay, it was so far from the ability of
others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such
care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly. to make
all agreeable to Caesar); hereupon Caius admired his understanding and
magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even
beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind
Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So
Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary,
said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: "I knew
before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness
thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest
under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show
thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a
base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous
to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient;
for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but
little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy
service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach."

And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking be would ask for some
large country, or the revenues of certain cities. But although he had prepared
beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions,
but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation
of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands
of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard
to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; that
the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes
of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who
art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who
am the receiver. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa's inclinations,
and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he
might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, "Since thou, O my lord! declarest
such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask
nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed
on me has made me excel therein; but I desire somewhat which may make thee
glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and
may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing
that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition
is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue
which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius."</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="298" unit="section" /><p>And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion,
so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew
how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of
it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. So Caius, who was
mightily taken with Agrippa's obliging behavior, and on other accounts
thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many
witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to
become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented
of what he had said, and because he greatly admired Agrippa's virtue, in
not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger
revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity,
of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested.
He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his
army, and then consulting him about these affairs. "If therefore,"
said' he," thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but
if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about
it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which
I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection
of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I
honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have,
or what he desired me to do for him." And this was what Caius wrote
to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that
the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed
resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. When therefore
Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government
as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had
no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he
resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered
not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging
his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius: "Seeing
thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value
than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their
pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou
art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example
to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict
the commands of their emperor."</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="305" unit="section" /><p>This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius
did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing
so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he
understood that Caius was dead; for God would not forget the dangers Petronius
had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he
had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently
attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that
dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian
order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe
to them; for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle
which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death,
and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress
of this narration. Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius's
death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him
to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence
as to the death of Caius, and admired God's providence, who, without the
least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to
the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers
they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death,
which he could not foresee.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT BEFELL THE JEWS THAT WERE IN BABYLON ON OCCASION OF
ASINEUS AND ANILEUS, TWO BRETHREN,</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="310" unit="section" /><p>A VERY sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia,
and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of
the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter
of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which
I shall speak accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these
miseries came upon them. There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not
only a ver populous one, but one that had a good and a large territory
about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was,
besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates
encompassing it all round, and from the wails that were built about it.
There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river.
For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places,
deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our
country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him;
for they made use of these cities as a treasury, whence, at a proper time,
they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook
the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians,
to whom the Babylonians were then subject. Now there were two men, Asineus
and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another.
They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the
art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed ,disgrace among them for
men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set
over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished
them with stripes; but they took this just punishment as an affront, and
carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which were not
a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers,
and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving
such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of
the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they
had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being
their leaders into mischief; for as soon as they were become invincible,
and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered
them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for
their maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if
they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their
other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of those
that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they
could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of
them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all
they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch
that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and
they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report
about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="318" unit="section" /><p>But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind
to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs
should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both
of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack
them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he
had got an army together. He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but
on the next day (it was the sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest
from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight
him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners,
without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall
upon them on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their
weapons lay by them; upon which he said, "Sirs, I hear a neighing
of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs;
I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies
are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look
about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of
things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm." And when he
had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and
they came again immediately, and said to him, that "neither hast thou
been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those
enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer. We are caught by
their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry
marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal,
because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law,
which obliges us to rest [on this day]." But Asiueus did not by any
means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but
thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this
necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves,
although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please
their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up
his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as
courageously as himself. So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great
many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory,
and put the rest to flight.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="325" unit="section" /><p>But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was
surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them,
and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards
to say thus to them: "That king Artsbanus, although he had been unjustly
treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath
he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears
to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand 
and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any
violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves to
him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also promises
to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an
addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of advantage to you."
Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother
Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was
admitted to the king's presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming
alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with
him; and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake,
he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm,
if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his
right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians,
and affords a firm security to those who converse with them; for none of
them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands,
nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even
though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done
this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him. Now
this the king did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces
by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league
with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel,
had they been sent on an expedition against them. He was also afraid, lest
when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces
that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should
be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should hear of that
revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not
fail of doing further mischief to him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="332" unit="section" /><p>When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus
prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to
him the king's good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly,
they made haste to go to Artsbanus, who received them when they were come
with pleasure, and admired Asineus's courage in the actions he had done,
and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared
contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all.
He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed his soul
to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking
together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his
army, and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of
in war, and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict
on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government,
the king replied, "I will never give thee leave to kill a man who
hath depended on my faith, especially not after I have sent him my right
hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods. But
if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury.
Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when
he is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command,
without my privity." Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said
to him, "It is time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and
not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest
they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation. I commit
to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be
preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith
inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that
concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to
me." When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent
him away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and
became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and
success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before
him. Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great
respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them
too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity
and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon
him, and he more and more flourished in this happy condition of his for
fifteen years.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="340" unit="section" /><p>But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang
up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had
deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power,
they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell
under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who
came as general of an army into those parts, had a wife following him,
who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was
admired above all other women for her beauty. Anileus, the brother of Asineus,
either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself
also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he
could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a
captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations
for her. As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to
them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married
to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without
producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also;
but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. Since
she was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed
the images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband
and to herself: now it was the custom 
of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses,
and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable
to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first
she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus's
married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the
same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband's days;
upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did
not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable
to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the
accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that
he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the
body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife,
and that high authority which, by God's blessing, he had arrived at. But
when they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he
had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who,
when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon
his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions
might come to a like end from their enemies; upon the two first as the
principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would
not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these
latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because
they remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no
other means than their fortitude. But when they also heard of the worship
of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus
offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of
them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Aniteus, and told him that
it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous to them;
but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss,
before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and
all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made
without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that
the worship which this woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God
whom they worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of his brother's offense,
that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so
for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he
had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his
brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. But as more and
more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater,
he at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his
former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and
send the woman back to her relations. But nothing was gained by these reproofs;
for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her
account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for
his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus's food, and thereby took
him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge
of what should be done about her.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="353" unit="section" /><p>So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army
against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority
in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus's daughter; he also plundered
them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also
a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make
men's condition happy. Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time,
heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find
that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in his present
dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and he got
together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that
number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and
when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there,
as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the sabbath,
the day on which the Jews rest. And when Anileus was informed of this by
a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an exact account
of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast,
he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent
of falling upon the Parthians while they were unaprrized what they should
do; so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some
of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and
took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass 
which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible.
And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his
friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind
to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of
one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored
with matching into the royal family; that so far as they had hitherto gone
was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved
his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those
that gave it him; but that if be were once put to death, the king would
not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt
at Babylon; "to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account
of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have
no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth
under him." By this thought, and this speech of his made in council,
he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when
he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law
to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him,
while he took no care about it, but was contented to have been made a captive
by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him either to go back
like a man of courage, or else she sware by the gods of their royal family
that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him. Upon which, partly
because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because
he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their
marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again
as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking
it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe
his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the
war.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="363" unit="section" /><p>But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with
a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry
about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies,
and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they
did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly,
he led out his army, and a great many more joined themselves to that army,
in order to betake themselves to plunder the people, and in order to terrify
the enemy again by their numbers. But when they had marched ninety furlongs,
while the road had been through dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst
of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and
fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account,
and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their
weapons. So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while
men in despair were to attack those that were fresh and in good plight;
so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus,
and all that stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into
a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great
victory over them. But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men,
who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some present
ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude
of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those
that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war; however, with
these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation
of all things was made there by the injuries that Anileus did them. So
the Babylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda
to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But although they did not agree
to their demands, (for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was
not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them.
To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions
of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed
with Anileus about them. But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his
situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly
upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they
caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="371" unit="section" /><p>The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus's heavy incursions, which
had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the
Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety
of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they
assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the
ruin of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made
those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received from the
Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor bearing to live
with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those parts, which
was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians,
but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there;
and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes.
But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned
new removals of men's habitations out of that city; and because they came
to Seleucia, it happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on
that account which I am going to relate immediately.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="374" unit="section" /><p>Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks
and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the
Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come
thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians
were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men
that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion. Now when
the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one
way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent
the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed
with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised
they would be at peace and friendship with them. Accordingly, they gladly
agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations,
they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they
both knew that the great design of such their union would be their common
hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty
thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who
escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded
them, in order to let them fly away. These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian
city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in
winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited;
but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little
concern for the king's honor. Now the whole nation of the Jews were in
fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians
that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against
the Jews; so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to
Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those
cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all
warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="19" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XIX</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE YEARS AND A HALF.
FROM THE DEPARTURE OUT OF BABYLON TO FADUS, THE ROMAN
PROCURATOR.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CAIUS<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">In this and the three next chapters we have, I think, a larger and more
distinct account of the slaughter of Caius, and the succession of Claudius,
than we have of any such ancient facts whatsoever elsewhere. Some of the
occasions of which probably were, Josephus's bitter hatred against tyranny,
and the pleasure he took in giving the history of the slaughter of such
a barbarous tyrant as was this Caius Caligula, as also the deliverance
his own nation had by that slaughter, of which he speaks sect. 2, together
with the great intimacy he had with Agrippa, junior, whose father was deeply
concerned in the advancement of Claudius, upon the death of Caius; from
which Agrippa, junior, Josephus might be fully informed of his history.</note>
WAS SLAIN BY CHEREA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>NOW this Caius <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Called Caligula by the Romans.</note>
did not demonstrate his madness in offering injuries only to the Jews at
Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in the neighborhood; but suffered it
to extend itself through all the earth and sea, so far as was in subjection
to the Romans, and filled it with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed
in number as no former history relates. But Rome itself felt the most dismal
effects of what he did, while he deemed that not to be any way more honorable
than the rest of the cities; but he pulled and hauled its other citizens,
but especially the senate, and particularly the nobility, and such as had
been dignified by illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand devices
against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed
by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators, because
out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he treated after
all ignominious manner, and removed them out of his way, while they were
at once slain, and their wealth plundered, because he slew men generally
in order to seize on their riches. He also asserted his own divinity, and
insisted on greater honors to be paid him by his subjects than are due
to mankind. He also frequented that temple of Jupiter which they style
the Capitol, which is with them the most holy of all their temples, and
had boldness enough to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And other pranks
he did like a madman; as when he laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia,
which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another city upon the sea-side,
from one promontory to another, of the length of thirty furlongs, as measured
over the sea. And this was done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious
thing to row over it in a small ship, and thought withal that it became
him to make that bridge, since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige
it to give marks of obedience as well as the earth; so he enclosed the
whole bay within his bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought
that, as he was a god, it was fit for him to travel over such roads as
this was. Nor did he abstain from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples,
and gave order that all the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of
the ornaments of the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be
brought to him, saying that the best things ought to be set no where but
in the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. He also
adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities brought from
those temples, together with the houses he lay at when he traveled all
over Italy; whence he did not scruple to give a command that the statue
of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honored at the Olympian games
by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should be brought
to Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, because the architects told Memmius
Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of Jupiter, that the workmanship
was such as would be spoiled, and would not bear the removal. It was also
reported that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some such
mighty prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it
down, and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not having
done what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger
of perishing, he was saved by Caius being dead himself, before he had put
him to death.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="11" unit="section" /><p>Nay, Caius's madness came to this height, that when he had a daughter
born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon the knees of the
statue, and said that the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and determined
that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers were the greatest
he left undetermined; and yet mankind bore him in such his pranks. He also
gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any crimes whatsoever they
pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great
part made to please him, and at his suggestion, insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's
slave, had the boldness to lay an accusation against Claudius himself;
and Caius was not ashamed to be present at his trial of life and death,
to hear that trial of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him
off, although he did not succeed to his mind. But when he had filled the
whole habitable world which he governed with false accusations and miseries,
and had occasioned the greatest insults of slaves against their masters,
who indeed in a great measure ruled them, there were many secret plots
now laid against him; some in anger, and in order for men to revenge themselves,
on account of the miseries they had already undergone from him; and others
made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before they should fall
into such great miseries, while his death came very fortunately for the
preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great influence upon the
public welfare; and this happened most happily for our nation in particular,
which had almost utterly perished if he had not been suddenly slain. And
I confess I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly,
because it will afford great assurance of the power of God, and great comfort
to those that are under afflictions, and wise caution to those who think
their happiness will never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting
miseries, if they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="17" unit="section" /><p>Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to take off
Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent persons. Emilius
Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and was desirous
to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. Another conspiracy there
was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of
the Pretorian band]. Minucianus Annins was also one of great consequence
among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny. Now the several occasions
of these men's several hatred and conspiracy against Caius were these:
Regulus had indignation and hatred against all injustice, for he had a
mind naturally angry, and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his
counsels; so he communicated them to many of his friends, and to others
who seemed to him persons of activity and vigor: Minucianus entered into
this conspiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus his particular
friend, and one of the best character of all the citizens, whom Caius had
slain, as also because he was afraid of himself, since Caius's wrath tended
to the slaughter of all alike: and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought
it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed
of the reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a coward;
as also because he was himself in danger every day from his friendship
with him, and the observance he paid him. These men proposed this attempt
to all the rest that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were offered
them, and were desirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their mutual
assistance of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed
by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point; and
that it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to approve themselves
to so many excellent persons, as earnestly wished to be partakers with
them in their design for the delivery of the city and of the government,
even at the hazard of their own lives. But still Cherea was the most zealous
of them all, both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name,
and also by reason of his access to Caius's presence with less danger,
because he was tribune, and could therefore the more easily kill him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="24" unit="section" /><p>Now at this time came on the horse-races [Circensian games]; the
view of which games was eagerly desired by the people of Rome, for they
come with great alacrity into the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and
petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand in need
of; who usually did not think fit to deny them their requests, but readily
and gratefully granted them. Accordingly, they most importunately desired
that Caius would now ease them in their tributes, and abate somewhat of
the rigor of their taxes imposed upon them; but he would not hear their
petition; and when their clamors increased, he sent soldiers some one way
and some another, and gave order that they should lay hold on those that
made the clamors, and without any more ado bring them out, and put them
to death. These were Caius's commands, and those who were commanded executed
the same; and the number of those who were slain on this occasion was very
great. Now the people saw this, and bore it so far, that they left off
clamoring, because they saw with their own eyes that this petition to be
relieved, as to the payment of their money, brought immediate death upon
them. These things made Cherea more resolute to go on with his plot, in
order to put an end to this barbarity of Caius against men. He then at
several times thought to fall upon Caius, even as he was feasting; yet
did he restrain himself by some considerations; not that he had any doubt
on him about killing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the
attempt might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as
might certainly gain his purpose.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="28" unit="section" /><p>Cherea had been in the army a long time, yet was he not pleased with
conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set him to require the tributes,
and other dues, which, when not paid in due time, were forfeited to Caesar's
treasury; and he had made some delays in requiring them, because those
burdens had been doubled, and had rather indulged his own mild disposition
than performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, be provoked Caius to anger
by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom he
demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy
in being so long about collecting the taxes. And indeed he did not only
affront him in other respects, but when he gave him the watchword of the
day, to whom it was to be given by his place, he gave him feminine words,
and those of a nature very reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out,
as having been initiated in the secrets of certain mysteries, which he
had been himself the author of. Now although he had sometimes put on women's
clothes, and had been wrapt in some embroidered garments to them belonging,
and done a great many other things, in order to make the company mistake
him for a woman; yet did he, by way of reproach, object the like womanish
behavior to Cherea. But when Cherea received the watchword from him, he
had indignation at it, but had greater indignation at the delivery of it
to others, as being laughed at by those that received it; insomuch that
his fellow tribunes made him the subject of their drollery; for they would
foretell that he would bring them some of his usual watchwords when he
was about to take the watchword from Caesar, and would thereby make him
ridiculous; on which accounts he took the courage of assuming certain partners
to him, as having just reasons for his indignation against Caius. Now there
was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone through almost all posts
in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that reason loved
to lead an inactive life. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius
that he had used indecent reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia
for a witness to them; a woman she was much beloved by many that frequented
the theater, and particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty.
Now this woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that
touched the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however,
wanted to have her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this
reproach upon him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture
Quintilia, as he used to employ Cherea in such bloody matters, and those
that required the torture, because he thought he would do it the more barbarously,
in order to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which he had laid upon
him. But Quintilia, when she was brought to the rack, trod upon the foot
of one of her associates, and let him know that he might be of good courage,
and not be afraid of the consequence of her tortures, for that she would
bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman after a cruel manner;
unwillingly indeed, but because he could not help it. He then brought her,
without being in the least moved at what she had suffered, into the presence
of Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to behold; and Caius, being
somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably
disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius
of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave her money to make her an
honorable amends, and comfort her for that maiming of her body which she
had suffered, and for her glorious patience under such insufferable torments.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="37" unit="section" /><p>This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause, as far
as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries to men, which seemed
worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account he said to Clement
and to Papinius, (of whom Clement was general of the army, and Papinius
was a tribune,) "To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed in our
guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies against
his government, some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have
been by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath himself pitied
them. How great then is our virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!"
Clement held his peace, but showed the shame he was under in obeying Caius's
orders, both by his eyes and his blushing countenance, while he thought
it by no means right to accuse the emperor in express words, lest their
own safety should be endangered thereby. Upon which Cherea took courage,
and spake to him without fear of the dangers that were before him, and
discoursed largely of the sore calamities under which the city and the
government then labored, and said, "We may indeed pretend in words
that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such miseries ought to
be imputed; but, in the opinion of such as are able to judge uprightly,
it is I, O Clement! and this Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who
bring these tortures upon the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done
by our being subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our
own consent; for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life of
this man, who hath so terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we
are his guard in mischief, and his executioners instead of his soldiers,
and are the instruments of his cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for
our liberty, not for the Roman government, but only for his preservation,
who hath enslaved both their bodies and their minds; and we are every day
polluted with the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon
others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument in bringing
the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us because he
hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a suspicion of us, as
also because when abundance more have been killed, (for Caius will set
no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice,
but to his own pleasure,) we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty;
whereas we ought to be the means of confirming the security and liberty
of all, and at the same time to resolve to free ourselves from dangers."</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="44" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's intentions, but bid him
hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get out among many,
and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the
plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should
be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity, and
the hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to their
assistance; that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make
any attempt in that case. "However, although perhaps I could suggest
what may be safer than what thou, Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet
trow is it possible for any one to suggest what is more for thy reputation?"
So Clement went his way home, with deep reflections on what he had heard,
and what he had himself said. Cherea also was under a concern, and went
quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was himself one of the tribunes, and
whom he otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of liberty, and
on that account very uneasy at the present management of public affairs,
he being desirous to come immediately to the execution of what had been
determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it to the other, and
afraid lest Clement should discover them, and besides looking upon delays
and puttings off to be the next to desisting from the enterprise.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="48" unit="section" /><p>But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally without
Cherea, the same design, but had been silent for want of a person to whom
he could safely communicate that design; so having now met with one, who
not only promised to conceal what he heard, but who had already opened
his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of Cherea that
no delay might be made therein. Accordingly they went to Minucianus, who
was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious actions, as themselves,
and suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaughter of Lepidus; for Minucianus
and Lepidus were intimate friends, and both in fear of the dangers that
they were under; for Caius was terrible to all the great men, as appearing
ready to act a mad part towards each of them in particular, and towards
all of: them in general; and these men were afraid of one another, while
they were yet uneasy at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare
their mind and their hatred against Caius to one another, out of fear of
the dangers they might be in thereby, although they perceived by other
means their mutual hatred against Caius, and on that account were not averse
to a mutual kindness one towards another.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="52" unit="section" /><p>When Minuetanus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one another,
(as they had been used on former conversations to give the upper hand to
Minucianus, both on account of his eminent dignity, for he was the noblest
of all the citizens, and highly commended by all men, especially when he
made speeches to them,) Minuetanus began first, and asked Cherea, What
was the watchword he had received that day from Caius; for the affront
which was offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was famous over the
city. But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that question, out
of the joy he had that Minueianus would have such confidence in him as
to discourse with him. "But do thou," said he, "give me
the watchword of liberty. And I return thee my thanks that thou hast so
greatly encouraged me to exert myself after an extraordinary manner; nor
do I stand in need of many words to encourage me, since both thou and I
are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolutions, and this before
we have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but this
one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set about the work.
Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me follow thee; or else
I will go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will assist one another,
and trust one another. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword to such
as have a mind disposed to such works, by which mind the sword uses to
be successful. I am zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous what
I may myself undergo; for I can not at leisure to consider the dangers
that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at the slavery our once
free country is now under, and at the contempt cast upon our excellent
laws, and at the destruction which hangs over all men, by the means of
Caius. I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that thou mayst esteem
me worthy of credit in these matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion,
and there is herein no difference between us."</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="59" unit="section" /><p>When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered himself,
he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in his bold attempt, commending
him, and embracing him; so he let him go with his good wishes; and some
affirm that he thereby confirmed Minuclanus in the prosecution of what
had been agreed among them; for as Cherea entered into the court, the report
runs, that a voice came from among the multitude to encourage him, which
bid him finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that Providence
afforded; and that Cherea at first suspected that some one of the conspirators
had betrayed him, and he was caught, but at length perceived that it was
by way of exhortation. Whether somebody <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Just such a voice as this is related to be came, and from an unknown original
also, to the famous Polycarp, as he was going to martyrdom, bidding him
"play the man;" as the church of Smyrna assures us in their account
of that his martyrdom, sect. 9.</note>
that was conscious of what he was about, gave a signal for his encouragement,
or whether it was God himself, who looks upon the actions of men, that
encouraged him to go on boldly in his design, is uncertain. The plot was
now communicated to a great many, and they were all in their armor; some
of the conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian order, and
as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it; for there was
not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his happiness to kill
Caius; and on that account they were all very zealous in the affair, by
what means soever any one could come at it, that he might not be behindhand
in these virtuous designs, but might be ready with all his alacrity or
power, both by words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant.
And besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was
the only man that had arrived at the greatest degree of power under him,
- such a power, indeed, as was in a manner equal to the power of the tyrant
himself, by the dread that all men had of him, and by the great riches
he had acquired; for he took bribes most plenteously, and committed injuries
without bounds, and was more extravagant in the use of his power in unjust
proceedings than any other. He also knew the disposition of Caius to be
implacable, and never to be turned from what he had resolved on. He had
withal many other reasons why he thought himself in danger, and the vastness
of his wealth was not one of the least of them; on which account he privately
ingratiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his courtship to him,
out of this hope, that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the government
should come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation
for his preserving his dignity under him, since he laid in beforehand a
stock of merit, and did Claudius good offices in his promotion. He had
also the boldness to pretend that he had been persuaded to make away with
Claudius, by poisoning him, but had still invented ten thousand excuses
for delaying to do it. But it seems probable to me that Callistus only
counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if
Caius had been in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have
admitted of Callistus's excuses; nor would Callistus, if he had been enjoined
to do such an act as was desired by Caius, have put it off; nor if he had
disobeyed those injunctions of his master, had he escaped immediate punishment;
while Claudius was preserved from the madness of Caius by a certain Divine
providence, and Callistus pretended to such a piece of merit as he no way
deserved.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="70" unit="section" /><p>However, the execution of Cherea's designs was put off from day
to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to Cherea himself,
he would not willingly make any delay in that execution, thinking every
time a fit time for it; for frequent opportunities offered themselves;
as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or
when he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of
money among the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the top
of the palace, that looks towards the market-place, was very high; and
also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at that time;
for he was then no way secluded from the people, but solicitous to do every
thing carefully and decently, and was free from all suspicion that he should
be then assaulted by any body; and although the gods should afford him
no divine assistance to enable him to take away his life, yet had he strength
himself sufficient to despatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus was Chorea
angry at his fellow conspirators, for fear they should suffer a proper
opportunity to pass by; and they were themselves sensible that he had just
cause to be angry at them, and that his eagerness was for their advantage;
yet did they desire he would have a little longer patience, lest, upon
any disappointment they might meet with, they should put the city into
disorder, and an inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should
render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without success,
while he would then secure himself more carefully than ever against them;
that it would therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows
were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Caesar
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and not Julius Caesar, who
first changed the Roman commonwealth into a monarchy; for these shows were
in honor of Augustus, as we shall learn in the next section.</note> who
first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to himself;
galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that were patricians
became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Caesar
himself was to be also a spectator; and they reckoned, among those many
ten thousands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should
have a favorable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came
in, because his guards that should protect him, if any of them should have
a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="77" unit="section" /><p>Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited,
it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed
a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution;
and as three days of the regular times for these shows were now over, they
had much ado to get the business done on the last day. Then Cherea called
the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: "So much time passed
away without effort is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such
a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay
prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; for Caius will
then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. Do we not see how long
we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still
to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for
the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain
to ourselves great admiration and honor for all time to come." Now
while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction,
and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and
astonished, he said further, "O my brave comrades! why do we make
such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and
that Caius is about to go to sea? for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria,
in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out
of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after
a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? Shall not we be justly
ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall
think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? As for myself,
I will no longer bear your stow proceedings, but will expose myself to
the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever
shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let them be ever so great,
will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise and courageous man, what
can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should
kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so virtuous an action?"</p>
<milestone n="13" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="84" unit="section" /><p>When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and
inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager
to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the morning,
with his equestrian sword girt on him; for it was the custom that the tribunes
should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and this was the day
on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the watchword; and the multitude
were already come to the palace, to be soon enough for seeing the shows,
and that in great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing another, while
Caius was delighted with this eagerness of the multitude; for which reason
there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place
appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at
random, men and women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves.
So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus
Caesar, in whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened,
upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator,
was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an evident
omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. It is also
related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very
affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that
were present were astonished at it. After the sacrifice was over, Caius
betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did
also the principal of his friends sit near him. Now the parts of the theater
were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following:
It had two doors, the one door led to the open air, the other was for going
into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theater might
not be thereby disturbed; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage,
parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room
to the combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. When
the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were
set down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Caesar,
one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of Cluvius,
one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether he had heard
any thing of news, or not? but took care that nobody should hear what he
said; and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, "Know then,"
said Vatinius, "that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be
played this dav." But Cluvius replied "O brave comrade hold thy
peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale." And as there
was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great
number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on
account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for
the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon
them: and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an actor
was introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime
brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as
well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood
was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also about Cinyras. It
was also confessed that this was the same day wherein Pausanias, a friend
of Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of Macedonia, slew him, as
he was entering into the theater. And now Caius was in doubt whether he
should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last day, or whether
he should not go first to the bath, and to dinner, and then return and
sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid
that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was
already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution;
but Caius took hold of his garment, in an obliging way, and said to him,
"O brave man! whither art thou going?" Whereupon, out of reverence
to Caesar, as it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over
him, and in a little time he got up again, and then Caius did no way oppose
his going out, as thinking that he went out to perform some necessities
of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius
to go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to come in again, as desirous
that what had been resolved on might be brought to a conclusion immediately.</p>
<milestone n="14" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="99" unit="section" /><p>So Cherea's associates placed themselves in order, as the time would
permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard, that the place which
was appointed them should not be left by them; but they had an indignation
at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were about should
be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Suetonius says Caius was slain about the seventh hour of the day, the ninth.
The series of the narration favors Josephus.</note>
hour of the day; and Cherea, upon Caius's tarrying so long, had a great
mind to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that
this could not be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and
of those of the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew
this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a right
thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the expense of such as
might perish at the same time. And as they were just going back into the
entrance to the theater, word was brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby
a tumult was made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away the crowd, under
pretense as if Caius was angry at them, but in reality as desirous to have
a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend him, while they set
about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle, was gone out before,
and Marcus Vinicius his sister's husband, as also Valellus of Asia; whom
though they had had such a mind to put out of their places, the reverence
to their dignity hindered them so to do; then followed Caius, with Paulus
Arruntius: and because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he left
the direct road, along which those his servants stood that were in waiting,
and by which road Claudius had gone out before, Caius turned aside into
a private narrow passage, in order to go to the place for bathing, as also
in order to take a view of the boys that came out of Asia, who were sent
thence, partly to sing hymns in these mysteries which were now celebrated,
and partly to dance in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So
Cherea met him, and asked him for the watchword; upon Caius's giving him
one of his ridiculous words, he immediately reproached him, and drew his
sword, and gave him a terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke
mortal. And although there be those that say it was so contrived on purpose
by Chorea, that Caius should not be killed at one blow, but should be punished
more severely by a multitude of wounds; yet does this story appear to me
incredible, because the fear men are under in such actions does not allow
them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I esteem him
the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against Caius,
rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his confederates
from the dangers they were in, because there might many things still happen
for helping Caius's escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for
certainly Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius,
as to the affliction himself and his friends were in, while it was in his
power, after such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius's
defenders, and not to leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the
end he aimed at or not, and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he
had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him.
But every body may guess as he please about this matter. However, Caius
was staggered with the pain that the blow gave him; for the stroke of the
sword falling in the middle, between the shoulder and the neck, was hindered
by the first bone of the breast from proceeding any further. Nor did he
either cry out, (in such astonishment was he,) nor did he call out for
any of his friends; whether it were that he had no confidence in them,
or that his mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain
he endured, and presently went forward and fled; when Cornelius Sabinus,
who was already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust him down upon his
knee, where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their
swords; and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to strike
him again; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which
directly killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for
although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first contriver
of it, and began long before all the rest to prepare for it, and was the
first man that boldly spake of it to the rest; and upon their admission
of what he said about it, he got the dispersed conspirators together; he
prepared every thing after a prudent manner, and by suggesting good advice,
showed himself far superior to the rest, and made obliging speeches to
them, insomuch that he even compelled them all to go on, who otherwise
had not courage enough for that purpose; and when opportunity served to
use his sword in hand, he appeared first of all ready so to do, and gave
the first blow in this virtuous slaughter; he also brought Caius easily
into the power of the rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch that
it is but just to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery,
and labors of the hands of Cherea.</p>
<milestone n="15" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="114" unit="section" /><p>Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many wounds
which had been given him. Now Cherea and his associates, upon Caius's slaughter,
saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves, if they should
all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment they were under;
for it was no small danger they had incurred by killing an emperor, who
was honored and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the
soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his murderers. The
passages also were narrow wherein the work was done, which were also crowded
with a great multitude of Caius's attendants, and of such of the soldiers
as were of the emperor's guard that day; whence it was that they went by
other ways, and came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom
they had now killed (which house adjoined to the palace; for while the
edifice was one, it was built in its several parts by those particular
persons who had been emperors, and those parts bare the names of those
that built them or the name of him who had begun to build its parts). So
they got away from the insults of the multitude, and then were for the
present out of danger, that is, so long as the misfortune which had overtaken
the emperor was not known. The Germans were the first who perceived that
Caius was slain. These Germans were Caius's guard, and carried the name
of the country whence they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion.
The men of that country are naturally passionate, which is commonly the
temper of some other of the barbarous nations also, as being not used to
consider much about what they do; they are of robust bodies and fall upon
their enemies as soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way
soever they go, they perform great exploits. When, therefore, these German
guards understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it, because
they did not use their reason in judging about public affairs, but measured
all by the advantages themselves received, Caius being beloved by them
because of the money he gave them, by which he had purchased their kindness
to him; so they drew their swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was one
of the tribunes, not by the means of the virtuous actions of his pro genitors,
for he bad been a gladiator, but he had obtained that post in the army
by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched along the houses
in quest of Caesar's murderers, and cut Asprenas to pieces, because he
was the first man they fell upon, and whose garment it was that the blood
of the sacrifices stained, as I have said already, and which foretold that
this his meeting the soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus
meet them, who was one of the principal nobility of and could show many
generals of armies among his ancestors; but they paid no regard to his
dignity; yet was he of such great strength, that he wrested the sword of
the first of those that assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly
not to be willing to die without a struggle for his life, until he was
surrounded by a great number of assailants, and died by the multitude of
the wounds which they gave him. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and
a few others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by chance, as
the rest did before, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and because
he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and took a pleasure in
that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius's father, who was of the same
name with himself, and being not satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers,
and slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was
dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was aiming to hide
himself, he could not escape that accurate search which the Germans made,
while they barbarously slew those that were guilty, and those that were
not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were these [three] persons
slain.</p>
<milestone n="16" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="127" unit="section" /><p>But when the rumor that Caius was slain reached the theater, they
were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even some that entertained
his destruction with great pleasure, and were more desirous of its happening
than almost any other faction that could come to them, were under such
a fear, that they could not believe it. There were also those who greatly
distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such thing should come
to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because they
thought no man could possibly so much power as to kill Caius. These were
the women, and the children, and the slaves, and some of the soldiery.
This last sort had taken his pay, and in a manner tyrannized with him,
and had abused the best of the citizens, in being subservient to his unjust
commands, in order to gain honors and advantages to themselves; but for
the women and the youth, they had been inveigled with shows, and the fighting
of the gladiators, and certain distributions of flesh-meat among them,
which things them pretense were designed for the pleasing of multitude,
but in reality to satiate the barbarous cruelty and madness of Caius. The
slaves also were sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and
to despise their masters, and they could have recourse to his assistance
when they had unjustly affronted them; for he was very easy in believing
them against their masters, even when they the city, accused them falsely;
and if they would discover what money their masters had, they might soon
obtain both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because
the reward of these informers was the eighth <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The rewards proposed by the Roman laws to informers was sometimes an eigth
partm as Spanheim assures us, from the criminal's goods, as here, and sometimes
a fourth part.</note>
part of the criminal's substance. As to the nobles, although the report
appeared credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot
beforehand, or because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed
not only the joy they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard
any thing at all about it. These last acted so out of the fear they had,
that if the report proved false, they should be punished, for having so
soon let men know their minds. But those that knew Caius was dead, because
they were partners with the conspirators, they concealed all still more
cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds; and fearing lest they should
speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance of tyranny was advantageous;
and if Caius should prove to be alive, they might be informed against,
and punished. And another report went about, that although Caius had been
wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under the physician's
hands. Nor was any one looked upon by another as faithful enough to be
trusted, and to whom any one would open his mind; for he was either a friend
to Caius, and therefore suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one that
hated him, who therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit,
because of his ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed
it was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad) that
Caius was in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took
no care of healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the market-place,
and, bloody as he was, was making an harangue to the people. And these
were the conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as to endeavor
to raise tumults, which they turned different ways, according to the opinions
of the bearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of being accused,
if they should go out before the rest; for they should not be sentenced
according to the real intention with which they went out, but according
to the supposals of the accusers and of the judges.</p>
<milestone n="17" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="138" unit="section" /><p>But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theater with their
swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing but death, and at every
one coming in a fear seized upon them, as if they were to be cut in pieces
immediately; and in great distress they were, as neither having courage
enough to go out of the theater, nor believing themselves safe from dangers
if they tarried there. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry was
so great, that the theater rang again with the entreaties of the spectators
to the soldiers, pleading that they were entirely ignorant of every thing
that related to such seditious contrivances, and that if there were any
sedition raised, they knew nothing of it; they therefore begged that they
would spare them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such
bold crimes as belonged to other persons, while they neglected to search
after such as had really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. Thus
did these people appeal to God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding
of tears, and beating their faces, and said every thing that the most imminent
danger and the utmost concern for their lives could dictate to them. This
brake the fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded
to do to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance of
cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they had once fixed
the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas upon the altar; at which
sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration
of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration of their sufferings;
nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the prospect of the
danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether they should
entirely escape the like calamity. Whence it was that such as thoroughly
and justly hated Caius could yet no way enjoy the pleasure of his death,
because they were themselves in jeopardy of perishing together with him;
nor had they hitherto any firm assurance of surviving.</p>
<milestone n="18" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="145" unit="section" /><p>There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a public crier in
the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice, who vied in wealth
with the richest of the Romans, and was able to do what he pleased in the
city, both then and afterward. This man put himself into the most mournful
habit he could, although he had a greater hatred against Caius than any
one else; his fear and his wise contrivance to gain his safety taught him
so to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure; so he put on such a
mournful dress as he would have done had he lost his dearest friends in
the world; this man came into the theater, and informed them of the death
of Caius, and by this means put an end to that state of ignorance the men
had been in. Arruntius also went round about the pillars, and called out
to the Germans, as did the tribunes with him, bidding them put up their
swords, and telling them that Caius was dead. And this proclamation it
was plainly which saved those that were collected together in the theater,
and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while they had hopes
that Caius had still any breath in him, they abstained from no sort of
mischief; and such an abundant kindness they still had for Caius, that
they would willingly have prevented the plot against him, and procured
his escape from so sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives.
But they now left off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now
they were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, because it was now in vain
for them to show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who should reward
them was perished. They were also afraid that they should be punished by
the senate, if they should go on in doing such injuries; that is, in case
the authority of the supreme governor should revert to them. And thus at
length a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which
possessed the Germans on account of Caius's death.</p>
<milestone n="19" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="153" unit="section" /><p>But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus, lest he should light
upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went and spike to
every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care of his preservation,
and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should have been slain.
And for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was brought to him, and,
with many other of the senators, affirmed the action was right, and commended
the virtue of those that contrived it, and had courage enough to execute
it; and said that "tyrants do indeed please themselves and look big
for a while, upon having the power to act unjustly; but do not however
go happily out of the world, because they are hated by the virtuous; and
that Caius, together with all his unhappiness, was become a conspirator
against himself, before these other men who attacked him did so; and by
becoming intolerable, in setting aside the wise provision the laws had
made, taught his dearest friends to treat him as an enemy; insomuch that
although in common discourse these conspirators were those that slew Caius,
yet that, in reality, he lies now dead as perishing by his own self."</p>
<milestone n="20" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="157" unit="section" /><p>Now by this time the people in the theatre were arisen from their
seats, and those that were within made a very great disturbance; the cause
of which was this, that the spectators were too hasty in getting away.
There was also one Aleyon, a physician, who hurried away, as if to cure
those that were wounded, and under that pretense he sent those that were
with him to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of those wounded
persons, but in reality to get them clear of the present dangers they were
in. Now the senate, during this interval, had met, and the people also
assembled together in the accustomed form, and were both employed in searching
after the murderers of Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the
senate in appearance only; for there was present Valerius of Asia, one
that had been consul; this man went to the people, as they were in disorder,
and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who they were that had
murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly asked by them all who it was
that had done it. He replied, "I wish I had been the man." The
consuls <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These consuls are named in the War of the Jews, B. II. ch. 11. sect; 1,
Sentius Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, as Spanheim notes here. The
speech of the former of them is set down in the next chapter, sect. 2.</note>
also published an edict, wherein they accused Caius, and gave order to
the people then got together, and to the soldiers, to go home; and gave
the people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions they lay under; and
promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to do, and would
not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would bestow rewards upon
them; for there was reason to fear lest the city might suffer harm by their
wild and ungovernable behavior, if they should once betake themselves to
spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude
of the senators were assembled together, and especially those that had
conspired to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air
of great assurance, and appeared with great magnanimity, as if the administration
of the public affairs were already devolved upon them.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THE SENATORS DETERMINED TO RESTORE THE DEMOCRACY; BUT
THE SOLDIERS WERE FOR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY, CONCERNING THE SLAUGHTER
OF CAIUS'S WIFE AND DAUGHTER. A CHARACTER OF CAIUS'S MORALS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="162" unit="section" /><p>WHEN the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the
sudden hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a meeting together;
and when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy
was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public affairs; and that
if it should be set up, it would not be for their advantage; and in case
any one of those already in the government should obtain the supreme power,
it would in all respects be to their grief, if they were not assisting
to him in this advancement; that it would therefore be right for them,
while the public affairs were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor, who
was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a superior dignity and worth to
every one of those that were assembled together in the senate, both on
account of the virtues of his ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired
in his education; and who, if once settled in the empire, would reward
them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them. These
were their consultations, and they executed the same immediately. Claudius
was therefore seized upon suddenly by the soldiery. But Cneas Sentius Saturninus,
although he understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to
claim the government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality
by his own free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed,
made an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one indeed as was fit for
men of freedom and generosity, and spake thus:</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="167" unit="section" /><p>"Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the
great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened, yet are
we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will last is uncertain,
and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is; yet such it is
as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the present, although
we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour is sufficient to those that
are exercised in virtue, wherein we may live with a mind accountable only
to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by such laws as
this country once flourished under. As for myself, I cannot remember our
former time of liberty, as being born after it was gone; but I am beyond
measure filled with joy at the thoughts of our present freedom. I also
esteem those that were born and bred up in that our former liberty happy
men, and that those men are worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves
who have given us a taste of it in this age; and I heartily wish that this
quiet enjoyment of it, which we have at present, might continue to all
ages. However, this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for
us that are in years. It will seem an age to our old men, if they might
die during its happy duration: it may also be for the instruction of the
younger sort, what kind of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived,
were exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space
of time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be more to our advantage;
which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve our liberty; for as
to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the relations of others; but
as to our later state, during my lifetime, I have known it by experience,
and learned thereby what mischiefs tyrannies have brought upon this commonwealth,
discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of magnanimity of their
liberty, and proving the teachers of flattery and slavish fear, because
it leaves the public administration not to be governed by wise laws, but
by the humor of those that govern. For since Julius Caesar took it into
his head to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular system
of our laws, to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above
right and justice, and to be a slave to his own inclinations, there is
no kind of misery but what hath tended to the subversion of this city;
while all those that have succeeded him have striven one with another to
overthrow the ancient laws of their country, and have left it destitute
of such citizens as were of generous principles, because they thought it
tended to their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not
only to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue,
but to resolve upon. their utter destruction. Of all which emperors, who
have been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during
the times of their government, this Caius, who hath been slain today, hath
brought more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only
by exercising his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but also upon
his kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting still
greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they never deserved,
he being equally furious against men and against the gods. For tyrants
are not content to gain their sweet pleasure, and this by acting injuriously,
and in the vexation they bring both upon men's estates and their wives;
but they look upon that to be their principal advantage, when they can
utterly overthrow the entire families of their enemies; while all lovers
of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that patiently endure
what miseries they bring on them gain their friendship; for as they are
conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have brought on these men, and
how magnanimously they have borne their hard fortunes, they cannot but
be sensible what evils they have done, and thence only depend on security
from what they are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them
quite out of the world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such great
misfortunes, and are only accountable to one another, (which form of government
affords us the best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the
best security from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in
settling the city in good order,) you ought, every one of you in particular,
to make provision for his own, and in general for the public utility: or,
on the contrary, they may declare their dissent to such things as have
been proposed, and this without any hazard of danger to come upon them,
because they have now no lord set over them, who, without fear of punishment,
could do mischief to the city, and had an uncontrollable power to take
off those that freely declared their opinions. Nor has any thing so much
contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth, and a timorous
forbearance of contradicting the emperor's will; while men had an over-great
inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had learned to live like slaves;
and as many of us as either heard of intolerable calamities that happened
at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that were near us, out of the
dread of dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost infamy.
We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honors we are
able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius;
for this one man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel
and by his actions, been the procurer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget
him now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny,
took counsel beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties;
but ought to decree him proper honors, and thereby freely declare that
he from the beginning acted with our approbation. And certainly it is a
very excellent thing, and what becomes free-men, to requite their benefactors,
as this man hath been a benefactor to us all, though not at all like Cassius
and Brutus, who slew Caius Julius [Caesar]; for those men laid the foundations
of sedition and civil wars in our city; but this man, together with his
slaughter of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all those sad miseries
which arose from the tyranny." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">In this oration of Sentius Saturninus, we may see the great value virtuous
men put upon public liberty, and the sad misery they underwent, while they
were tyrannized over by such emperors as Caius. See Josephus's own short
but pithy reflection at the end of the chapter: "So difficult,"
says he, "it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary to
a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without
control."</note></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="185" unit="section" /><p>And this was the purport of Sentius's oration, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Saturninus, the sovereign authority
of the consuls and senate had been taken away just a hundred years before
the death of Caius, A.D. <date value="41" authname="41">41</date>, or in the sixtieth year before the Christian
saga, when the first triumvirate began under Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus.</note>
which was received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the
equestrian order as were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus rose up
hastily, and took off Sentius's finger a ring, which had a stone, with
the image of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking,
and his earnestness in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he
had forgotten to take off himself. This sculpture was broken immediately.
But as it was now far in the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the
watchword, who gave him this word, Liberty. These facts were the subjects
of admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; for it was a hundred
years since the democracy had been laid aside, when this giving the watchword
returned to the consuls; for before the city was subject to tyrants, they
were the commanders of the soldiers. But when Cherea had received that
watchword, he delivered it to those who were on the senate's side, which
were four regiments, who esteemed the government without emperors to be
preferable to tyranny. So these went away with their tribunes. The people
also now departed very joyful, full of hope and of courage, as having recovered
their former democracy, and were no longer under an emperor; and Cherea
was in very great esteem with them.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="190" unit="section" /><p>And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's daughter and wife were
still alive, and that all his family did not perish with him, since whosoever
was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city and of the laws.
Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal, and in order
to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes,
to kill Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this office to Lupus as
to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of this murder
of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of having assisted his fellow
citizens, and that he might appear to have been a partaker with those that
were first in their designs against him. Yet did this action appear to
some of the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity
to a woman, because Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use
her advice in all that he did; from which ill-nature it was that the city
was in so desperate a condition with the miseries that were brought on
it, and the flower of the city was destroyed. But others accused her of
giving her consent to these things; nay, they ascribed all that Caius had
done to her as the cause of it, and said she had given a potion to Caius,
which had made him obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her
by such evil methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted,
was become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans,
and that habitable world which was subject to them. So that at length it
was determined that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion
at all prevail to have her saved; and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was
there any delay made in executing what he went about, but he was subservient
to those that sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way
blameable in what might be done for the advantage of the people. So when
he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius's wife, lying
by her husband's dead body, which also lay down on the ground, and destitute
of all such things as the law allows to the dead, and all over herself
besmeared with the blood of her husband's wounds, and bewailing the great
affliction she was under, her daughter lying by her also; and nothing else
was heard in these her circumstances but her complaint of Caius, as if
he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand; which words
of hers were taken in a different sense even at that time, and are now
esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear of them, and are still interpreted
according to the different inclinations of people. Now some said that the
words denoted that she had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and
his barbarous cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with moderation
and virtue, lest he should perish by the same way, upon their using him
as he had used them. But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning
the conspirators, she desired Caius to make no delay, but immediately to
put them all to death, and this whether they were guilty or not, and that
thereby he would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this was what
she reproached him for, when she advised him so to do, but he was too slow
and tender in the matter. And this was what Cesonia said, and what the
opinions of men were about it. But when she saw Lupus approach, she showed
him Caius's dead body, and persuaded him to come nearer, with lamentation
and tears; and as she perceived that Lupus was in disorder, and approached
her in order to execute some design disagreeable to himself, she was well
aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her naked throat, and
that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one that utterly
despaired of her life, and bidding him not to boggle at finishing the tragedy
they had resolved upon relating to her. So she boldly received her death's
wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made
haste to inform Cherea of what he had done.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="201" unit="section" /><p>This was the end of Caius, after he had reigned four years, within
four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-natured, and
one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to his
pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible accident,
and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he durst show
it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure those
who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolene and got his wealth by
murder and injustice. He labored to appear above regarding either what
was divine or agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the commendations
of the populace; and whatsoever the laws determined to be shameful, and
punished, that he esteemed more honorable than what was virtuous. He was
unmindful of his friends, how intimate soever, and though they were persons
of the highest character; and if he was once angry at any of them, he would
inflict punishment upon them on the smallest occasions, and esteemed every
man that endeavored to lead a virtuous life his enemy. And whatsoever he
commanded, he would not admit of any contradiction to his inclinations;
whence it was that he had criminal conversation with his own sister; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Spanheim here notes from Suetonius, that the name of Caius's sister with
whom he was guilty of incest, was Drusilla and that Suetonius adds, he
was guilty of the same crime with all his sisters also. He notes further,
that Suetonius omits the mention of the haven for ships, which our author
esteems the only public work for the good of the present and future ages
which Caius left behind him, though in an imperfect condition.</note>
from which occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first sprang
up against him among the citizens, that sort of incest not having been
known of a long time; and so this provoked men to distrust him, and to
hate him that was guilty of it. And for any great or royal work that he
ever did, which might be for the present and for future ages, nobody can
name any such, but only the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily,
for the reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was
indeed a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage
to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him,
but was the one half of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of application
to it; the cause of which was this, that he employed his studies about
useless matters, and that by spending his money upon such pleasures as
concerned no one's benefit but his own, he could not exert his liberality
in things that were undeniably of great consequence. Otherwise he was an
excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek tongue, as well
as with his own country or Roman language. He was also able, off-hand and
readily, to give answers to compositions made by others, of considerable
length and accuracy. He was also more skillful in persuading others to
very great things than any one else, and this from a natural affability
of temper, which had been improved by much exercise and pains-taking; for
as he was the grandson <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Caius was the son of that excellent person Germanicus, who was the
son of Drusus, the brother of Tiberius the emperor.</note>
of the brother of Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement
to his acquiring of learning, because Tiberius aspired after the highest
pitch of that sort of reputation; and Caius aspired after the like glory
for eloquence, being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and
his emperor. He was also among the first rank of his own citizens. But
the advantages he received from his learning did not countervail the mischief
he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority; so difficult
it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a wise man,
who have the absolute power to do what they please without control. At
the first he got himself such friends as were in all respects the most
worthy, and was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous
application to the learning and to the glorious actions of the best men;
but when he became insolent towards them, they laid aside the kindness
they had for him, and began to hate him; from which hatred came that plot
which they raised against him, and wherein he perished.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CLAUDIUS WAS SEIZED UPON AND BROUGHT OUT OF HIS HOUSE
AND BROUGHT TO THE CAMP; AND HOW THE SENATE SENT AN EMBASSAGE TO HIM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="212" unit="section" /><p>NOW Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along which
Caius was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder upon the sad
accident of the murder of Caius, he was in great distress how to save himself,
and was found to have hidden himself in a certain narrow place, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The first place Claudius came to was inhabited, and called Herincure, as
Spanheim here informs us from Suetonius, in Claud. ch. 10.</note>
though he had no other occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides the
dignity of his birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved himself
with moderation, and was contented with his present fortune, applying himself
to learning, and especially to that of the Greeks, and keeping himself
entirely clear from every thing that might bring on any disturbance. But
as at this time the multitude were under a consternation, and the whole
palace was full of the soldiers' madness, and the very emperor's guards
seemed under the like fear and disorder with private persons, the band
called <emph>pretorian</emph>, which was the purest part of the army, was in
consultation what was to be done at this juncture. Now all those that were
at this consultation had little regard to the punishment Caius had suffered,
because he justly deserved such his fortune; but they were rather considering
their own circumstances, how they might take the best care of themselves,
especially while the Germans were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius;
which yet was rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for
the good of the public; all which things disturbed Claudius, who was afraid
of his own safety, and this particularly because he saw the heads of Asprenas
and his partners carried about. His station had been on a certain elevated
place, whither a few steps led him, and whither he had retired in the dark
by himself. But when Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that belonged
to the palace, saw him, but did not well know by his countenance who he
was, because it was dark, though he could well judge that it was a man
who was privately there on some design, he came nearer to him; and when
Claudius desired that he would retire, be discovered who he was, and owned
him to be Claudius. So he said to his followers, "This is a Germanicus;
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">How Claudius, another son of Drusus, which Drusus was the father of Germanicus,
could be here himself called Germanicus, Suetonius informs us, when he
assures us that, by a decree of the senate, the surname of Germanicus was
bestowed upon Drusus, and his posterity also.--In Claud. ch. 1.</note>
come on, let us choose him for our emperor." But when Claudius saw
they were making preparations for taking him away by force, and was afraid
they would kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought them to spare
him, putting them in mind how quietly he had demeaned himself, and that
he was unacquainted with what had been done. Hereupon Gratus smiled upon
him, and took him by the right hand, and said, "Leave off, sir, these
low thoughts of saving yourself, while you ought to have greater thoughts,
even of obtaining the empire, which the gods, out of their concern for
the habitable world, by taking Caius out of the way, commit to thy virtuous
conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept of the throne of thy ancestors."
So they took him up and carried him, because he was not then able to go
on foot, such was his dread and his joy at what was told him.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="221" unit="section" /><p>Now there was already gathered together about Gratus a great number
of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried off, they looked with
a sad countenance, as supposing that he was carried to execution for the
mischiefs that had been lately done; while yet they thought him a man who
never meddled with public affairs all his life long, and one that had met
with no contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some of them
thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognizance of these
matters; and as still more and more of the soldiery got together, the crowd
about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body was then
so weak; and those who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that was made
about his being carried off, ran away and saved themselves, as despairing
of their Lord's preservation. But when they were come into the large court
of the palace, (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first
of all the parts of the city of Rome,) and had just reached the public
treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad to see Claudius's
face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor, on account of
their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind
him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. They reflected
also on the covetous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what
great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the government
formerly; they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking,
as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to
a single person, and that such a one should possess it as they had no hand
in advancing, and not to Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and
as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favors they
had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="226" unit="section" /><p>These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves,
and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that
inquired about this matter willingly embraced the invitation that was made
them to join with the rest; so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding
about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still
succeeding another, that their vehement endeavors might not be hindered.
But as to the populace and senators, they disagreed in their opinions.
The latter were very desirous to recover their former dignity, and were
zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the
injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded
them; but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that
the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a
refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon,
and brought to them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he
would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. But
when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers,
they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their
virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by violence,
in order to gain the government; that he who was a single person, one either
already or hereafter to be a member of their body, ought to yield to the
senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the
law take place in the disposal of all that related to the public order,
and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city,
and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he
ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny, when the injury is done
by others, while he did himself willfully treat his country after a mad
and insolent manner; that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate
that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have
the greatest honors decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and
by subjecting himself to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation,
that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; but
that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wisdom by Caius's death, they
would not permit him to go on; that a great part of the army was got together
for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they
could make use of; that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as
was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others
but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no
other than such as fight for the liberty of their country.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="234" unit="section" /><p>Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them
tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down
upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city into
wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encompassed
and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were,
in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, they added, that if he
did desire the government, he should accept of it as given by the senate;
that he would prosper better, and be happier, if he came to it, not by
the injustice, but by the good-will of those that would bestow it upon
him.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT THINGS KING AGRIPPA DID FOR CLAUDIUS; AND HOW CLAUDIUS
WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT COMMANDED THE MURDERERS OF CAIUS TO BE
SLAIN.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="236" unit="section" /><p>NOW Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner
the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave
himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not
recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government]
partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of
king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his
hands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. Now this Agrippa, with
relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honored by
him; for he embraced Caius's body after he was dead, and laid it upon a
bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and
told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call
for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. But when he had learned
that Claudius was carried away violently by the soldiers, he rushed through
the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready
to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired
him to keep the government; but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired
home. And upon the senate's sending for him, he anointed his head with
ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed
her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius
did; who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion
about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was ready
to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to consider
what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agreeable
to them; for that those who grasp at government will stand in need of weapons
and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation
for it, and so fall into danger. And when the senate replied that they
would bring in weapons in abundance, and money, and that as to an army,
a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise
a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty, - Agrippa made answer,
"O senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet
will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation.
Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been
long exercised in warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than
a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made
free from slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that
are skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their
swords. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to Claudius,
to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to be one of
your ambassadors."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="245" unit="section" /><p>Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he
was sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder
the senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat
commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority. Accordingly,
Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder the senate had
no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by
the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs;
but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, and moderate
times, while he should only he their ruler in name, but the authority should
be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and
various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not
to distrust him. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer,
were dismissed. But Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered
together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him;
Upon which he gave the guards every man five thousand <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This number of drachmae to be distributed to each private soldier, five
thousand drachmae, equal to twenty thousand sesterces, or one hundred and
sixty-one pounds sterling, seems much too large, and directly contradicts
Suetonius, ch. 10., who makes them in all but fifteen sesterces, or two
shillings and four pence. Yet might Josephus have this number from Agrippa,
junior, though I doubt the thousands, or at least the hundreds, have been
added by the transcribers, of which we have had several examples already
in Josephus.</note>
drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quantity to their captains, and
promised to give the same to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="248" unit="section" /><p>And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of
Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those senators
concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do, upon the
hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their
own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing
of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without
danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming
the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety.
However, a hundred and no more were gotten together; and as they were in
consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was
made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate
would choose them an emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by
setting up a multitude of rulers. So they fully declared themselves to
be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave
the senate leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch
that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because
they had not only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted
themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. Yet were there those
that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their
families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus
was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having married Julia,
the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government,
although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another
in proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's murderers,
restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious
slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up
for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were also a considerable number
of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in
the city, and rowers of ships, who all ran into the camp; insomuch that,
of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions
in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="254" unit="section" /><p>But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with
him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers.
However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were
making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to
speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because
they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the
senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays: but the
senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselves
be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern, and the
murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to dictate to them. When
they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger
he had, and promised, that if they desired an emperor, he would give them
one, if any one would bring him the watchword from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus
was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend
of Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with building stables for the
horses, and spent his time in ignominious labors, which occasioned Cherea
to reproach them with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous
language; and told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that
it was an amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should
commit their government to a fool. Yet were not they moved with his words,
but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius,
to join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left
without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing
from private persons. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men
not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry
at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they
had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's murderers, threatened
that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than
consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them;
he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the
first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thin to live, when,
even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they
found it impossible to do it. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt
upon him about killing himself; that yet he would first sound the intentions
of Claudius before he did it.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="263" unit="section" /><p>These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every
body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the
other consul, Quintus Pomponhis, was reproached by the soldiery, as having
rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew
their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if Claudius
had not hindered them, who snatched the consul out of the danger he was
in, and set him by him. :But he did not receive that part of the senate
which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay, some of them
received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay,
Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. However, king Agrippa
went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently;
for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others
over whom to rule. Claudius complied with him, and called the senate together
into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while
the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the
multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius's murderers, went in the
fore-front of them, in an open manner, while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little
before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict,
to forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius, upon his coming
to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about
Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they
accused him the he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict
the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for
the time to come. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many
other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity
courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior under
it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears; for
when Lupus laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This piercing cold here complained of by Lupus agrees well to the time
of the year when Claudius began his reign; it being for certain about the
months of November, December, or January, and most probably a few days
after January the twenty-fourth, and a few days before the Roman Parentalia.</note>
he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great
many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the
place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether this
office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his
using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that very
sword with which he himself slew Caius. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that the murders of the
vilest tyrants, who yet highly deserved to die, when those murderers were
under oaths, or other the like obligations of fidelity to them, were usually
revenged, and the murderers were cut off themselves, and that after a remarkable
manner; and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very persons
who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms by them. The examples
are very numerous, both in sacred and profane histories, and seem generally
indications of Divine vengeance on such murderers. Nor is it unworthy of
remark, that such murderers of tyrants do it usually on such ill principles,
in such a cruel manner, and as ready to involve the innocent with the guilty,
which was the case here, ch. 1. sect. 14, and ch. 2. sect. 4, as justly
deserved the Divine vengeance upon them. Which seems to have been the case
of Jehu also, when, besides the house of Ahab, for whose slaughter he had
a commission from God, without any such commission, any justice or commiseration,
he killed Ahab's great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and forty-two
of the kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings 10:11-14. See Hosea 1:4. I do not mean
here to condemn Ehud or Judith, or the like executioners of God's vengeance
on those wicked tyrants who had unjustly oppressed God's own people under
their theocracy; who, as they appear still to have had no selfish designs
nor intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a Divine commission,
or a Divine impulse, which was their commission for what they did, Judges
3:15, 19, 20; Judith 9:2; Test. Levi. sect. 5, in Authent. Rec. p. 312.
See also page 432.</note>
So he was happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such
good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had
many blows leveled at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly
[as he ought to have done].</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="272" unit="section" /><p>Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just
at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several
ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought
him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for
their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to.
But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave
him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it
would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his fellow
confederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the wound
reaching up to the very hilt of the sword.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW CLAUDIUS RESTORED TO AGRIPPA HIS GRANDFATHERS KINGDOMS
AND AUGMENTED HIS DOMINIONS; AND HOW HE PUBLISHED AN EDICT IN BEHALF.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="274" unit="section" /><p>NOW when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom
he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein
confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein
commended the king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that
country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is,
Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But
for Abila <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, when he reforms us, ch. 3:1,
that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of Abilene, whose capital was
Abila; as he is further confirmed by Ptolemy, the great geographer, which
Spanheim here observes, when he calls that city Abila of Lysanias. See
the note on B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4; and Prid. at the years 36 and 22.
I esteem this principality to have belonged to the land of Canaan originally,
to have been the burying-place of Abel, and referred to as such, Matthew
23:35; Luke 11:51. See Authent. Rec. Part. II. p. 883--885.</note>
of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him,
as out of his own territories. He also made a league with this Agrippa,
confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: he
also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was possessed of, but
gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander
Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and
steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose
son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus,
Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa
gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius
the kingdom of Chalcis.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="278" unit="section" /><p>Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the
Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation
of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius,
and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered
itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. So
Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet that tumult;
he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and king Herod,
both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: "Tiberius
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and tribune of the people,
ordains thus: Since I am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians,
have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times with the Alexandrians,
and have obtained from their kings equal privileges with them, as is evident
by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves;
and that after Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus,
their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who
have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised
about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria;
and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not prohibit the
making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to
the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and
not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion;
but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent towards
the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out of his great madness and
want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because
they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call
him a god: I will therefore that the nation of the Jews be not deprived
of their rights and privileges, on account of the madness of Caius; but
that those rights and privileges which they formerly enjoyed be preserved
to them, and that they may continue in their own customs. And I charge
both parties to take very great care that no troubles may arise after the
promulgation of this edict."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="286" unit="section" /><p>And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that
was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts
of the habitable earth was this which follows: "Tiberius Claudius
Caesar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen
consul the second time, ordains thus: Upon the petition of king Agrippa
and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the
same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in
all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very
willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake
of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned
worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and friendship to
the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived
of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under
the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are
in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being
hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to
them with moderation, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances
of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And I will that this
decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities,
and colonies, and municipal places, both those within Italy and those without
it, both kings and governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have
them exposed to the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence
it may plainly be read from the ground." <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as Dr. Hudson here
tells us from the great Selden, that it used to be thus represented at
the bottom of their edicts by the initial letters only, U. D. P. R. L.
P, Unde De Plano Recte Lege Possit; "Whence it may be plainly read
from the ground."</note></p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA AT JERUSALEM WHEN HE WAS
RETURNED BACK INTO JUDEA; AND WHAT IT WAS THAT PETRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABITANTS
OF DORIS, IN BEHALF</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="292" unit="section" /><p>NOW Claudius Caesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria,
and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he had of the Jews.
So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to
a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents
and procurators of the provinces that they should treat him very kindly.
Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was likely he would, now lie returned
in much greater prosperity than he had before. He also came to Jerusalem,
and offered all the sacrifices that belonged to him, and omitted nothing
which the law required; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus shows, both here and ch. 7. sect. 3, that he had a much greater
opinion of king Agrippa I. than Simon the learned Rabbi, than the people
of Cesarea and Sebaste, ch. 7. sect. 4; and ch. 9. sect. 1; and indeed
than his double-dealing between the senate and Claudius, ch. 4. sect. 2,
than his slaughter of James the brother of John, and his imprisonment of
Peter, or his vain-glorious behavior before he died, both in Acts 12:13;
and here, ch. 4. sect. 1, will justify or allow. Josephus's character was
probably taken from his son Agrippa, junior.</note>
on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their
heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius,
of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been
bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This treasury-chamber seems to have been the very same in which our Savior
taught, and where the people offered their charity money for the repairs
or other uses of the temple, Mark 12:41, etc.; Luke 22:1; John 8:20.</note>
that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a
testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration
how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises
up what is fallen down: for this chain thus dedicated afforded a document
to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in a chain for a small
cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little while afterward
got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a more illustrious king than
he was before. Whence men may understand that all that partake of human
nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may
gain their former illustrious dignity again.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="297" unit="section" /><p>And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the Divine
worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high priesthood,
and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus, whose name
was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I have related
above. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his brethren, and
with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias,
who were three, had it formerly under the government of the Macedonians,
as we have related in a former book.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="299" unit="section" /><p>When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner,
he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed
him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which
paid it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection
of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces,
as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a
very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before
piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Caesar
into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of theirs
greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolution of the
laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who
was then president of Syria, and accused the people of Doris. Nor did he
less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of
impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he
wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain: "Publius
Petronius, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus,
to the magistrates of Doris, ordains as follows: Since some of you have
had the boldness, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Caesar
Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the
laws of their country, not to obey the same, but have acted in entire opposition
thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue,
by removing Caesar's statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have
offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more
commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the
place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice,
that every one should have the power over the place belonging peculiarly
to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar, - to say nothing
of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to mention after
the emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own
customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens
with the Greeks themselves, - I therefore ordain that Proculus Vitellius,
the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Augustus's edict,
have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very men, who
appear to be of principal reputation among them, have an indignation also,
and allege for themselves, 'that it was not done with their consent, but
by the violence of the multitude, that they may give an account of what
hath been done. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, unless
they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent,
to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care
that no handle be hence taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them;
which those seem to me to treat after who encourage such doings; while
both I myself, and king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have
nothing more under our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have
no occasion given them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging
themselves, and become tumultuous. And that it may be more publicly known
what Augustus hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those
edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which,
although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom
I have the highest honor, read them at that time before my tribunal, and
pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which Augustus
hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time
to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but that every
one be allowed to follow their own religious customs."</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="312" unit="section" /><p>Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of
the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards
against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the [high] priesthood away
from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it again,
and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this
was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity.
So he refused it, and said, "O king! I rejoice in the honor that thou
hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me such a dignity
of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged that I am not at all
worthy of the high priesthood. I am satisfied with having once put on the
sacred garments; for I then put them on after a more holy manner than I
should now receive them again. But if thou desirest that a person more
worthy than myself should have this honorable employment, give me leave
to name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all sin against
God, and of all offenses against thyself; I recommend him to thee, as one
that is fit for this dignity." So the king was pleased with these
words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and, according to his brother's desire,
bestowed the high priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus
succeeded Petronius, as president of Syria.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING SILAS AND ON WHAT ACCOUNT IT WAS THAT KING AGRIPPA
WAS ANGRY AT HIM. HOW AGRIPPA BEGAN TO ENCOMPASS JERUSALEM WITH A WALL;
AND WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE INHABITANTS OF BERYTUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="317" unit="section" /><p>NOW Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had been faithful
to him under all his misfortunes, and had never refused to be a partaker
with him in any of his dangers, but had oftentimes undergone the most hazardous
dangers for him, was full of assurance, and thought he might expect a sort
of equality with the king, on account of the firmness of the friendship
he had showed to him. Accordingly, he would no where let the king sit as
his superior, and took the like liberty in speaking to him upon all occasions,
till he became troublesome to the king, when they were merry together,
extolling himself beyond measure, and oft putting the king in mind of the
severity of fortune he had undergone, that he might, by way of ostentation,
demonstrate What zeal he had showed in his service; and was continually
harping upon this string, what pains he had taken for him, and much enlarged
still upon that subject. The repetition of this so frequently seemed to
reproach the king, insomuch that he took this ungovernable liberty of talking
very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times when men have been
under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly
man who is perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had done him.
At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's indignation,
that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration, and did not
only turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him
in bonds into his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off by length
of time, and made room for more just reasonings as to his judgment about
this man; and he considered how many labors he had undergone for his sake.
So when Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments
to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But
as he was a very frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him
to be angry; which he could not conceal from those that came for him, but
said to them, "What honor is this the king invites me to, which I
conclude will soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those original
marks of the good-will I bore him, which I once had from him; but he hath
plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does he think that I can leave off
that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness of my deserts, I
shall use more loudly than before, and shall relate how many misfortunes
I have been delivered from; how many labors I have undergone for him, whereby
I procured him deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I have borne
the hardships of bonds and a dark prison? I shall never forget this usage.
Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will not
forget the glorious actions I did on his account." This was the clamor
he made, and he ordered the messengers to tell it to the king. So he perceived
that Silas was incurable in his folly, and still suffered him to lie in
prison.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="326" unit="section" /><p>As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city
[Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them
wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had made them too strong
for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then president of Syria,
had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. And when Claudius
had some suspicion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave
off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not thinking
it proper to contradict Claudius.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="328" unit="section" /><p>Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his gifts,
and very ambitious to oblige people with such large donations; and he made
himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made them.
He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good reputation.
He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him; for that Herod
was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them
that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the
Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities with large presents
in money; with building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of
those places he erected temples, and porticoes in others; but he did not
vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make
them any donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was mild,
and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made them
sensible of his liberality. He was in like manner rather of a gentle and
compassionate temper. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem,
and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He
therefore kept himself entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head
without its appointed sacrifice.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="332" unit="section" /><p>However, there was a certain mall of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem,
who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name
was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent
at Cesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily, and
that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only
to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him that Simon
had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him; and as
he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by him, and said to
him with a low and gentle voice, "What is there done in this place
that is contrary to the law?" But he had nothing to say for himself,
but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than
one could have imagined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king
than anger, and knowing that moderation is more becoming in great men than
passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="335" unit="section" /><p>Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar
regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected a theater for them, superior
to many others of that sort, both in Sumptuousness and elegance, as also
an amphitheater, built at vast expenses; and besides these, he built them
baths and porticoes, and spared for no costs in any of his edifices, to
render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal upon their
dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians
of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest
variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theater, in his great
number of gladiators; and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists,
in order to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men
to fight with seven hundred other men <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A strange number of condemned criminals to be under the sentence of death
at once; no fewer, it seems, than one thousand four hundred!</note>
and allotted all the malefactors he had for this exercise, that both the
malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this operation of
war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed
at once.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA UNTIL HIS DEATH; AND
AFTER WHAT MANNER HE DIED.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="338" unit="section" /><p>WHEN Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he
removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among
other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commalena,
Sampsigeratnus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia,
and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was
king of Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and
after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind,
and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him,
by coming thus to see him. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus,
the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to preserve
the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him,
as far as seven furlongs. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference
between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other
kings as his assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could
be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not
think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest
of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of
them, and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. This
was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now
he took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the
son of Cantheras, high priest in his stead.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="343" unit="section" /><p>Now when Agrippa had reigned three years over all Judea, he came
to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato's Tower; and there
he exhibited shows in honor of Caesar, upon his being informed that there
was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which
festival a great multitude was gotten together of the principal persons,
and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of
which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture
truly wonderful, and came into the theater early in the morning; at which
time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflection
of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was
so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon
him; and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another
from another, (though not for his good,) that he was a god; and they added,
"Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced
thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal
nature." Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor reject their
impious flattery. But as he presently afterward looked up, he saw an owl
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We have a mighty cry made here by some critics, as the great Eusebius had
on purpose falsified this account of Josephus, so as to make it agree with
the parallel account in the Acts of the Apostles, because the present copies
of his citation of it, Hist. Eceles. B. II. ch. 10., omit the words an
owl--on a certain rope, which Josephus's present copies retain, and only
have the explicatory word or angel; as if he meant that angel of the Lord
which St. Luke mentions as smiting Herod, Acts 12:23, and not that owl
which Josephus called an angel or messenger, formerly of good, but now
of bad news, to Agrippa. This accusation is a somewhat strange one in the
case of the great Eusebius, who is known to have so accurately and faithfully
produced a vast number of other ancient records, and particularly not a
few out of our Josephus also, without any suspicion of prevarication. Now,
not to allege how uncertain we are whether Josephus's and Eusebius's copies
of the fourth century were just like the present in this clause, which
we have no distinct evidence of, the following words, preserved still in
Eusebius, will not admit of any such exposition: "This [bird] (says
Eusebius) Agrippa presently perceived to be the cause of ill fortune, as
it was once of good fortune, to him;" which can only belong to that
bird, the owl, which as it had formerly foreboded his happy deliverance
from imprisonment, Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 6. sect. 7, so was it then foretold
to prove afterward the unhappy forerunner of his death in five days' time.
If the improper words signifying cause, be changed for Josephus's proper
word angel or messenger, and the foregoing words, be inserted, Esuebius's
text will truly represent that in Josephus. Had this imperfection been
in some heathen author that was in good esteem with our modern critics,
they would have readily corrected these as barely errors in the copies;
but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well relished by many
of those critics, nothing will serve but the ill-grounded supposal of willful
corruption and prevarication.</note>
sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that
this bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger
of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain
also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. He therefore
looked upon his friends, and said, "I, whom you call a god, am commanded
presently to depart this life; while Providence thus reproves the lying
words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am
immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am bound to accept of what
Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill,
but in a splendid and happy manner." When he said this, his pain was
become violent. Accordingly he was carried into the palace, and the rumor
went abroad every where, that he would certainly die in a little time.
But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children,
after the law of their country, and besought God for the king's recovery.
All places were also full of mourning and lamentation. Now the king rested
in a high chamber, and as he saw them below lying prostrate on the ground,
he could not himself forbear weeping. And when he had been quite worn out
by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being in
the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign;
for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of them were over Philip's
tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to it; and
he reigned, besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Caesar;
in which time he reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had
Judea added to them, as well as Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that
he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of
drachme. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This sum of twelve millions of drachmae, which is equal to three millions
of shekels, i.e. at 2s. 10d. a shekel, equal to four hundred and twenty-five
thousand pounds sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about
three quarters of his grandfather Herod's income; he having abated the
tax upon houses at Jerusalem, ch. 6. sect. 3, and was not so tyrannical
as Herod had been to the Jews. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11.
sect. 4. A large sum this! but not, it seems, sufficient for his extravagant
expenses.</note>
Yet did he borrow great sums from others; for he was so very liberal that
his expenses exceeded his incomes, and his generosity was boundless. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Reland takes notice here, not improperly, that Josephus omits the reconciliation
of this Herod Agrippa to the Tyrians and Sidoninus, by the means of Blastus
the king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts 12:20. Nor is there any history
in the world so complete, as to omit nothing that other historians take
notice of, unless the one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to
it.</note></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="353" unit="section" /><p>But before the multitude were made acquainted with Agrippa's being
expired, Herod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the master of his horse,
and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the king's most faithful servants,
and slew Silas, who had been their enemy, as if it had been done by the
king's own command.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">WHAT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH OF AGRIPPA; AND HOW
CLAUDIUS, ON ACCOUNT OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFULNESS OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR,
SENT CUSPIUS FADUS TO BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND OF THE ENTIRE KINGDOM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="354" unit="section" /><p>AND thus did king Agrippa depart this life. But he left behind him
a son, Agrippa by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of his age, and
three daughters; one of which, Bernice, was married to Herod, his father's
brother, and was sixteen years old; the other two, Mariamne and Drusilla,
were still virgins; the former was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now
these his daughters were thus espoused by their father; Marlatone to Julius
Archclaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the son of Chelcias; and Drusilla
to the king of Commagena. But when it was known that Agrippa was departed
this life, the inhabitants of Cesarea and of Sebaste forgot the kindnesses
he had bestowed on them, and acted the part of the bitterest enemies; for
they cast such reproaches upon the deceased as are not fit to be spoken
of; and so many of them as were then soldiers, which were a great number,
went to his house, and hastily carried off the statues <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Photius, who made an extract out of this section, says they were not the
statues or images, but the ladies themselves, who were thus basely abused
by the soldiers.</note>
of this king's daughters, and all at once carried them into the brothel-houses,
and when they had set them on the tops of those houses, they abused them
to the utmost of their power, and did such things to them as are too indecent
to be related. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated
general feastings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and
libations to Charon, and drinking to one another for joy that the king
was expired. Nay, they were not only unmindful of Agrippa, who had extended
his liberality to them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also,
who had himself rebuilt their cities, and had raised them havens and temples
at vast expenses.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="360" unit="section" /><p>Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, was at Rome, and brought up
with Claudius Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that Agrippa was dead,
and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused him, he was
sorry for the first news, and was displeased with the ingratitude of those
cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently
to succeed his father in the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him in
it by his oath. But those freed-men and friends of his, who had the greatest
authority with him, dissuaded him from it, and said that it was a dangerous
experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come under the government of
so very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at years of discretion,
who would not be able to take sufficient care of its administration; while
the weight of a kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought
what they said to be reasonable. Accordingly he sent Cuspins Fadus to be
procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that respect to
the eceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had been at variance with him,
into his kingdom. But he determined, in the first place, to send orders
to Fadus, that he should chastise the inhabitants of Cesarca and Sebaste
for those abuses they had offered to him that was deceased, and their madness
towards his daughters that were still alive; and that he should remove
that body of soldiers that were at Cesarea and Sebaste, with the five regiments,
into Pontus, that they might do their military duty there; and that he
should choose an equal number of soldiers out of the Roman legions that
were in Syria, to supply their place. Yet were not those that had such
orders actually removed; for by sending ambassadors to Claudius, they mollified
him, and got leave to abide in Judea still; and these were the very men
that became the source of very great calamities to the Jews in after-times,
and sowed the seeds of that war which began under Florus; whence it was
that when Vespasian had subdued the country, he removed them out of his
province, as we shall relate hereafter.</p></div1>
<div1 type="Book" n="20" org="uniform" sample="complete"><note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">Book XX</note>
<note anchored="yes" type="title" place="inline" resp="ed">CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWENTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM FADUS THE PROCURATOR TO FLORUS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">A SEDITION OF THE PHILADELPHIANS AGAINST THE JEWS; AND ALSO
CONCERNING THE VESTMENTS OF THE HIGH PRIEST.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="1" unit="section" /><p>UPON the death of king Agrippa, which we have related in the foregoing
book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marcus, out
of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who had often desired of him by
letters, while be was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any
longer president of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator
into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea,
and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called
Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews of Perea
had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed
many of the Philadelphians. When Fadus was informed of this procedure,
it provoked him very much that they had not left the determination of the
matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any
wrong, but had rashly taken up arms against them. So he seized upon three
of their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition, and
ordered them to be bound, and afterwards had one of them slain, whose name
was Hannibal; and he banished the other two, Areram and Eleazar. Tholomy
also, the arch robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and
slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians.
And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care
and providence of Fadus. He also at this time sent for the high priests
and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the command of the
emperor, and admonished them that they should lay up the long garment and
the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high priest
to wear, in the tower of Antonia, that it might be under the power of the
Romans, as it had been formerly. Now the Jews durst not contradict what
he had said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus, (which last was
come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear
that the [rigid] injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel,)
that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to
Caesar, to petition him that they may have the holy vestments under their
own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew
what answer Claudius would give to that their request. So they replied,
that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they
would give them their sons as pledges [for their peaceable behavior]. And
when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired,
the ambassadors were sent accordingly. But when, upon their coming to Rome,
Agrippa, junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they
came, (for he dwelt with Claudius Caesar, as we said before,) he besought
Caesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to
send a message to Fadus accordingly.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="10" unit="section" /><p>Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors; and told them that
he granted their request; and bade them to return their thanks to Agrippa
for this favor, which had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And
besides these answers of his, he sent the following letter by them: "Claudius
Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul
the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country,
to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews,
sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by Agrippa,
my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person
of very great piety, who are come to give me thanks for the care I have
taken of your nation, and to entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner,
that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them,
under their power, - I grant their request, as that excellent person Vitellius,
who is very dear to me, had done before me. And I have complied with your
desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess,
and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of
their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify
king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest
good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest
friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best
character. Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my
procurator. The names of those that brought me your letter are Cornelius,
the son of Cero, Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel,
and John, the son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the
calends of July, when Ruffis and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls."</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="15" unit="section" /><p>Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed
of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for the
authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the
choice of the high priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for. So
that after that time this authority continued among all his descendants
till the end of the war <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Here is some error in the copies, or mistake in Josephus; for the power
of appointing high priests, alter Herod king of Chalcis was dead, and Agrippa,
junior, was made king of Chalcis in his room, belonged to him; and he exercised
the same all along till Jerusalem was destroyed, as Josephus elsewhere
informs us, ch. 8. sect. , 11; ch. 9. sect. 1, 4, 6, 7.</note>
Accordingly, Herod removed the last high priest, called Cimtheras, and
bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Cantos.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW HELENA THE QUEEN OF ADIABENE AND HER SON IZATES, EMBRACED
THE JEWISH RELIGION; AND HOW HELENA SUPPLIED THE POOR WITH CORN, WHEN THERE
WAS A GREAT FAMINE AT JERUSALEM.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="17" unit="section" /><p>ABOUT this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son
Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs,
and this on the occasion following: Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who
had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took
her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with
her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife's belly, and fell asleep,
and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife's
belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God's providence,
would be safely born, and have a happy end. This voice put him into disorder;
so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his
son was born, he called him Izates. He had indeed Monobazus, his elder
brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet
did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus here uses the word <foreign lang="greek">monogenh=</foreign>, an only begotten son, for no other
than one best beloved, as does both the Old and New Testament, I mean where
there were one or more sons besides, Genesis 22:2; Hebrew 11:17. See the
note on B. I. ch. 13. sect. 1.</note>
son Izates, which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren,
by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more
and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should
prefer Izates before them. Now although their father was very sensible
of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those
passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had
to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents,
to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread
he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred
his brethren bore him; and he committed his son's preservation to him.
Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection
for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he
also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="24" unit="section" /><p>But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little
time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died.
So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner,
and bestowed on him the country called Carra; it was a soil that bare amomum
in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein
it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown
to such as are desirous to see them. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It is here very remarkable, that the remains of Noah's ark were believed
to he still in being in the days of Josephus. See the note on B. I. ch.
3. sect. 5.</note>
Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father's death. But
the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees,
and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed
to their command; and when they were come, she made the following speech
to them: "I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous
Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so
to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives
a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages
of a great many." This she said, in order to try those that were invited,
and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first
of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they
said that they confirmed the king's determination, and would submit to
it; and they rejoiced that Izates's father had preferred him before the
rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes: but that
they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that
so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once
destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred
and envy to him. Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks
for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would
however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates's brethren till
he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it. So since these
men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they
exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that
for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom
she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the
mean time. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set
up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head,
and gave him his father's ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which
they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom
till his brother should come; who came suddenly upon hearing that his father
was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government
to him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="34" unit="section" /><p>Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish
merchant, whose name was Ananias, got among the women that belonged to
the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion.
He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him,
in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty
of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to
Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed
by a certain other Jew and went over to them. But when Izates had taken
the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other
kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it; and as he thought it an instance
of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous
thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries
that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for
hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus,
the king of Parthia, with the like intentions.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="38" unit="section" /><p>And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the
Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely;
and as he supposed that he could not he thoroughly a Jew unless he were
circumcised, he was ready to have it done. But when his mother understood
what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said
to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was
a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects,
when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them
strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by
a Jew. This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded
him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Ananias, he
confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to
leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him, and said
that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all,
he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion
of it, and having been the king's instructor in actions that were of ill
reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised,
even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship
of God was of a superior nature to circumcision. He added, that God would
forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted
out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time
complied with these persuasions of Ananias. But afterwards, as he had not
quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that
came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very
skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing;
for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading
the law of Moses, he said to him, "Thou dost not consider, O king!
that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious
to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not
only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee. How long
wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law
about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty
of by neglecting it, read it now." When the king had heard what he
said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and
sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for
his mother, and Ananias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the
thing; upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear,
and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered
and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while
his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous
in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because
they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. But it was God himself
who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both
Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured
their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby
that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to
him, and fix their faith upon him only. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Josephus is very full and express in these three chapters, 3., 4., and
5., in observing how carefully Divine Providence preserved this Izates,
king of Adiabene, and his sons, while he did what he thought was his bounden
duty, notwithstanding the strongest political motives to the contrary.</note>
But these events we shall relate hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="49" unit="section" /><p>But as to Helena, the king's mother, when she saw that the affairs
of Izates's kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and
admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God's
providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in
order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all
men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to
give her leave to go thither; upon which he gave his consent to what she
desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission,
and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem,
her son conducting her on her journey a great way. Now her coming was of
very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did
oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary
to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria
with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus,
to bring a cargo of dried figs. And as soon as they were come back, and
had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed
food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial
behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation.
And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This further account of the benefactions of Izates and Helena to the Jerusalem
Jews which Josephus here promises is, I think, no where performed by him
in his present works. But of this terrible famine itself in Judea, take
Dr. Hudson's note here: — "This ( says he ) is that famine foretold
by Agabus, Acts 11:28, which happened when Claudius was consul the fourth
time; and not that other which happened when Claudius was consul the second
time, and Cesina was his colleague, as Scaliger says upon Eusebius, p.
174." Now when Josephus had said a little afterward, ch. 5. sect.
2, that "Tiberius Alexander succeeded Cuspius Fadus as procurator,"
he immediately subjoins, that" under these procurators there happened
a great famine in Judea." Whence it is plain that this famine continued
for many years, on account of its duration under these two procurators.
Now Fadus was not sent into Judea till after the death of king Agrippa,
i.e. towards the latter end of the 4th year of Claudius; so that this famine
foretold by Agabus happened upon the 5th, 6th, and 7th years of Claudius,
as says Valesius on Euseb. II. 12. Of this famine also, and queen Helena's
supplies, and her monument, see Moses Churenensis, p. 144, 145, where it
is observed in the notes that Pausanias mentions that her monument also.</note>
he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However,
what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall
be further related hereafter.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW ARTABANUS, THE KING OF PARTHIA OUT OF FEAR OF THE SECRET
CONTRIVANCES OF HIS SUBJECTS AGAINST HIM, WENT TO IZATES, AND WAS BY HIM
REINSTATED IN HIS GOVERNMENT; AS ALSO HOW BARDANES HIS SON DENOUNCED WAR
AGAINST IZATES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="54" unit="section" /><p>BUT now Artabanus, king of the Parthians perceiving that the governors
of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not think it safe for
him to continue among them; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes of finding
some way for his preservation by his means, and, if possible, for his return
to his own dominions. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his
kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road, while he well
knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him,
and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then
said to him, "O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do
thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low
estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man,
I stand in need of thy assistance. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty
of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to he taken of thyself
also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other
subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also."
And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected
countenance. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus's name, and saw him
stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately,
and said to him, "Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present
calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition
shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant
than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in
the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own."</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="60" unit="section" /><p>When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and followed
him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater than himself;
which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware by his present
fortune and honor that he would get down from his horse, unless Izates
would get upon his horse again, and go before him. So he complied with
his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his
royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together,
and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his
present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration
also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men. He also wrote
to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave
them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past
and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them.
Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded
that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed
the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name
was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on
this account. When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus
himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and
gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and
take his own dominions again. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned
home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king,
and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="66" unit="section" /><p>And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means
of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom.
Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded
him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them; for he
gave him leave to wear his tiara upright, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This privilege of wearing the tiara upright, or with the tip of the cone
erect, is known to have been of old peculiar to great kings, from Xenophon
and others, as Dr. Hudson observes here.</note>
and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor
peculiar to the kings of Parthia. He also cut off a large and fruitful
country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of
the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that
city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors
that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="69" unit="section" /><p>But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son
Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him
to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing
to make with the Romans; but he could not prevail with him. For Izates
so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took
Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done; and having besides
sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately
the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had
sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the
more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually
of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby
to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition.
But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced
war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war,
because God cut off all his hopes therein; for the Parthians perceiving
Bardanes's intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans,
slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. He also, in no
long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother,
succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers
by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia
to the younger, Tiridates.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW IZATES WAS BETRAYED BY HIS OWN SUBJECTS, AND FOUGHT AGAINST
BY THE ARABIANS AND HOW IZATES, BY THE PROVIDENCE OF GOD, WAS DELIVERED
OUT OF THEIR HANDS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="75" unit="section" /><p>NOW when the king's brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw
how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men,
they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace
the customs of the Jews; but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates's
subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain
their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper
opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. Accordingly, they wrote
to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if
he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised
him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they
were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious
worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each
other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. The king of
Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field,
and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and
before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic
terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning
their backs upon their enemies, ran away. Yet was not Izates dismayed at
this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also
retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as
he knew who they were that made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia,
he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the
next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies, and forced all the
rest to betake themselves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove
him into a fortress called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously,
he took that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that
was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he
take Abia alive, because, when he found himself encompassed on every side,
he slew himself.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="81" unit="section" /><p>But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt,
as being delivered up by God into their king's hands, yet would they not
even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of
Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some
other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that
they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers,
and embracing foreign customs. When the king of Parthia heard this, he
boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war,
he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had
been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to
make war upon him. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble
of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign
those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; yet
because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those
honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God,
his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; and as he esteemed
him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives
to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set
the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order,
as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. And when the king
of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he
did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had
cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media, - Izates also
pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. But
there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told
him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates
to Bactria, and enumerated that king's subjects; he also threatened him
that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said
that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king's
hands. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied
that he knew the king of Parthia's power was much greater than his own;
but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And
when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication
to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head,
in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and
children. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This conduct of Izates is a sign that he was become either a Jew, or an
Ebionite Christian, who indeed differed not much from proper Jews. See
ch. 6. sect. 1. However, his supplications were heard, and he was providentially
delivered from that imminent danger he was in.</note>
Then he called upon God, and said, "O Lord and Governor, if I have
not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined
that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my
assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account,
but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to thy power, while
they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against
thee." Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes;
whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases
received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of
Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home,
had made an expedition, and laid Parthis waste; so that he [was forced
to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped
the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="92" unit="section" /><p>It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five
years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left
behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. However, he gave
order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby
requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father's
death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. But when Helena,
his mother, heard of her son's death, she was in great heaviness, as was
but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort
to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly,
she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did
not long outlive her son Izates. But Monobazus sent her bones, as well
as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they
should be buried at the pyramids <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">These pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena, queen of Adiabene, near Jerusalem,
three in number, are mentioned by Eusebius, in his Eccles. Hist. B. II.
ch. 12, for which Dr. Hudson refers us to Valesius's notes upon that place.--They
are also mentioned by Pausanias, as hath been already noted, ch. 2. sect.
6. Reland guesses that that now called Absalom's Pillar may be one of them.</note>
which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant
no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem. But for the actions
of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life. we will
relate them hereafter.-</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING THEUDAS AND THE SONS OF JUDAS THE GALILEAN; AS
ALSO WHAT CALAMITY FELL UPON THE JEWS ON THE DAY OF THE PASSOVER.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="97" unit="section" /><p>NOW it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a
certain magician, whose name was Theudas, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procurator, about A.D. <date value="45" authname="45">45</date> or 46,
could not be that Thendas who arose in the days of the taxing, under Cyrenius,
or about A.D. <date value="7" authname="7">7</date>, Acts v. 36, 37. Who that earlier Theudas was, see the
note on B. XVII. ch. 10. sect. 5.</note>
persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and
follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and
that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an
easy passage over it; and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus
did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent
a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly,
slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas
alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what
befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus's government.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="100" unit="section" /><p>Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son
of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal
person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he
was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he
did not continue in the religion of his country. Under these procurators
that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn
in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want,
as I have related already. And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee
were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when
Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have
showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon,
whom Alexander commanded to be crucified. But now Herod, king of Chalcis,
removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made
Ananias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus
came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; as also that Herod, brother of
Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign
of Claudius Caesar. He left behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he
had by his first wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had
by Bernice his brother's daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions
on Agrippa, junior.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="105" unit="section" /><p>Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of Cureanus,
there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the
Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain the occasion whence it
was derived. When that feast which is called the passover was at hand,
at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude
was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid
lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered
that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the
temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if perchance any
such should begin; and this was no more than what the former procurators
of Judea did at such festivals. But on the fourth day of the feast, a certain
soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude,
which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out
that this impious action was not done to approach them, but God himself;
nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was
set on by him, which, when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little
provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave
off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival.
But when he could not induce them to be quiet for they still went on in
their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take
their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have
said already, which overlooked the temple; but when the multitude saw the
soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but
as the passages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies
followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great
number were pressed to death in those narrow passages; nor indeed was the
number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So instead
of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and they all of them
forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation
and weeping; so great an affliction did the impudent obsceneness of a single
soldier bring upon them. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This and. many more tumults and seditions which arose at the Jewish festivals,
in Josephus, illustrate the cautious procedure of the Jewish governors,
when they said, Matthew 26:5, "Let us not take Jesus on the feast-day,
lest there be an up roar among the people;" as Reland well observes
on tins place. Josephus also takes notice of the same thing, Of the War,
B. I. ch. 4. sect. 3.</note></p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="113" unit="section" /><p>Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befell
them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they
were traveling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the
city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and
plundered him of all that he had with him; which things when Cureanus heard
of, he sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighboring
villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to
him. Now as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the
laws of Moses that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before
the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces; and this was done with
reproachful language, and much scurrility; which things when the Jews heard
of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Cesarea,
where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves,
but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not
bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted
after this manner. Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude
should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took
care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be
beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition which was ready to be
kindled a second time.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">HOW THERE HAPPENED A QUARREL BETWEEN THE JEWS AND THE SAMARITANS;
AND HOW CLAUDIUS PUT AN END TO THEIR DIFFERENCES.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="118" unit="section" /><p>NOW there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on
the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came
to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country
of the Samaritans; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This constant passage of the Galileans through the country of Samaria,
as they went to Judea and Jerusalem, illustrates several passages in the
Gospels to the same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly observes. See Luke 17:11;
John 4:4. See also Josephus in his own Life, sect. 52, where that journey
is determined to three days.</note>
and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called
Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain,
where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and
killed a great many of them. But when the principal of the Galileans were
informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to
avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the
Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; upon which the Galileans
were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake
themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was
in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries,
it was perfectly intolerable, And when their principal men endeavored to
pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those
that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons,
and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who
had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they
plundered many villages of the Samaritans. When Cumanus heard of this action
of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen,
and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught
them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive; whereupon
those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in
regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of,
as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth,
and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the
seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the
utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and
the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Our Savior had foretold that the Jews' rejection of his gospel would bring
upon them, among other miseries, these three, which they themselves here
show they expected would be the consequences of their present tumults and
seditions: the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of
their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children
See Luke 21:6-24.</note>
which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter
their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet,
and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon
them. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again
to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun
with robberies.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="125" unit="section" /><p>But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the
president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews
of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; and said withal,
that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they
were at the contempt thereby showed the Romans; while if they had received
any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done,
and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans
for their governors; on which account they came to him, in order to obtain
that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans
brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were
the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place,
Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of
those that were slain in silence; - which allegations when Quadratus heard,
he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence
when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge
of the truth of that matter. So these men went away without success. Yet
was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the
cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance.
But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations,
he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. From
whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than
a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time
before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one
of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators
with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the
Romans; whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away
Ananias the high priest, and Ananus the commander [of the temple], in bonds
to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar. He
also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews,
as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to
the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences
one with another. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his
fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but
he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual
festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt
any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and
returned to Antioch.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="134" unit="section" /><p>Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to
Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have
pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. But now
Caesar's freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus
and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa,
junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set,
and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor's wife, to persuade
her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and
to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt
from the Roman government: - whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand,
that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been
the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who
came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He
also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem,
and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and
then should be slain.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">FELIX IS MADE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; AS ALSO CONCERNING AGRIPPA,
JUNIOR AND HIS SISTERS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="137" unit="section" /><p>SO Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the
affairs of Judea; and when he had already completed the twelfth year of
his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea,
and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy
of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof
four years. And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of
Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa,
upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus,
had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly
to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise.
He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to
whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which
marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="141" unit="section" /><p>But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time
afterward dissolved upon the following occasion: While Felix was procurator
of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did
indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose
name was Simon <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, born in Cyprus, though he pretended
to be a magician, and seems to have been wicked enough, could hardly be
that famous Simon the magician, in the Acts of the Apostles, 8:9, etc.,
as some are ready to suppose. This Simon mentioned in the Acts was not
properly a Jew, but a Samaritan, of the town of Gittae, in the country
of Samaria, as the Apostolical Constitutions, VI. 7, the Recognitions of
Clement, II. 6, and Justin Martyr, himself born in the country of Samaria,
Apology, I. 34, inform us. He was also the author, not of any ancient Jewish,
but of the first Gentile heresies, as the forementioned authors assure
us. So I suppose him a different person from the other. I mean this only
upon the hypothesis that Josephus was not misinformed as to his being a
Cypriot Jew; for otherwise the time, the name, the profession, and the
wickedness of them both would strongly incline one to believe them the
very same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, junior, as Josephus
informs us here, and a Jewess, as St. Luke informs us, Acts 24:24, whom
this Simon mentioned by Josephus persuaded to leave her former husband,
Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of justice, and to marry Felix, the
heathen procurator of Judea, Tacitus, Hist. V. 9, supposes her to be a
heathen; and the grand-daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra, contrary both
to St. Luke and Josephus. Now Tacitus lived somewhat too remote, both as
to time and place, to be compared with either of those Jewish writers,
in a matter concerning the Jews in Judea in their own days, and concerning
a sister of Agrippa, junior, with which Agrippa Josephus was himself so
well acquainted. It is probable that Tacitus may say true, when he informs
us that this Felix (who had in all three wives, or queens, as Suetonius
in Claudius, sect. 28, assures us) did once marry such a grandchild of
Antonius and Cleopatra; and finding the name of one of them to have been
Drusilla, he mistook her for that other wife, whose name he did not know.</note>
one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended
to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present
husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him,
he would make her a happy woman. Accordingly she acted ill, and because
she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice's envy, for she was very ill
treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress
the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a
son by her, he named him Agrippa. But after what manner that young man,
with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius,
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This eruption of Vesuvius was one of the greatest we have in history. See
Bianchini's curious and important observations on this Vesuvius, and its
seven several great eruptions, with their remains vitrified, and still
existing, in so many different strata under ground, till the diggers came
to the antediluvian waters, with their proportionable interstices, implying
the deluge to have been above two thousand five hundred years before the
Christian era, according to our exactest chronology.</note>
in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This is now wanting.</note></p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="145" unit="section" /><p>But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death
of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but
when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother,
[Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be
circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should
prove those calumnies upon her to be false; and Poleme was prevailed upon,
and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure
long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions.
So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion; and, at
the same time, Mariamne put away Archclaus, and was married to Demetrius,
the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his
wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom
she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter
treat more exactly. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This also is now wanting.</note></p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">AFTER WHAT MANNER UPON THE DEATH OF CLAUDIUS, NERO SUCCEEDED
IN THE GOVERNMENT; AS ALSO WHAT BARBAROUS THINGS HE DID. CONCERNING THE
ROBBERS, MURDERERS AND IMPOSTORS, THAT AROSE WHILE FELIX AND FESTUS WERE
PROCURATORS OF JUDEA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="148" unit="section" /><p>NOW Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years, eight
months, and twenty days; <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This duration of the reign of Claudius agrees with Dio, as Dr. Hudson here
remarks; as he also remarks that Nero's name, which was at first L. Domitius
Aenobarbus, after Claudius had adopted him was Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus
Germanicus. This Soleus as [own Life, sect. 11, as also] by Dio Cassius
andTaeims, as Dr. Hudson informs us.</note>
and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her
father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius
Aenobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of
Rome; after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius
took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domtitus, of the same
name with his father. He had before this slain his wife Messalina, out
of jealousy, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia; their
eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also
married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him afterward,
upon his adopting him for his son.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="151" unit="section" /><p>But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come
to man's estate, he should succeed his father in the government, and desired
to seize upon the principality beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon
which the report went that she thence compassed the death of Claudius.
Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and
with him the tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest
authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him emperor.
And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be
so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly
put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital,
not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances
that he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and
many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they plotted
against him.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="154" unit="section" /><p>But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for there have
been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of which
have departed from the truth of facts out of favor, as having received
benefits from him; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will
which they bare him, have so impudently raved against him with their lies,
that they justly deserve to be condemned. Nor do I wonder at such as have
told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the
truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even
when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers
lived a long time after them. But as to those that have no regard to truth,
they may write as they please; for in that they take delight: but as to
ourselves, who have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon
what only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what hath
happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains
in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered, and of the
crimes we have been guilty of. I will now therefore return to the relation
of our own affairs.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="158" unit="section" /><p>For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus,
king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus,
the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government
of the Lesser Armenia. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of
Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This agrees with Josephus's frequent accounts elsewhere in his own Life,
that Tibetans, and Taricheae, and Gamala were under this Agrippa, junior,
till Justus, the son of Pistus, seized for the Jews, upon the breaking
out of the war.</note>
and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias,
a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="160" unit="section" /><p>Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually,
for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded
the multitude. Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors
every day, together with the robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of
Dineas, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by
treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and
thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him, and
sent him to Rome. Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest,
because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs
better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him
by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as
procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid
of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to him; for such continual
admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly. Wherefore
Felix persuaded one of Jonathan's most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem,
whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill
him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for
so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that
the robbers might murder him after the following manner: Certain of those
robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while
they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves
among the multitude they slew Jonathan <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This treacherous and barbarous murder of the good high priest Jonathan,
by the contrivance of this wicked procurator, Felix, was the immediate
occasion of the ensuing murders by the Sicarii or ruffians, and one great
cause of the following horrid cruelties and miseries of the Jewish nation,
as Josephus here supposes; whose excellent reflection on the gross wickedness
of that nation, as the direct cause of their terrible destruction, is well
worthy the attention of every Jewish and of every Christian reader. And
since we are soon coming to the catalogue of the Jewish high priests, it
may not be amiss, with Reland, to insert this Jonathan among them, and
to transcribe his particular catalogue of the last twenty-eight high priests,
taken out of Josephus, and begin with Ananelus, who was made by Herod the
Great. See Antiq. B. XV. ch. 2. sect. 4, and the note there.</note>
and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest
security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed
in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude,
they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men
for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in
the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there,
without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty. And this seems
to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men's
wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed
it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans
upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us,
our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="167" unit="section" /><p>These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with
all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the
multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would
exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence
of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments
of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. Moreover,
there came out of Egypt <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of these Jewish impostors and false prophets, with many other circumstances
and miseries of the Jews, till their utter destruction, foretold by our
Savior, see Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 58-75. Of this Egyptian impostor,
and the number of his followers, in Josephus, see Acts 21:38.</note>
about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised
the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of
Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance
of five furlongs. He said further, that he would show them from hence how,
at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised
them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those
walls, when they were fallen down. Now when Felix was informed of these
things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against
them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked
the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred
of them, and took two hundred alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out
of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred
up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey
them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set
fire to their villages, and plundered them.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="173" unit="section" /><p>And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that
inhabited Cesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their
equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed
the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Cesarea,
and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was
alleged about Herod; but they said that Cesarea was formerly called Strato's
Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. When the presidents
of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them
on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a
stop to the disturbance for a time. But the Jewish citizens depending on
their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them
again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. However, the Syrians,
though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this
account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were
either of Cesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful
language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to
throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both
sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. But when Felix saw that
this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden,
and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed
his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took
more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses
of the citizens, which were full of riches. Now those Jews that were more
moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves,
and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and
spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what
they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so.</p>
<milestone n="8" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="179" unit="section" /><p>About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael,
who was the son of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between the high priests
and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got
them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations
about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together,
they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing
stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders
were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government
over it. And such was the impudence <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">The wickedness here was very peculiar and extraordinary, that the high
priests should so oppress their brethren the priests, as to starve the
poorest of them to death. See the like presently, ch. 9. sect. 2. Such
fatal crimes are covetousness and tyranny in the clergy, as well as in
the laity, in all ages.</note>
and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness
to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes
that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest
sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the
seditious prevail over all right and justice.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="182" unit="section" /><p>Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the
principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up to Rome to accuse
Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had
yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was
at that time had in the greatest honor by him. Two of the principal Syrians
in Cesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero's tutor, and secretary for his
Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality
of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed. So Burrhus,
by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should
be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following
miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Cesarea were informed
of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly
than before, till a war was kindled.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="185" unit="section" /><p>Upon Festus's coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted
by the robbers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered
by them. And then it was that the <emph>sicarii</emph>, as they were called,
who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use of small swords, not much
different in length from the Persian <emph>acinacae</emph>, but somewhat crooked,
and like the Roman <emph>sicae</emph>, [or sickles,] as they were called; and
from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these
weapons they slew a great many; for they mingled themselves among the multitude
at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to
the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that
they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging
to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, and set them
on fire. So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon
those that had been seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance
and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow
him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent
destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers
also.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="189" unit="section" /><p>About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room
in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico. Now this palace
had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus. and was situate upon
an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had
a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king;
and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done
in the temple; which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were
very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions
of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed
by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected
a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of
the temple towards the west, which wall when it was built, did not only
intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the
western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also,
where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals.
At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator,
were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again:
but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about
this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any
part of the temple should be demolished; and when Festus had given them
leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael
the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure. And when
Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">We have here one eminent example of Nero's mildness and goodness in his
government towards the Jews, during the first five years of his reign,
so famous in antiquity; we have perhaps another in Josephus's own Life,
sect. 3; and a third, though of a very different nature here, in sect.
9, just before. However, both the generous acts of kindness were obtained
of Nero by his queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and perhaps privately
a Jewish proselyte, and so were not owing entirely to Nero's own goodness.</note>
them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall
they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea,
Nero's wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors
of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home;
but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself. As soon as the
king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called
Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest.</p>
<milestone n="9" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING ALBINUS UNDER WHOSE PROCURATORSHIP JAMES WAS SLAIN;
AS ALSO WHAT EDIFICES WERE BUILT BY AGRIPPA.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="197" unit="section" /><p>AND now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into
Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood,
and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was
also himself called Ananus. Now the report goes that this eldest Ananus
proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed
the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity
a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high
priests. But this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took
the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he
was also of the sect of the Sadducees, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">It hence evidently appears that Sadducees might be high priests in the
days of Josephus, and that these Sadducees were usually very severe and
inexorable judges, while the Pharisees were much milder, and more merciful,
as appears by Reland's instances in his note on this place, and on Josephus's
Life, sect. 31, and those taken from the New Testament, from Josephus himself,
and from the Rabbins; nor do we meet with any Sadducees later than this
high priest in all Josephus.</note>
who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews,
as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition,
he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority].
Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled
the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus,
who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some
of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as
breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who
seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy
at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent
to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act
so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified;
nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey
from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to
assemble a sanhedrim without his consent. <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its causes, as also that he
did not die till long afterwards, see Prim. Christ. Revived, vol. III.
ch. 43-46. The sanhedrim condemned our Savior, but could not put him to
death without the approbation of the Roman procurator; nor could therefore
Ananias and his sanhedrim do more here, since they never had Albinus's
approbation for the putting this James to death.</note>
Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus,
and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done;
on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled
but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="204" unit="section" /><p>Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used
all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in peace, and
this by destroying many of the <emph>Sicarii</emph>. But as for the high priest,
Ananias <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This Ananias was not the son of Nebedeus, as I take it, but he who was
called Annas or Ananus the elder, the ninth in the catalogue, and who had
been esteemed high priest for a long time; and, besides Caiaphas, his son-in-law,
had five of his own sons high priests after him, which were those of numbers
11, 14, 15, 17, 24, in the foregoing catalogue. Nor ought we to pass slightly
over what Josephus here says of Annas, or Ananias, that he was high priest
a long time before his children were so; he was the son of Seth, and is
set down first for high priest in the foregoing catalogue, under number
9. He was made by Quirinus, and continued till Ismael, the 10th in number,
for about twenty-three years, which long duration of his high priesthood,
joined to the successions of his son-in-law, and five children of his own,
made him a sort of perpetual high priest, and was perhaps the occasion
that former high priests kept their titles ever afterwards; for I believe
it is hardly met with be fore him.</note>
he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained
the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great
hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus,
and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents; he also had servants
who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the
people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that
belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such
as would not give these tithes to them. So the other high priests acted
in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able
to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont
to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.</p>
<milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="208" unit="section" /><p>But now the <emph>Sicarii</emph> went into the city by night, just before
the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the
governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Ananus
[Ananias] the high priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them;
after which they sent to Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe
to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners
which he had caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly forced to persuade
Albinus, and gained his request of him. This was the beginning of greater
calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Ananias's
servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go,
till they thereby recovered some of their own <emph>Sicarii</emph>. And as they
were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction
to the whole country.</p>
<milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="211" unit="section" /><p>About this time it was that king Agrippa built Cesarea Philippi larger
than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronlas. And when
he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them
shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand
[drachmae]; he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed
oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation,
and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred
all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him
more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things
away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city. And now Jesus, the
son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in
the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which
account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another;
for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently
came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Ananias
was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those
that were most ready to receive. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves
get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were
of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of
their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people,
and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves.
And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly
disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us.</p>
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="215" unit="section" /><p>But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed
him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to
the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed
to him to be most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to
death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some
trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which
means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with
robbers.</p>
<milestone n="6" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="216" unit="section" /><p>Now as many of the Levites, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">This insolent petition of some of the Levites, to wear the sacerdotal garments
when they sung hymns to God in the temple, was very probably owing to the
great depression and contempt the haughty high priests had now brought
their brethren the priests into; of which see ch. 8. sect. 8, and ch. 9,
sect. 2.</note>
which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king
to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments,
as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the
times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty,
as being his doing. Nor did they fail of obtaining their desire; for the
king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted
the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay aside their former
garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired; and as a part of this
tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns
as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of
our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never
been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions.</p>
<milestone n="7" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="219" unit="section" /><p>And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw
that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and
that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their
bread by their labors about the temple; and while they were unwilling to
keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their
being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making
provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon
them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received
his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters.
These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep
valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and
were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which
stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work
of king Solomon, <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">Of these cloisters of Solomon, see the description of the temple, ch. 13.
They seem, by Josephus's words, to have been built from the bottom of the
valley.</note>
who first of all built the entire temple. But king Agrippa, who had the
care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that
it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and
that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would
require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners
their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they
desired the city might be paved with white stone. He also deprived Jesus,
the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the
son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews' war with the Romans took its beginning.</p>
<milestone n="10" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">AN ENUMERATION OF THE HIGH PRIESTS.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="224" unit="section" /><p>AND now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to give an
account of our high priests; how they began, who those are which are capable
of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the
war. In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the
brother of Moses, officiated to God as a high priest, and that, after his
death, his sons succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been
continued down from them all to their posterity. Whence it is a custom
of our country, that no one should take the high priesthood of God but
he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock,
though he were a king, can never obtain that high priesthood. Accordingly,
the number of all the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already,
as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest during
the war by the seditious, was eighty-three; of whom thirteen officiated
as high priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle
was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected
the temple to God; for at the first they held the high priesthood till
the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they
were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the
sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another;
for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy,
and in the third place the government was regal Now the number of years
during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed
out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple
which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve. <milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="231" unit="section" />After
those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem,
one m succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar,
king of Babylon, made an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple,
and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high priest,
captive; the times of these high priests were four hundred and sixty-six
years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the regal
government. But after the term of seventy years' captivity under the Babylonians,
Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again,
and gave them leave to rebuild their temple; at which time Jesus, the son
of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when they were returned
home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, until king Antiochus
Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen
years; <milestone n="3" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="235" unit="section" />and then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of
his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high priesthood,
and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son [of Onias the third], put
Jaeimus into the place of the high priest, one that was indeed of the stock
of Aaron, but not of that family of Onias. On which account Onias, who
was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his
father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor,
and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest
of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and
this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; but as for that temple which was
built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus
had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one
that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest.
But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government
of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians
in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them
seven years. And when he had been slain by the treacherous contrivance
of Trypho, as we have related some where, Simon his brother took the high
priesthood; and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his
son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him, after
he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his brother. This
Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving
the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus, whose brother
Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he
had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas
was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year. <milestone n="4" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="242" unit="section" />And when Alexander
had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this
life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should he high
priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom
herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration [and
no longer] did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood; for after her
death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived
him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the
office of high priest to God. But when he had reigned three years, and
as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem
by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome.
He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor
of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus ruled, besides
his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus,
the generals of the Parthians, passed over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus,
and took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king; and
when he had reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged
him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and slain there.
<milestone n="5" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="247" unit="section" />Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high
priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that
were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting
that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus; for when he had made this Aristobulus,
the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and
had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will
of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather].
Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations
to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him
suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that
matter; but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity
of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod's son, did like his father
in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took
the government over the Jews into their hands afterward. Accordingly, the
number of the high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when Titus
took the temple and the City, and burnt them, were in all twenty-eight;
the time also that belonged to them was a hundred and seven years. Some
of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of
Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their
death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were
intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to
be said concerning our high priests.</p>
<milestone n="11" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<note anchored="yes" type="sum" resp="ed" place="unspecified">CONCERNING FLORUS THE PROCURATOR, WHO NECESSITATED THE JEWS
TO TAKE UP ARMS AGAINST THE ROMANS. THE CONCLUSION.</note>
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="252" unit="section" /><p>NOW Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by Nero,
filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of the city of
Clazomene, and brought along with him his wife Cleopatra, (by whose friendship
with Poppea, Nero's wife, he obtained this government,) who was no way
different from him in wickedness. This Florus was so wicked, and so violent
in the use of his authority, that the Jews took Albinus to have been [comparatively]
their benefactor; so excessive were the mischiefs that he brought upon
them. For Albinus concealed his wickedness, and was careful that it might
not be discovered to all men; but Gessius Florus, as though he bad been
sent on purpose to show his crimes to every body, made a pompous ostentation
of them to our nation, as never omitting any sort of violence, nor any
unjust sort of punishment; for he was not to be moved by pity, and never
was satisfied with any degree of gain that came in his way; nor had he
any more regard to great than to small acquisitions, but became a partner
with the robbers themselves. For a great many fell then into that practice
without fear, as having him for their security, and depending on him, that
he would save them harmless in their particular robberies; so that there
were no bounds set to the nation's miseries; but the unhappy Jews, when
they were not able to bear the devastations which the robbers made among
them, were all under a necessity of leaving their own habitations, and
of flying away, as hoping to dwell more easily any where else in the world
among foreigners [than in their own country]. And what need I say any more
upon this head? since it was this Florus who necessitated us to take up
arms against the Romans, while we thought it better to be destroyed at
once, than by little and little. Now this war began in the second year
of the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.
But then what actions we were forced to do, or what miseries we were enabled
to suffer, may be accurately known by such as will peruse those books which
I have written about the Jewish war.</p>
<milestone n="12" unit="Whiston chapter" />
<milestone n="1" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="259" unit="section" /><p>I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my Antiquities; after
the conclusion of which events, I began to write that account of the war;
and these Antiquities contain what hath been delivered down to us from
the original creation of man, until the twelfth year of the reign of Nero,
as to what hath befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria and in
Palestine, and what we have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians,
and what afflictions the Persians and Macedonians, and after them the Romans,
have brought upon us; for I think I may say that I have composed this history
with sufficient accuracy in all things. I have attempted to enumerate those
high priests that we have had during the interval of two thousand years;
I have also carried down the succession of our kings, and related their
actions, and political administration, without [considerable] errors, as
also the power of our monarchs; and all according to what is written in
our sacred books; for this it was that I promised to do in the beginning
of this history. And I am so bold as to say, now I have so completely perfected
the work I proposed to myself to do, that no other person, whether he were
a Jew or foreigner, had he ever so great an inclination to it, could so
accurately deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is done in these books.
For those of my own nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed them in
the learning belonging to Jews; I have also taken a great deal of pains
to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and understand the elements of the
Greek language, although I have so long accustomed myself to speak our
own tongue, that I cannot pronounce Greek with sufficient exactness; for
our nation does not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations,
and so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods; because
they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not only to all sorts
of free-men, but to as many of the servants as please to learn them. But
they give him the testimony of being a wise man who is fully acquainted
with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning; on which account,
as there have been many who have done their endeavors with great patience
to obtain this learning, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three
that have succeeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded for their
pains.</p>
<milestone n="2" unit="Whiston section" /><milestone n="266" unit="section" /><p>And now it will not be perhaps an invidious thing, if I treat briefly
of my own family, and of the actions of my own life <note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">See the Life at the beginning of the volume.</note>
while there are still living such as can either prove what I say to be
false, or can attest that it is true; with which accounts I shall put an
end to these Antiquities, which are contained in twenty books, and sixty
thousand verses. And if God permit me, I will briefly run over this war
<note anchored="yes" resp="ed" place="unspecified">What Josephus here declares his intention to do, if God permitted, to give
the public again an abridgement of the Jewish War hear of it elsewhere,
whether he performed what he now intended or not. Some of the reasons of
this design of his might possibly be, his observation of the many errors
he had been guilty of in the two first of those seven books of the War,
which were written when he was comparatively young, and less acquainted
with the Jewish antiquities than he now was, and in which abridgement we
might have hoped to find those many passages which himself, as well as
those several passages which others refer to, as written by him, but which
are not extant in his present works. However, since many of his own references
to what he had written elsewhere, as well as most of his own errors, belong
to such early times as could not well come into this abridgement of the
Jewish War; and since none of those that quote things not now extant in
his works, including himself as well as others, ever cite any such abridgement;
I am forced rather to suppose that he never did publish any such work at
all; I mean, as distinct from his own Life, written by himself, for an
appendix to these Antiquities, and this at least seven years after these
Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed does it appear to me that Josephus
ever published that other work here mentioned, as intended by him for the
public also: I mean the three or four books concerning God and his essence,
and concerning the Jewish laws; why, according to them, some things were
permitted the Jews, and others prohibited; which last seems to be the same
work which Josephus had also promised, if God permitted, at the conclusion
of his preface to these Antiquities; nor do I suppose that he ever published
any of them. The death of all his friends at court, Vespasian, Titus, and
Domitian, and the coming of those he had no acquaintance with to the crown,
I mean Nerva and Trajan, together with his removal from Rome to Judea,
with what followed it, might easily interrupt such his intentions, and
prevent his publication of those works.</note>,
and to add what befell them further to that very day, the 13th of Domitian,
or A.D. 03, is not, that I have observed, taken distinct notice of by any
one; nor do we ever again, with what befell us therein to this very day,
which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domitian, and the fifty-sixth
year of my own life. I have also an intention to write three books concerning
our Jewish opinions about God and his essence, and about our laws; why,
according to them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are prohibited.</p></div1>
</body></text></TEI.2>
